research paper on police brutality

Thank you for visiting nature.com. You are using a browser version with limited support for CSS. To obtain the best experience, we recommend you use a more up to date browser (or turn off compatibility mode in Internet Explorer). In the meantime, to ensure continued support, we are displaying the site without styles and JavaScript.

• View all journals
• Explore content
• About the journal
• Publish with us
• Sign up for alerts
• NEWS FEATURE
• 19 June 2020
• Update 26 May 2021

What the data say about police brutality and racial bias — and which reforms might work

• Lynne Peeples 0

Lynne Peeples is a science journalist in Seattle, Washington.

You can also search for this author in PubMed   Google Scholar

For 9 minutes and 29 seconds, Derek Chauvin pressed his knee into the neck of George Floyd, an unarmed Black man. This deadly use of force by the now-former Minneapolis police officer has reinvigorated a very public debate about police brutality and racism.

Access options

Access Nature and 54 other Nature Portfolio journals

Get Nature+, our best-value online-access subscription

24,99 € / 30 days

cancel any time

Subscribe to this journal

Receive 51 print issues and online access

185,98 € per year

only 3,65 € per issue

Rent or buy this article

Prices vary by article type

Prices may be subject to local taxes which are calculated during checkout

Nature 583 , 22-24 (2020)

doi: https://doi.org/10.1038/d41586-020-01846-z

Updates & Corrections

Update 26 May 2021 : On 20 April 2021, Derek Chauvin was convicted of causing the death of George Floyd. The text has been modified to include updated information on how long Chauvin knelt on Floyd’s neck.

Edwards, F., Hedwig, L. & Esposito, M. Proc. Natl Acad. Sci. USA 116 , 16793-16798 (2019).

Article   PubMed   Google Scholar  

Nix, J., Campbell, B. A., Byers, E. H. & Alpert, G. P. Criminol. Public Policy 16 , 309–340 (2017).

Article   Google Scholar  

Knox, D., Lowe, W. & Mummolo, J. Am. Polit. Sci. Rev . https://doi.org/10.1017/S0003055420000039 (2020).

Hoekstra, M. & Sloan, C. W. National Bureau of Economic Research Working Paper 26774 (2020).

Goff, P. A. & Rau, H. Ann. Am. Acad. Polit. Soc. Sci. 687 , 67–88 (2020).

Ridgeway, G. Stat. Public Policy 3 , 1–6 (2016).

Zhao, L. & Papachristos, A. V. Ann. Am. Acad. Polit. Soc. Sci. 687 , 89–112 (2020).

Dharmapala, D., McAdams, R. H. & Rappaport, J. University of Chicago Coase-Sandor Institute for Law & Economics Research Paper No. 831 (2018).

Grunwald, B. & Rappaport, J. Yale Law J. 129 , 6 (2020).

Google Scholar  

Baude, W. 106 California Law Review 45; University of Chicago, Public Law Working Paper No. 610 (2018).

Stephens, D. W. Officer Involved Shootings: Incident Executive Summary (National Police Foundation, 2019).

Jennings, J. T. & Rubado, M. E. Public Adm. Rev. 77 , 217–226 (2017).

Ariel, B., Farrar, W. A. & Sutherland, A. J. Quant. Criminol. 31 , 509–535 (2015).

Braga, A., Coldren, J. R., Sousa, W., Rodriguez, D. & Alper, O. The Benefits of Body-Worn Cameras: New Findings from a Randomized Controlled Trial at the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department (National Criminal Justice Reference Service, 2017).

Wood, G., Tyler T. R., Papachristos, A. V. Proc. Natl Acad. Sci. USA 117 , 9815–9821 (2020).

O’Brien, T. C., Meares, T. L. & Tyler, T. R. Ann. Am. Acad. Polit. Soc. Sci. 687 , 202–215 (2020).

Sherman, L. W. Annu. Rev. Criminol. 1 , 421–449 (2018).

Del Toro, J. et al. Proc. Natl Acad. Sci. USA 116 , 8261–8268 (2019).

Download references

Reprints and permissions

Related Articles

Will AI accelerate or delay the race to net-zero emissions?

Comment 22 APR 24

We must protect the global plastics treaty from corporate interference

World View 17 APR 24

UN plastics treaty: don’t let lobbyists drown out researchers

Editorial 17 APR 24

Do climate lawsuits lead to action? Researchers assess their impact

News Explainer 16 APR 24

Exclusive: official investigation reveals how superconductivity physicist faked blockbuster results

News 06 APR 24

Is IVF at risk in the US? Scientists fear for the fertility treatment’s future

News 02 APR 24

It’s time to talk about the hidden human cost of the green transition

Correspondence 16 APR 24

Shrouded in secrecy: how science is harmed by the bullying and harassment rumour mill

Career Feature 16 APR 24

Use fines from EU social-media act to fund research on adolescent mental health

Correspondence 09 APR 24

Postdoctoral Associate- Artificial Intelligence

Houston, Texas (US)

Baylor College of Medicine (BCM)

Postdoctoral Research Fellow

Looking for postdoctoral fellowship candidates to advance genomic research in the study of lung diseases at Brigham and Women's Hospital and HMS.

Boston, Massachusetts

Brigham and Women's Hospital (BWH)

Position Opening for Principal Investigator GIBH

We aim to foster cutting-edge scientific and technological advancements in the field of molecular tissue biology at the single-cell level.

Guangzhou, Guangdong, China

Guangzhou Institutes of Biomedicine and Health(GIBH), Chinese Academy of Sciences

PostDoc grant- 3D histopathology image analysis

Join a global pharmaceutical company as a Postdoctoral researcher and advance 3D histopathology image analysis! Apply with your proposals today.

Biberach an der Riß, Baden-Württemberg (DE)

Boehringer Ingelheim International GmbH

Postdoctoral Position

We are seeking highly motivated and skilled candidates for postdoctoral fellow positions

Boston, Massachusetts (US)

Boston Children's Hospital (BCH)

Sign up for the Nature Briefing newsletter — what matters in science, free to your inbox daily.

Quick links

• Explore articles by subject
• Guide to authors
• Editorial policies

• Search Menu
• Author Guidelines
• Why Publish
• Submission Site
• Reviewer guidelines
• Open Access
• About Policing
• Editorial Board
• Advertising and Corporate Services
• Journals Career Network
• Dispatch Dates
• Journals on Oxford Academic
• Books on Oxford Academic

Article Contents

Current state of police accountability in the usa, obstacles to police accountability, where do we go from here.

• < Previous

Police Accountability in the USA: Gaining Traction or Spinning Wheels?

• Article contents
• Figures & tables
• Supplementary Data

Carol A Archbold, Police Accountability in the USA: Gaining Traction or Spinning Wheels?, Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice , Volume 15, Issue 3, September 2021, Pages 1665–1683, https://doi.org/10.1093/police/paab033

• Permissions Icon Permissions

Police accountability has long been a topic of discussion and debate among police practitioners, politicians, and scholars. This topic re-emerges every time there is highly publicized police shooting or incident of police misconduct. This article provides an overview of the current state of police accountability in the USA. This overview includes several examples of the ways in which police accountability has been enhanced in recent years at the local, state, and federal levels. Next, several obstacles to the progression of police accountability in the USA are discussed including a lack of ‘buy-in’ by some police personnel; limited research on the efficacy of common police accountability tools; lack of financial resources; lack of support and guidance by the federal government in recent years; and police unions. Finally, the article concludes with suggestions for overcoming some of the impediments associated with police accountability in the USA.

The last 5 years have been marred with violent police–citizen encounters that have resulted in the deaths of many Americans. According to the Washington Post , there have been 5,929 fatal shootings of people by on-duty police officers since 2015, with approximately 1,000 of those shootings occurring in 2020 ( Washington Post, 2021 ). While half of the people shot and killed by the police are White, people of colour are killed by the police at a disproportionately high rate ( Washington Post, 2021 ). Non-lethal acts of police misconduct have also drawn public attention in recent years. In June 2020, USA Today published an article detailing the contents of a national database of approximately 200,000 cases of police misconduct based on records from police agencies, prosecutors’ offices, and other state agencies. While many of the cases involve minor infractions, a portion of the cases involves more serious acts including 22,924 cases of excessive force; 3,145 allegations of rape, child molestation, and other acts of sexual misconduct; and 2,307 cases of domestic violence ( Kelly and Nichols, 2020 ). Even though the previously described police–citizen encounters represent a small fraction of the millions of police–citizen contacts that occur annually in the USA, the actions of police officers during those encounters resulted in serious injuries, death, as well as an unquantifiable amount of diminished trust and legitimacy in the eyes of the public.

Many deadly shootings and acts of police misconduct have been recorded by officer body cameras or people using their personal cell phones. These recordings have been made available for public consumption through various social media platforms and media outlets. Increased media attention focused on these encounters has led to peaceful protests and social unrest in cities across the USA, along with a renewed call for accountability-based police reform.

Accountability occurs when police officers and police organizations are held responsible for effectively delivering services to their community, while treating people fairly, with dignity, and within the boundaries of formal law ( Walker and Archbold, 2020 ). This issue is important to citizens because they expect the police to act in a manner that reflects their purpose in society—that is, to promote public safety and uphold the rule of law. When officers fail to meet public expectations and take actions that fall outside of what formal law dictates, citizens must have some process available to them to report such behaviours. Accountability also has important implications for police personnel. Police officers need to feel confident that their colleagues will conduct their work in a lawful manner that does not jeopardize their safety or the safety of others; that does not result in people questioning their professional integrity or expose them or their police agency to costly litigation, and that allows them to maintain a trusting, cooperative relationship with the community they serve. Thus, it is in the best interest of both citizens and the police to make police accountability a priority in the USA.

During the last decade, there has been some effort to increase police accountability at the local, state, and federal levels in the USA. For example, many municipalities have implemented civilian review boards to increase police accountability. Review boards vary in composition, size, and function; however, a shared element across all civilian review boards is that citizens are actively involved in the oversight of the police. Over half (61%) of the 100 most populated cities in the USA have a civilian review board, with 22 boards created since 2014 ( Fairley, 2020 ). In December 2020, the National Association for Civilian Oversight of Law Enforcement Website (2020) listed 131 civilian review boards located in cities across the USA (this count does not include jurisdictions that utilize police auditors/monitors). The number of civilian oversight boards fluctuates over time as new boards are created and others are revamped, suspended, or abandoned.

Many municipal police agencies have also employed body cameras to increase officer accountability. The Bureau of Justice Statistics reports that 47% of police agencies utilized body camera technology in 2016 ( Hyland, 2018 ). Early intervention (EI) systems are another common accountability tool used by some police agencies. EI systems are data-driven programmes that track problematic performance by police officers so that supervisors can intervene before officers’ problematic behaviours result in citizen complaints, costly litigation, incidents resulting in serious physical harm or death to citizens or officers, or police officers losing their jobs ( Walker et al., 2000 ). Law Enforcement Management and Administrative Statistics (LEMAS) data indicate that 44% of all reporting police agencies utilized EI systems in 2007, with larger police agencies adopting EI systems at twice the rate as small police agencies ( Shjarback, 2015 ).

Many police executives across the USA have changed use of force policies, and now provide specialized training to reduce the likelihood that officers will use (or misuse) deadly force. A recent study using shooting data from the Dallas (TX) Police Department found that a policy which requires mandatory reporting of firearm ‘pointing’ was associated with a reduction in ‘threat perception failure’ shootings (when officers mistakenly shoot someone because they believed that the person had a weapon) ( Shjarback et al. , 2021 ). In addition to the use of force policy changes, some police agencies provide officers with de-escalation training to reduce the use of force during encounters with community members. In 2017, 16 states across the USA had mandated de-escalation training for police officers; however, many states have no minimum number of hours set for this type of training ( Gilbert, 2017 ). The statistics associated with each of the previously mentioned accountability strategies indicate that some municipal-level community leaders and police executives are taking steps to increase accountability within their organizations and communities.

Many state political leaders are also responding to the renewed call for police reform by passing legislation meant to increase police accountability. According to the Vera Institute of Justice, 34 states and the District of Columbia passed 79 bills, executive orders, and resolutions making changes to laws associated with police accountability in 2015 and 2016 ( Subramanian and Skrzypiec, 2017 ). This is a notable increase as there were approximately 20 changes made to laws associated with police accountability from 2012 to 2014.

Some recent examples of state-level police reform include the following: In July 2020, Connecticut passed a police reform law that makes it easier for citizens to file lawsuits against individual officers in state court ( Polansky, 2020 ). The catch is that officers will only be held financially liable if it can be proven that they knowingly broke the law. This law does not erase qualified immunity; instead, it creates a more thorough review process, which can result in the decertification of officers involved in misconduct. In December 2020, Massachusetts Governor Charlie Baker, signed legislation that included the creation of a new civilian-based panel that can revoke officers’ licenses for involvement in misconduct, and requires police officers to intervene if they witness fellow officers using unnecessary or excessive force ( Stout, 2020 ). In January 2021, the Illinois General Assembly passed legislation that requires every police officer in the state to eventually be equipped with a body camera ( Petrella, 2021 ).

New York Governor Andrew Cuomo initiated state-wide police reform when he issued an Executive Order in June 2020 requiring all 500 police departments across the state to create and submit accountability plans by spring 2021 ( Villeneuve, 2020 ). Each agency must create a formal accountability plan using guidelines provided by the Governor’s Office which includes changes related to community engagement; increasing transparency by making agency data and policies accessible to the public; civilian oversight of the police; utilization of accountability-based technology within police agencies (such as EI systems and body cameras); strategies to reduce racial disparities in police–citizen interactions; and changing the culture within New York police agencies, to name a few ( New York State Police Reform and Reinvention Collaborative: Resources and Guide for Public Officials and Citizens, 2020 ). Any police agency that does not submit an accountability plan to the state will no longer be eligible for future funding ( New York State Governor’s Website, 2020 ). This executive order increases the likelihood that police agencies will take the necessary steps to increase accountability because their funding is contingent upon it. Another benefit resulting from this executive order is that police reform will occur within hundreds of police agencies all at once, instead of just a few agencies choosing to make changes.

During the last decade, the most significant step taken to increase police accountability at the federal level took place in 2014, when President Barrack Obama created the President’s Task Force on 21stCentury Policing. The purpose of this Task Force was to examine police-related problems and recommend actions resulting in police reform. The Task Force made several recommendations aimed at repairing fractured police–community relationships. Specifically, they recommend that police officers utilize procedural justice strategies when interacting with residents in their communities. Procedural justice involves police officers treating citizens in a way that makes them believe that they have been treated fairly, with respect, and that they were given an opportunity to explain their actions during encounters with the police ( Tyler, 1988 ). This strategy is based on the idea that citizens will view the police as a legitimate group if they believe that the police treated them fairly.

De-escalation training and changes to department use of force policies are also specifically mentioned in the action steps of the Task Force Report. Even though there is no consensus on a definition of de-escalation within the context of the policing profession; in general, it has been described as training that teaches officers to slow down, create space between themselves and the citizen involved in the interaction, and to use communication strategies to defuse volatile situations that could otherwise result in some use of force ( Engel et al. , 2020 ). The Task Force report also advises police agencies to change department policies to mandate that officers use de-escalation techniques when they encounter potentially dangerous situations. Some police agencies now require officers to file formal reports describing how they utilized de-escalation techniques during volatile situations. After the death of George Floyd during the summer 2020, the Minneapolis (MN) Police Department changed its use of force reporting policy to require all police officers to document how they utilized de-escalation techniques during dangerous encounters, regardless if they ended up using force or not ( Forliti, 2020 ).

In addition to procedural justice and de-escalation, the Task Force recommends that police agencies operate in an open and transparent manner to increase trust and legitimacy with the public. An example of this includes the police providing public access to information, such as citizen complaints filed against officers, police–citizen contact data, arrest data, as well as public access to department policies (including use of lethal and non-lethal force policies). A simple way that transparency can be achieved is by police agencies posting this information on department websites (perhaps included in annual reports), where it is easily accessible to community members. Furthermore, the Task Force suggests that police agencies involve citizens in the development and alteration of department policies. This collaborative effort allows public voices to be heard and it also signals to the public that the police value their input.

Another central theme found within the Task Force report includes increasing police accountability. Task Force members believe that increased accountability contributes to police legitimacy by ensuring that officers will do their job based on police training, department policies, and taking actions based on formal law. Increased accountability also means that officers will be properly supervised while on duty, by police supervisors on the streets and in some cases, also by virtual supervision using technology, such as body cameras and EI systems to monitor officer performance.

Despite efforts to increase accountability at the local, state, and federal levels, we continue to see media accounts of police-involved shootings and acts of police misconduct. These incidents also continue to involve people of colour at a disproportionately high rate. It would be naïve to think that these incidents would completely stop after police agencies begin utilizing accountability strategies; however, it is reasonable to expect that we would see fewer of these incidents over time.

Currently, it is difficult to identify specific trends associated with acts of non-lethal police misconduct on a national level, because police agencies are not required to track and report these incidents in any systematic way. In addition, American police agencies only recently started reporting police-involved shootings to the Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBIs) in 2019. Unfortunately, only 41% of all federal, state, local, and tribal police agencies voluntarily submitted shooting data for 2019, and participation only increased to 42% in 2020 ( Federal Bureau of Investigations Website, 2021 ). To be able to accurately assess how and if police accountability strategies influence the prevalence of police-involved shootings and acts of police misconduct, all American police agencies would have to be required to report these incidents to the FBI annually. In addition to the lack of systematically collected data, there are several factors that may impede the progression of police accountability efforts in the USA.

The decentralized nature of American policing, which consists of over 18,000 independent local and state police agencies, makes police reform on a national level difficult and slows the progress of reform down to a snail’s pace. It is likely that we are not yet seeing any significant changes related to police accountability on a national level because some police executives have not taken any steps to make accountability a priority in their organizations. The police executives that have taken steps to increase accountability or are planning to take those steps in the future, face several barriers both before and after implementation that can hinder the success of these accountability strategies.

Lack of ‘buy-in’ by police personnel

A lack of ‘buy in’ by police personnel is a potential roadblock to increasing accountability within American police agencies. Some patrol-level officers and supervisors may not support the use of accountability strategies and technology. For example, research conducted on police officers’ perceptions of body cameras has generally found that officers have positive or neutral feelings towards the use of body cameras, and in some cases, officers’ perceptions of this technology became positive over time ( Maskaly et al., 2017 ; Lum et al., 2019 ). There are also studies that found some officers are resistant to the use of body cameras as they believe it will increase the likelihood of them being disciplined for minor policy violations, reduce their ability to use discretion, and create issues regarding officer safety and privacy ( Headley et al., 2017 ; White et al., 2018 ; Young and Ready, 2018 ). There is also some evidence that command staff and police supervisors do not fully support the use of body cameras ( Smykla et al., 2016 ; Snyder et al., 2019 ). To increase ‘buy-in’ for any police reform strategy, officers and supervisors should be given an opportunity to provide input prior to implementation, and police leaders should be prepared to answer questions that police personnel have regarding proposed changes within their organization ( Rosenbaum and McCarty, 2017 ).

The lack of ‘buy in’ by police personnel may also be influenced by the culture found within police organizations. Police culture involves officers’ attitudes associated with cynicism and mistrust of citizens and supervisors, authoritarianism, loyalty to fellow officers, resistance to change, aggressive enforcement of the law, and secrecy ( Paoline, 2003 ). Many of the Task Force recommendations, such as an increase in the oversight and accountability of officers, transparency of organizational data and operations, and increased collaboration with members of the public, diametrically conflict with many of the attitudes associated with police culture.

Limited research on the efficacy of police accountability strategies/tools

When making the decision to implement strategies to increase officer accountability, police executives should seek out practices and technology that have been deemed effective through scientific evaluation. Unfortunately, police executives will find limited research (and in some cases conflicting research) on the effectiveness of many of the accountability tools/strategies recommended by the Task Force.

For example, limited research has been conducted on the efficacy of EI systems. The few evaluations that have been conducted on this accountability tool produced mixed findings. A systematic review of research on EI systems identified only seven studies conducted in the USA during the last two decades ( Gullion and King, 2020 ). Walker et al. (2000) conducted one of the earliest evaluations of EI systems in police agencies in Minneapolis (MN), Miami-Dade (FL), and New Orleans (LA). All three police agencies reported reductions in use of force and citizen complaints filed against officers after the implementation of an EI system. An evaluation in the Pittsburgh (PA) Police Bureau found a reduction in use of force and search and seizures a year after the EI system was implemented as part of a consent decree agreement ( Davis et al., 2005 ). Similar findings emerged from an evaluation within the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department. Researchers discovered a reduction in use of force, citizen complaints, officer-involved shootings, and litigation related to use of force ( Bobb et al., 2009 ). Research in a northeastern police department found a reduction in citizen complaints, but also discovered that arrests (including proactive arrests) also decreased after an EI system was utilized, suggesting that police officers may have been avoiding contact with citizens ( Worden et al., 2013 )—this is sometimes referred to as de-policing or no contact, no complaints policing.

Two of the seven evaluations reviewed by Gullion and King (2020) discovered problems with the accuracy of EI systems. Specifically, an EI system in a southern police department did not flag police officers with the highest number of force incidents ( Lersch et al., 2006 ). This is problematic as the purpose of an EI system is to identify officers exhibiting poor work performance, and alert police supervisors so they can intervene before officers’ behaviours result in something more serious (such as serious injuries or death, or loss of employment for officers). Another study analysed LEMAS data from 2003 and 2007 to see if police agencies that utilize EI systems experienced a change in rates of citizen complaints of force ( Shjarback, 2015 ). This study also looked for any differences in the success of EI systems in police agencies that voluntarily use EI systems compared with agencies that were mandated to use this technology as part of a consent decree agreement. The findings revealed no statistical differences in the mean rates of citizen use of force complaints after EI systems were utilized by police agencies or differences in the mean rate of force complaints when comparing police agencies that voluntarily implemented EI systems with agencies that were mandated to do so.

A study published shortly after the review by Gullion and King (2020) also found problems with the effectiveness of an EI system. James et al . (2020 ) analysed a random sample of police–citizen incident reports for officers who were flagged by an EI system, along with reports for officers who were not flagged by the EI system to determine if there were differences in officer performance. In general, they discovered that officer performance was similar when comparing the two groups. This means that the EI system was not able to distinguish officers with problematic performance from those who were not flagged by the EI system. The only differences found between the two groups of officers were that officers flagged by the EI system performed slightly better during the ‘observe and assess’ phase of crisis situations, and were slightly more likely to use reasonable force against suspects when compared with officers who had not been flagged by the EI system (James et al. , 2020). Also, women were over-represented in the group of officers flagged by the EI system in this police agency.

When considering the mixed results produced from the limited number of EI system studies, police executives may be left wondering if EI systems will help them increase accountability within their organizations, and if implementing an EI system is worth the financial investment. Additional research is needed to better understand the complexities associated with this accountability tool.

The Task Force report also recommends that police executives provide de-escalation training for officers to reduce the use of physical force, keeping both citizens and officers safe. But, does this training influence officers’ attitudes and behaviours during dangerous encounters with citizens? Robin Engel et al. (2020) recently conducted a systematic literature review of published evaluations of de-escalation training. They identified 64 publications that fit the criteria for inclusion in their review. They discovered that there are no publications featuring an evaluation of the efficacy of de-escalation training in the criminal justice discipline. Most of the evaluations were conducted on de-escalation training in the professions of nursing and psychiatry, and only 3 of the 64 evaluations used adequate research designs that could draw out any meaningful conclusions regarding the impact of the training ( Engel et al. , 2020 ). The fact that there is no scientific research on the efficacy of de-escalation training within the context of policing leaves police executives in a situation where they must make decisions about utilizing this type of training without any real evidence that it will work.

Civilian oversight boards are also mentioned in the action steps of the Task Force report as a mechanism to increase police accountability. Community leaders will struggle to find research on the effectiveness of oversight boards, even though they have existed in the USA as far back as the 1920s ( De Angelis et al., 2016 ). Researchers have struggled with evaluations of civilian oversight boards because there are several types of boards with varying composition, structure, and operational differences ( Ferdik et al., 2013 ). There is also difficulty in deciding which outcome measures to use to determine effectiveness.

A few researchers have examined the impact of civilian review boards on police outcomes using sustained complaints against police officers as a measure of effectiveness. In 2006, Matthew Hickman analysed citizen complaints of police use of force drawn from the 2003 LEMAS dataset. He discovered that police agencies located in jurisdictions with civilian review boards had a higher rate of force complaints (11.9 per 100 officers) compared with police agencies in jurisdictions without civilian review boards (6.6 per 100 officers). He also found that the overall percentage of sustained complaints was lower in jurisdictions with civilian oversight (6%) compared with jurisdictions that did not have civilian oversight (11%) ( Hickman, 2006 ). Police agencies that used internal affairs to investigate complaints of force had a slightly higher percentage of sustained complaints (8–9%) compared with police agencies in jurisdictions with civilian review boards (6%). This finding is surprising since a common reason that jurisdictions implement civilian review boards is because of the perception that citizen complaints will less likely be sustained if the police (internal affairs) are policing themselves.

Several years later, Terrill and Ingram (2016) analysed citizen complaint data from eight cities across the USA. They found that citizen complaints were 78% more likely to be sustained in jurisdictions where the disposition decisions of complaints made by internal affairs were also reviewed by an external civilian oversight board ( Terrill and Ingram, 2016 ). There are many contextual factors that could explain the differences in the findings from the Hickman (2006) and Terrill and Ingram (2016) studies including the local political climate within individual jurisdictions, the composition and structure of the oversight boards, and the presence and strength of police unions, to name a few. Additional research is needed to better understand the impact of civilian oversight boards on the accountability of officers.

There is one accountability tool that has received a significant amount of attention from researchers—police body cameras. A recent study identified 119 published reports and peer-reviewed studies on police body cameras as of the end of December 2019 ( Gaub and White, 2020 ). Many of these studies examine the extent to which body cameras influence the behaviours and attitudes of officers and citizens. The early studies looked for behavioural changes using outcome measures such as use of force incidents and citizen complaints. Many of the early studies found positive results—specifically, a reduction in the use of force and citizen complaints (see Maskaly et al., 2017 for an overview of early literature).

Two recent reviews by Cynthia Lum et al. (2019 , 2020 ) produced less positive assessments of this technology. After conducting a review of 70 studies, Lum et al. (2019 : 93) concluded that body cameras ‘have not had statistically significant or consistent effects on most measures of officer and citizen behavior or citizens’ views of the police’. Lum reviewed 30 body camera studies for her 2020 publication—this time only including studies that utilized randomized controlled trials or quasi-experimental research designs, and that measured police and citizen behavioural outcomes ( Lum et al. , 2020 ). They concluded that body cameras do not have significant effects on officers’ behaviours including use of force, making arrests, and other activities. However, they did find that body cameras reduced citizen complaints filed against police officers, but were unsure why complaints declined ( Lum et al. , 2020 ).

The conflicting assessments of the efficacy of body cameras could leave some police executives wondering if they should invest or continue to invest in this technology. A recent report by the Police Executive Research Forum (2018) noted that the most common reason given by police leaders to deploy body cameras was to promote accountability, transparency, and legitimacy. If police executives are unsure that body cameras will help their agency promote these items, their decision to implement body cameras becomes difficult.

Limited resources

Police executives interested in utilizing accountability strategies within their organizations must find resources to pay for that expense. Changes made to department policies and training often require additional expenditures of agency resources. All the accountability tools/strategies previously discussed in this article require a significant financial commitment. For example, in a June 2020 memo, Police Chief Williams of the Phoenix (AZ) Police Department stated that ‘costs for a new EI system ranged from $952,000 to $2.08 million, which does not include personnel or additional hardware costs needed to support a new system’ ( City of Phoenix - Office of the Police Chief, 2020 ). A report by the Police Executive Research Forum (PERF) lists the total annual cost for one body camera ranging from $1,125 up to $2,883, which includes the cost of the camera, data storage, equipment maintenance, and staff ( PERF, 2018 : 52). These prices may be manageable for police agencies employing a small number of officers; however, the costs will add up quickly as the size of the police agency increases.

It has been suggested that local and county-level governments could cover the costs (or some of the costs) associated with accountability-based police reform by using resources that are otherwise used to pay for costly litigation. Some municipalities and counties across the USA include a line item in their annual budgets devoted to anticipated payments for liability and litigation cases involving police personnel ( Archbold, 2005 ). In New York City, the Office of Management and Budget set aside $697 million in 2019 and $733 million in 2020 to pay for liability and litigation-based payouts associated with city employees ( Carrega, 2020 ). Payouts specifically associated withNew York Police Department (NYPD) officers include $237.4 million in 2018 and $220.1 million in 2019 ( Carrega, 2020 ). Los Angeles (CA) county also sets aside funds for anticipated litigation and liability payouts annually. For fiscal year 2018–19, the budget included $148.5 million for anticipated litigation/liability claims; $91.5 million of that was used to pay for settlements and judgements involving employees of the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Department ( Carrega, 2020 ). It could be argued that the resources set aside for anticipated litigation and liability payouts should be used to invest in accountability strategies that could ultimately reduce litigation and liability incidents involving officers in the future.

There is limited information on the cost-savings resulting from the implementation of accountability-based strategies and technology, and most of this research focuses on body cameras. A 2017 study conducted within the Las Vegas Metropolitan Police Department revealed a cost-savings associated with the use of body cameras. Specifically, the researchers discovered an annual estimated cost savings of $2,909–$3,178 per user, due to fewer complaints of misconduct and having to use fewer resources to investigate allegations of misconduct ( Braga et al., 2017 ). The Police Executive Research Forum (2018) conducted a cost–benefit analysis looking at lawsuits and body cameras. They found a reduction in litigation costs after body cameras were implemented in Mesa (AZ), Phoenix (AZ), but not in Dallas (TX). The researchers noted that caution should be taken when interpreting these findings because litigation data are sensitive to outliers and the outliers may be independent from effects of body cameras ( Police Executive Research Forum, 2018 ). Additional research is needed to fully understand the extent to which accountability strategies and tools reduce liability and litigation costs.

Finding extra resources to cover the expense associated with the implementation of accountability tools is likely to be a challenge in most jurisdictions across the USA and would likely be even more challenging in jurisdictions where local governments are defunding the police. In the past, the federal government has made resources available to police agencies to ease the financial burden associated with police reform. In 2015, President Obama worked with the Department of Justice to provide $20 million in competitive grants to police agencies interested in utilizing body cameras ( Fritze, 2015 ). In 2016, the Department of Justice provided $12 million to support the Collaborative Reform Initiative for Technical Assistance (CRITA) programme. The CRITA programme was a voluntary process by which law enforcement agencies could request help from the federal government to evaluate and suggest changes to policies and practices with the goal of improving their relationship with their community and ultimately increasing accountability, without the worry of financial costs ( Charles, 2017 ). Unfortunately, the focus of the CRITA programme dramatically shifted away from accountability and towards crime control in 2017 after the change in presidential administration ( Barrett, 2017 ). Fewer resources directed towards accountability-based police reform by the federal government in recent years have likely contributed to the slow progression of police accountability in the USA.

Lack of support from the federal government

Earlier in this article, the creation of the President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing (2015) was identified as one of the most influential steps taken by the federal government to increase police accountability in the USA. The Task Force report continues to serve as a valuable guide for police executives interested in making changes within their organizations today. In addition to creating the Task Force, the Obama administration also provided financial resources for police agencies interested in implementing technology meant to increase accountability (such as body cameras), and also supported federal oversight of police agencies involved in controversial shootings and that have been accused of civil rights violations ( Faturechi, 2020 ). The federal government played a significant role in leading the effort to reform policing in the USA from 2008 to 2016.

With the change in administration in 2017, many of the accountability-focused reform efforts that started during the Obama administration were radically altered or discontinued. As discussed in an earlier section of this article, significant changes were made to the CRITA programme in 2017 when the accountability-based focus of that programme was redirected towards crime control ( Barrett, 2017 ). The decision to shift the focus of the CRITA programme was heavily criticized by people involved in police reform during the Obama administration. Ronald Davis, former head of the Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) Office, suggested that the changes to the CRITA programme no longer make it collaborative reform as there would no longer be any in-depth assessment of police policies and practices by a neutral third party ( Mallonee and Watkins, 2017 ). Instead, police agencies receive training and strategies centred on crime reduction, which is something that the COPS Office already provides police agencies.

Another accountability-based practice that receded under the Trump administration is the use of pattern or practice investigations by the Department of Justice. Pattern or practice investigations are used to reform consistent practices of excessive force, biased policing, and other unconstitutional practices by police officers ( Civil Rights Division—US Department of Justice, 2017 ). These investigations are conducted to ensure that police agencies lawfully and fairly provide services to people in their communities. In instances where there is evidence of a pattern of police misconduct, police agencies work to resolve the issues using an order enforced by a federal court called a consent decree. Twenty-five consent decrees were initiated during the Obama administration, while just one investigation was initiated during the 4 years of the Trump administration ( Valverde, 2020 ). The lack of interest in federal oversight of police agencies was confirmed when then US Attorney General Jeffrey Sessions proclaimed that ‘it is not the federal government’s responsibility to manage non-federal law enforcement’ ( Valverde, 2020 ).

With the most recent change in administration at the federal level in 2021, the pendulum could swing back to the place where police accountability is held at a high level of importance by the federal government. While on the campaign trail, Joe Biden hinted at this change when he committed to properly funding the COPS programme so that it can play a role in the reformation of American police departments, and he vowed to empower the US Department of Justice to hold police agencies accountable for abuses or acts of misconduct ( Joebiden.com, 2021 ). We will likely learn more about President Biden’s plan to reform American policing in the near future.

Police unions

Prior to the 1960s, police unions had little influence in police governance in the USA. An increase in public criticism directed towards the police during the 1960s led to the emergence of legally recognized police unions ( Walker, 2016 ). Early on, the work of police unions centred on activities typical to most unions, such as securing fair salaries, benefits, and safe working conditions. As police unions gained strength in the 1970s by increasing their membership and creating strong political connections, the scope of their work expanded beyond the typical activities of unions.

Today, police unions are considered an influential force in many American police agencies. They influence operational elements within police organizations, which in turn, limit the authority of police leaders. Some police unions have become deeply entrenched in politics. This involvement is demonstrated by them creating political action committees to make financial contributions to candidates running in elections at the local, state, and federal levels ( Perkins, 2020 ). Records from the US House and Senate indicate that police unions have spent approximately $47.3 million at the federal level for lobbying and campaign contributions in recent elections ( Perkins, 2020 ). Campaign contributions provide police unions with leverage to influence decisions made regarding city charters and state legislation, which ultimately impact the work of police officers. Police unions also use their resources to shape public perceptions of political candidates. For example, some police unions sponsor advertisements which suggest that a candidate is ‘soft’ on crime, which in turn, can influence whether the candidate will win his/her political race ( McCorkel, 2020 ). The ability of police unions to influence political leaders has led to the creation of contractual and legislative barriers that can thwart police reform efforts. As a result, police unions have been identified as a major impediment to the progression of police accountability in the USA ( Walker, 2012 ).

Police unions use the collective bargaining process to negotiate contracts that include myriad restrictions related to investigations and disciplinary actions involving police officers, as well as general oversight of the police ( Rushin, 2017 ). It is common for union contracts to contain requirements allowing officers to challenge adverse personnel decisions made by their superiors ( Rushin, 2017 ). In some jurisdictions, union contracts override city charters, state laws, and have even stalled the enforcement of federal consent decrees in several cities across the USA ( Emmanuel, 2016 ; Barker et al., 2020 ). Police union contracts are negotiated in private settings in all but eight states in the USA, which leaves no opportunity for scrutiny or feedback from the media or community members ( McCorkel, 2020 ).

Police leaders struggle to hold officers accountable when restrictions are placed on the procedures used to investigate officers accused of misconduct. Collective bargaining agreements dictate how investigations will be conducted including the time of day that officers can be questioned, how long officers are questioned, as well as the number of investigators that can be present during questioning ( Bellisle, 2020 ). It is also common for police officers to review all the evidence against them prior to them being questioned ( McCorkel, 2020 ). In some jurisdictions, police officers involved in deadly force incidents are given a specified period before they can be questioned about the incident and can have a union representative or attorney present during questioning ( McCorkel, 2020 ). Many collective bargaining agreements include restrictions requiring that only sworn police personnel can be involved in the investigation of police officers. This means that it would be next to impossible to create a civilian oversight board in these jurisdictions, or the oversight board would be severely limited in its involvement in the investigation of officer misconduct (which defeats the purpose of having an oversight board).

Police unions also have a say in the process citizens use to file formal complaints against police officers. Some jurisdictions require citizens to notarize their complaints before they are turned in for investigation, and in some cases, citizens are required to provide sworn statements or videotaped testimony to accompany formal complaints ( Honolulu Police Department Website, 2021 ). Union contracts also determine how long citizens have to file a complaint after an incident has occurred. If they fail to file a complaint within the specified period, their complaint will not be investigated ( Levinson, 2017 ).

Collective bargaining agreements also influence the use and handling of officer employment records, including disciplinary records and recordings of officers on duty. ‘Purge clauses’ make it difficult to identify which officers have a history of misconduct allegations because police unions require police agencies to destroy disciplinary records after a specified period of time (typically 2–5 years; McCorkel, 2020 ). Purge clauses also make it difficult for police agencies to implement EI systems, as it is typical to use a variety of officer records as measures to track problematic work performance. Also, police departments interested in utilizing body cameras would have to negotiate who would have access to body camera footage, and how long the footage will be stored by the police agency.

Another way that police unions exert control over accountability efforts of police leaders is to require that police officers have the right to appeal decisions made in disciplinary cases to an arbitrator or arbitration board. In some jurisdictions, police unions get to choose which arbitrators are included in a pool that is used when officers file appeals of decisions made by their superiors ( Burger, 2017 ). This has led to some police chiefs choosing not to take any disciplinary action against officers who deserve it, or allowing officers to resign (instead of being punished or fired), which means that officers leave the agency with a clean record allowing them to seek employment in another police agency without any problems ( Barker et al. , 2020 ).

Arbitration can also lead to the rehiring of police officers who have been previously fired, often with retro-active pay ( Bellisle, 2020 ). This makes it difficult for police leaders to permanently remove officers involved in acts of misconduct and misuse of force. This issue was highlighted during the summer of 2020 after the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis, MN. The Star Tribune revealed that over the last 20 years, approximately half of the 80 police officers who were fired by police agencies across the state of Minnesota were rehired after they appealed to an arbitration board ( Bjorhus, 2020 ). Rehiring fired police officers is not just a problem in Minnesota. In 2017, the Washington Post reported that police chiefs from 37 of the largest police agencies across the USA were required to rehire approximately one-quarter of the officers they previously fired ( Kelly et al., 2017 ). The Washington Post article noted that officers who were rehired after being fired were involved in serious acts of misconduct including sexual abuse, lying, being drunk on duty, and driving a gunman from the scene of a shooting where someone died. Police leaders also have the option to negotiate a financial settlement to convince previously fired officers not to return to their position. This was the case for a St Anthony (MN) police officer who fatally shot Philando Castille during a traffic stop in July 2016. After the officer was acquitted of criminal charges, the city agreed to pay the officer $50,000 not to return to his position in the St Anthony Police Department ( Barker et al., 2020 ). These are just a few examples that demonstrate how police leaders face many restrictions resulting from police union contracts when they try to hold police officers accountable for their actions.

Much of what is known about American police unions is the result of investigative reporting by media outlets. In general, there has been limited research on police unions in the USA ( National Academy of Sciences, 2004 ). This is surprising given the level of influence that police unions have had in American police agencies for decades. Some of the research on police unions focuses on the content of collective bargaining agreements/contracts and how those provisions restrict police leaders from holding officers accountable.

Campaign Zero, is a non-profit group that analyses police practices in the USA to identify solutions to end police violence, increase police accountability, and develop legislation to reform the police ( Campaign Zero Website, 2021 ). In 2016, this group reviewed police union contracts in 81 of the 100 most populated US cities and discovered that 72 cities allow police officers to appeal disciplinary decisions to an arbitrator or arbitration board. This review also found that union contracts in 63 cities have three or more provisions that act as barriers to accountability.

In 2017, Reuters conducted a similar analysis of 82 police union contracts in large US cities and found that most of the contracts require police departments to erase officer disciplinary records (in some jurisdictions after 6 months; Levinson, 2017 ). The review also discovered that in 18 cities, records of officer suspensions are purged after 3 years (in some places less than 3 years). Approximately half of the union contracts allow officers being investigated for misconduct to review the entire contents of their investigative file prior to their interrogation ( Levinson, 2017 ). Written consent provided by police officers is required before police agencies can provide public access to documents associated with internal investigations and prior disciplinary actions taken against police officers in 18 cities. Union contracts set time limits for citizens to file complaints of misconduct against officers in 17 cities.

Stephen Rushin (2017) analysed 178 police union contracts from the largest police departments across the USA and discovered that 88% of the contracts included at least one provision that limits police leaders’ ability to hold officers accountable. His review revealed that many contracts ban civilian oversight of the police; place restrictions on interrogation of officers facing allegations of misconduct; require police agencies to destroy officers’ disciplinary records; prohibit the collection and investigation of anonymous citizen complaints; and limit the timeframe of internal investigations ( Rushin, 2017 ).

Most recently, Harris and Sweeney (2021) examined police union contracts from 47 of the largest cities in the USA. They discovered that all 47 contracts had at least one provision that would impede the investigations of officers involved in acts of misconduct. Restrictions are placed on citizen complaints of misconduct in 39 union contracts. The restrictions include time limits on filing complaints, the names of complainants are provided to officers who are named in complaints, not allowing anonymous complaints to be filed, and the legal penalties for filing false complaints are printed on complaint forms. Provisions related to police interrogations were included in 29 union contracts. The restrictions include a mandatory waiting period prior to interrogations, as well as restrictions on the length of interrogations before officers are allowed a break. Finally, 45 of the union contracts include provisions related to discipline, such as expungement of records after a specified period, the use of sick leave days to offset suspension, and impose statutes of limitation on discipline ( Harris and Sweeney, 2021 ). All the provisions found within police union contracts in this study are threats to police accountability. All of the previously mentioned obstacles to police accountability create challenges for police executives and community leaders who want to increase accountability within their organizations and communities. Many of the impediments can be overcome if police executives, community leaders, and political leaders work together to come up with feasible solutions.

The title of this article includes a question regarding the progression of police accountability in the USA—gaining traction or spinning wheels? On one hand, it could be argued that police accountability is gaining traction in the USA as several police leaders are taking steps to increase accountability within their organizations, whether it be changing policies, increasing and improving training, or implementing strategies and technology meant to hold officers accountable. It could also be argued that we currently have the highest level of police accountability in the USA than any other time in our country’s history. On the other hand, there is also some evidence of spinning wheels, as there is currently limited research on the efficacy of most of the police accountability tools and strategies suggested by the Task Force report; there is a lack of systematic data collection of police misconduct incidents (on a national level); there has been less support and leadership provided by the federal government in recent years to advance police accountability forward; police unions continue to negotiate contracts that contain provisions that stymie accountability efforts of police leaders, and there are still many police leaders who have not taken any steps to make accountability a priority in their organizations.

So, where do we go from here? Based on the assessment of the current state of police accountability in the USA presented in this article, we still have work to do. Advancing police accountability further in this country will only be possible through the actions and commitment of political leaders, police leaders and police personnel, researchers, and American citizens. This is a complex issue that warrants input and action from a variety of groups—this is not something that police leaders can do on their own.

The US federal government must step back into a leadership role by providing support and resources to help police agencies make changes that will enhance accountability. Government leaders must require police executives that have not taken any steps to increase accountability to do so now. It has been said that making meaningful changes within American police organizations is challenging—in fact, it has been compared to ‘bending granite’ ( Guyot, 1979 ). However, resources and support from federal and state government could make this process less difficult.

Results from a recent survey indicate that some police leaders are looking to the federal government for help. In November 2020, the PERF analysed surveys completed by 375 police executives asking about their views of priorities for the next presidential administration. Here are some significant findings from this survey:

Police executives identified the top two concerns for the next presidential administration as increasing public trust in the police and addressing the call for police reform. This finding suggests that some police leaders are thinking about issues (such as strengthening police-community relationships) that can be partially solved by enhancing police accountability within their organizations.

When asked which areas they would like to see federal grant assistance available in the future, the top three answers included training, research on ‘what works’ in policing, and grants for police equipment. Police executives identified de-escalation training, bias-free policing/community engagement, and training to help officers respond to mental health calls as the top three choices of training. Body cameras and less than lethal technologies were the top two types of technologies they would like to see government funding for in the near future (EI systems also made the list but was mentioned less frequently by police executives).

When asked which strategies they consider to be most effective in improving the police-community relationship, police leaders identified increased face-to-face contact with citizens; educating the public about policing; utilizing strategies associated with transparency, accountability, and legitimacy; and holding listening sessions on difficult topics with community members.

When asked about their greatest hopes for help from the next presidential administration, the most common responses included federal support for law enforcement; reform measures (many identified reforms listed in the Task Force report); healing the current divide in our society between democrats and republicans, as well as between the police and their communities; become more educated about how the police conduct their work; and enhancing accountability by giving police executives the power to fire officers involved in acts of misconduct. They mentioned that they would like to see limitations placed on police unions and arbitrators, so that these groups cannot reverse their decisions related to the discipline or firing of problematic officers ( PERF, 2020 ).

The findings from this survey create a list for the Biden administration identifying specific resources and support that police executives need to strengthen relationships with their communities and to advance police accountability in this country.

Another way that political leaders can help police executives increase accountability within their organizations is to work with police unions to remove provisions within union contracts that prohibit police leaders from holding their officers accountable. As noted earlier in this article, collective bargaining agreements often usurp city charters, state legislation, and in some cases court orders that are enforced at the federal level (consent decrees).

In the past, police unions have been unwilling to give up the protections that come along with provisions typically included in collective bargaining agreements (such as provisions that restrict police executives’ ability to discipline or fire officers involved in misconduct). A recent article in the University of Chicago Law Review proposes federal legislation that would encourage police unions to make much-needed changes to collective bargaining agreements. Specifically, Mogck (2020 : 4) proposes that ‘police unions should receive tax-exempt status only if they implement certain indispensable accountability measures in their collective bargaining agreements. Tax exempt status is important to unions: because union dues, donations, and investment income would otherwise be taxable income, losing tax-exempt status would dramatically shrink unions’ operating budgets’. This legislation would give police unions 1 year to renegotiate collective bargaining agreements. Police unions that are unwilling to renegotiate union contracts would forfeit their tax-exempt status ( Mogck, 2020 ). To some, this proposed legislation may appear to be a bit extreme. However, it is important to remember all the ways that provisions within collective bargaining agreements can hamstring police leaders who try to hold their officers accountable.

Currently, American police agencies are not required to track and report incidents of police misconduct in any systematic way. This means that there are no national statistics on police misconduct. There is no way to know the extent of officer involvement in such acts, which in turn, means that it would be difficult to determine if accountability strategies/technology influence or change officer behaviour in any way. It is impossible to come up with potential solutions to the problem of police misconduct if we do not know the scope of this problem. Most of what is known about police misconduct in the USA is currently generated by media outlets or independent groups. It is time for the government to play a central role in the systematic collection of police misconduct data. Similar to the collection of police shootings, federal and state government officials must encourage police leaders to collect and submit police misconduct data (annually) to a national depository (such as the FBI).

Police executives ultimately determine how important police accountability is in their organizations. There are some who have taken several steps to enhance accountability by implementing strategies and technology meant to monitor officers’ work performance, increase transparency, and hold officers accountable if they choose to become involved in misconduct. These individuals need to continue their efforts. There are, however, other police leaders who have not done anything to make accountability a priority in their organizations. It is critical that these leaders act now. Police leaders should include police personnel from all ranks in the decision-making process related to the adoption of technology and strategies meant to hold officers accountable. This collaborative effort with others in the police organization could increase police personnel buy-in.

To study how and if police officers are being held accountable for their actions, police leaders need to be open to building collaborative partnerships with researchers. The only way to figure out which police accountability strategies are effective is if researchers are allowed access to data. The Police Data Initiative (PDI) is a good example of collaboration between police agencies and researchers. PDI was launched in response to recommendations in the Task Force report. This initiative is a cooperative effort by the Police Foundation, the US Department of Justice/Office of COPS and 130 law enforcement agencies across the USA ( Police Data Initiative Website, 2021 )). This website contains datasets provided by law enforcement agencies across the country, which are accessible to the public. There are datasets that include citizen complaints, use of force incidents, assaults on officers, traffic stops, citations, and arrest, to name a few. Police agencies voluntarily upload their data to this portal. By providing data to this initiative, police agencies are demonstrating their commitment to transparency and accountability. The Police Open Data Census is another website where police agencies make their data available to researchers. This website contains datasets on a variety of topics including response time, use of force, citizen complaints, officer involved shootings, pursuits, traffic and pedestrian stops, and citations ( Police Open Data Census, 2021 ). More police agencies need to be willing to participate in open data projects. And it is critical for researchers to take advantage of the access to datasets to continue to study a variety of issues associated with police accountability. As noted earlier in this article, additional research is desperately needed on this topic.

People living in the USA also play a critical role in the progression of police accountability in this country. Many Americans want police reform, officer accountability, and stronger community–police relationships. A survey distributed a month after the death of George Floyd revealed that many (74%) Americans supported the peaceful protests and demonstrations occurring in response to that incident ( Ipsos, 2020 ). That survey also revealed that most (over 90%) Americans support the ideas that police officers need to intervene when they witness acts of police misconduct by their peers, that police officers should be required to wear body cameras, and that there should be independent investigations of police agencies that exhibit patterns of misconduct ( Ipsos, 2020 ). It is imperative that people living in the USA continue to push for police reform. They must continue to vocalize their concerns regarding the lack of police accountability by participating in peaceful protests and demonstrations. They must empower and encourage police leaders in their communities to implement accountability-based strategies and technology. And finally, they must encourage political leaders to draft legislation that will create optimal conditions for real police reform to occur.

Archbold C. A. ( 2005 ). ‘ Managing the Bottom Line: Risk Management in Policing ’. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies and Management 28 ( 1 ): 30 – 48 .

Google Scholar

Barker K. , Keller M. , Eder S. ( 2020 ). How Cities Lost Control of Police Discipline . The New York Times , December 22. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/12/22/us/police-misconduct-discipline.html (accessed 7 February 2021).

Barrett D. ( 2017 ). Justice Department Ends Program Scrutinizing Local Police Forces. The Washington Post , September 15. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/justice-department-ends-program-scrutinizing-local-police-forces/2017/09/15/ee88d02e-9a3d-11e7-82e4-f1076f6d6152_story.html?utm_term=.6004b488ce89 (accessed 5 February 2021).

Bellisle M. ( 2020 ). Collective Bargaining Agreements for Police Officers Provide Protections that Stand in the Way of Accountability, Experts Say. Denver Post , July 19. https://www.denverpost.com/2020/07/19/police-accountability-punishment-contracts-racism-force/ (accessed 12 February 2021).

Bjorhus J. ( 2020 ). Fired Minnesota Officers Have a Proven Career Saver: Arbitration. Star Tribune , June 21. https://www.startribune.com/minnesota-cops-fired-then-rehired/571392702/ (accessed 12 February 2021).

Bobb M. , Barge M. , Mazar Y. , Naguib C. , Shugrue T. ( 2009 ). Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department: 27th Semiannual Report . Los Angeles, CA : Police Assessment Resource Center . . https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5498b74ce4b01fe317ef2575/t/54fc7497e4b0ecb31a5ddc16/1425831063576/27thþSemiannualþReport.pdf (accessed 16 January 2021).

Google Preview

Braga A. , Coldren J. , Sousa W. , Rodriguez D. , Alper O. ( 2017 ). The Las Vegas Body-Worn Camera Experiment: Research Summary . Center for Crime and Justice Policy, University of Nevada Las Vegas . https://www.cna.org/cna_files/pdf/LV-BWC-RIB-2017.pdf (accessed 8 February 2021).

Burger B. ( 2017 ). Columbus Police Union Wins Most Arbitration Cases. The Columbus Dispatch , July 21. https://www.the-daily-record.com/news/20170721/columbus-police-union-wins-most-arbitration-cases (accessed 12 February 2021).

Campaign Zero Website. ( 2021 ). Police Union Contracts And Police Bill of Rights Analysis. https://www.joincampaignzero.org/#vision ; see also https://static1.squarespace.com/static/559fbf2be4b08ef197467542/t/5773f695f7e0abbdfe28a1f0/1467217560243/Campaign+Zero+Police+Union+Contract+Report.pdf (accessed 13 February 2021).

Carrega C. ( 2020 ). Millions in Lawsuit Settlements are Another Hidden Cost of Police Misconduct, Legal Experts Say. ABC News , June 14. https://abcnews.go.com/US/millions-lawsuit-settlements-hidden-cost-police-misconduct-legal/story?id=70999540#:∼:text=Los%20Angelesandtext=The%20county%20budgeted%20%24148.5%20million,the%20annual%20litigation%20cost%20report (accessed 6 February 2021).

Charles J. ( 2017 ). Justice Department Ends Era of Pushing Police Reform. Governing the States and Localities , September 28. http://www.governing.com/topics/public-justice-safety/lc-sessions-justice-police-reforms-trump-doj-milwaukee.html (accessed 5 February 2021).

City of Phoenix—Office of the Police Chief ( 2020 ). Memo. https://www.phoenix.gov/policesite/Documents/PD%20Efforts%20to%20Enhance%20Community%20Trust%20FY%202019-20.pdf (accessed 5 February 2021).

Civil Rights Division—U.S. Department of Justice. ( 2017 ). The Civil Rights Division’s Pattern and Practice Police Reform Work : 1994-Present. https://www.justice.gov/crt/file/922421/download (accessed 6 February 2021).

Davis R. C. , Henderson N. J. , Mandelstam J. , Ortiz C. W. , Miller J. ( 2005 ). Federal Intervention in Local Policing: Pittsburgh’s Experience with a Consent Decree . Washington, DC : Office of Community Oriented Policing Services . https://www.hsdl.org/?viewanddid5463256 (accessed 16 January 2021).

De Angelis J. , Rosenthal R. , Buchner B. ( 2016 ). Civilian Oversight of Law Enforcement: Assessing the Evidence . Washington, DC : Office of Justice Programs (OJP ).

Emmanuel A. ( 2016 ). How Union Contracts Shield Police Departments from DOJ Reforms. In These Times , June 21. https://inthesetimes.com/features/police-killings-union-contracts.html (accessed 7 February 2021).

Engel R. , McManus H. , Herold T. ( 2020 ). ‘ Does De‐Escalation Training Work? A Systematic Review and Call for Evidence in Police Use‐of‐Force Reform ’. Criminology and Public Policy 19 ( 3 ): 721 – 759 .

Fairley S. R. ( 2020 ). ‘ Survey Says? US Cities Double down on Civilian Oversight of Police despite Challenges and Controversy ’. Cardozo Law Review De-Novo 1 : 1 – 55 .

Faturechi R. ( 2020 ). The Obama Justice Department Had a Plan to Hold Police Accountable for Abuses. The Trump DOJ Has Undermined It. ProPublica , September 29. https://www.propublica.org/article/the-obama-justice-department-had-a-plan-to-hold-police-accountable-for-abuses-the-trump-doj-has-undermined-it (accessed 24 January 2021).

Federal Bureau of Investigations Website. ( 2021 ). Federal Bureau of Investigation Crime Data Explorer. https://crime-data-explorer.app.cloud.gov/officers/national/united-states/uof (accessed 23 January 2021).

Ferdik F. , Rojek J. , Alpert G. ( 2013 ). ‘ Citizen Oversight in the United States and Canada: An Overview ’. Police Practice and Research 14 ( 2 ): 104 – 116 .

Forliti A. ( 2020 ). Minneapolis Cops Required to Report De-Escalation Efforts. ABC News , July 14. https://abcnews.go.com/US/wireStory/minneapolis-cops-required-report-de-escalation-efforts-71785360 (accessed 18 January 2021).

Fritze J. ( 2015 ). Obama Administration to Spend $20M on Body Cameras. The Baltimore Sun , May 1. https://www.baltimoresun.com/politics/bal-obama-administration-to-spend-20m-on-body-cameras-20150501-story.html (accessed 5 February 2021).

Gaub J. , White M. ( 2020 ). ‘ Open to Interpretation: Confronting the Challenges of Understanding the Current State of Body-Worn Camera Research ’. American Journal of Criminal Justice 45 ( 5 ): 899 – 913 .

Gilbert C. ( 2017 ). Not Trained to Not Kill: Most States Neglect Ordering Police to Learn De-Escalation Tactics to Avoid Shootings. APM Reports , May 5. https://www.apmreports.org/story/2017/05/05/police-de-escalation-training (accessed 13 February 2021).

Gullion C. L. , King W. R. ( 2020 ). ‘ Early Intervention Systems for Police: A State-of-the-Art Review ’. Policing: An International Journal 43 ( 4 ): 643 – 658 .

Guyot D. ( 1979 ). ‘ Bending Granite: Attempts to Change the Rank Structure of American Police Departments ’. Journal of Police Science and Administration 7 : 253 – 284 .

Harris C. , Sweeney M. ( 2021 ). ‘ Police Union Contracts: An Analysis of Large Cities ’. Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice 15, 1: 622-634 .

Headley A. M. , Guerette R. T. , Shariati A. ( 2017 ). ‘ A Field Experiment of the Impact of Body-Worn Cameras (BWCs) on Police Officer Behavior and Perceptions ’. Journal of Criminal Justice 53 : 102 – 109 .

Hickman M. ( 2006 ). Citizen Complaints about Police Use of Force . Washington, DC : US Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics .

Honolulu Police Department Website. ( 2021 ). Complaints against HPD employees. https://www.honolulupd.org/complaints-against-hpd-employees/ (accessed 12 February 2021).

Hyland S. ( 2018 ). Body-Worn Cameras in Law Enforcement Agencies, 2016 . Washington, DC : US Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics . https://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/pdf/bwclea16.pdf (accessed 8 December 2020).

Ipsos ( 2020 ). Americans Supportive of Peaceful Protests and Bipartisan Support for Police Reform. Ipsos , June 12. https://www.ipsos.com/en-us/news-polls/reuters-ipsos-data-police-reform-george-floyd-2020-06-12 (accessed 15 February 2021).

James S. , , James L. , and , Dotson L. ( 2020 ). ‘ Evaluating the Effectiveness of a Police Department’s Early Intervention System ’ . Journal of Experimental Criminology 1 – 15 .

Joebiden.com ( 2021 ). Official Campaign Website . https://joebiden.com/justice/ (accessed 6 February 2021).

Kelly K. , Lowery W. , Rich S. ( 2017 ). Fired/Rehired: Police Chiefs Are Often Forced to Put Fired Officers Back on the Streets. The Washington Post , August 3. https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2017/investigations/police-fired-rehired/ (accessed 13 February 2021).

Kelly J. , Nichols M. ( 2020 ). TARNISHED BRASS: We Found 85,000 Cops Who’ve Been Investigated for Misconduct. Now You Can Read Their Records. USA TODAY , June 11. https://www.usatoday.com/in-depth/news/investigations/2019/04/24/usa-today-revealing-misconduct-records-police-cops/3223984002/ (accessed 18 January 2021).

Lersch K. , Bazley T. , Mieczkowski T. ( 2006 ). ‘ Early Intervention Programs: An Effective Police Accountability Tool, or Punishment of the Productive?’ . Policing: An International Journal 29 ( 1 ): 58 – 76 .

Levinson R. ( 2017 ). Across the U.S., Police Contracts Shield Officers from Scrutiny and Discipline. Reuters , January 13. https://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/usa-police-unions/ (accessed 12 February 2021).

Lum C. , Stoltz M. , Koper C. S. , Scherer J. A. ( 2019 ). ‘ Research on Body-Worn Cameras: What We Know, What We Need to Know ’. Criminology and Public Policy 18 ( 1 ): 93 – 118 .

Lum C. , Koper C. , Wilson D. et al. , ( 2020 ). ‘ Body‐Worn Cameras’ Effects on Police Officers and Citizen Behavior: A Systematic Review ’. Campbell Systematic Reviews 16 ( 3 ): e1112 .

Mallonee M. K. , Watkins E. ( 2017 ). DOJ Scaling Back Program to Reform Police Departments. CNN Politics , September 15. https://www.cnn.com/2017/09/15/politics/doj-police-program/index.html (accessed 6 February 2021).

Maskaly J. , Donner C. , Jennings W. G. , Ariel B. , Sutherland A. ( 2017 ). ‘ The Effects of Body-Worn Cameras (BWCs) on Police and Citizen Outcomes: A State-of-the-Art Review’ . Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies and Management 40 ( 4 ): 672 – 688 .

McCorkel J. ( 2020 ). Police Unions Are One of the Biggest Obstacles to Transforming Policing. The Conversation , June 12. https://theconversation.com/police-unions-are-one-of-the-biggest-obstacles-to-transforming-policing-140227 (accessed 7 February 2021).

Mogck B. ( 2020 ). A Proposal for Police Reform: Require Effective Accountability Measures in Police Union Contracts as a Condition of Tax-Exempt Status. University of Chicago Law Review , 1 . https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/uchidial88&div=55&id=&page= (accessed 14 February 2021).

National Academy of Sciences. ( 2004 ). Fairness and Effectiveness in Policing: The Evidence . Washington, DC : National Academy Press .

New York State Governor’s Website. ( 2020 ). Guidance Offers Framework, Resources for 'New York State Police Reform and Reinvention Collaborative' Established by Governor's Executive Order in June; Localities Must Adopt a Plan by April 1, 2021 to Be Eligible for Future State Funding. https://www.governor.ny.gov/news/governor-cuomo-announces-new-guidance-police-reform-collaborative-reinvent-and-modernize (accessed 7 December 2020).

New York State Police Reform and Reinvention Collaborative: Resources and Guide for Public Officials and Citizens ( 2020 ). New York State Police Reform And Reinvention Collaborative: Resources & Guide for Public Officials and Citizens. https://www.governor.ny.gov/sites/governor.ny.gov/files/atoms/files/Police_Reform_Workbook81720.pdf (accessed 7 December 2020).

National Association for Civilian Oversight of Law Enforcement Website. ( 2020 ). Police Oversight By Jurisdiction (USA). https://www.nacole.org/police_oversight_by_jurisdiction_usa (accessed 8 December 2020).

Paoline E. ( 2003 ). ‘ Taking Stock: Toward a Richer Understanding of Police Culture ’. Journal of Criminal Justice 31 ( 3 ): 199 – 214 .

Perkins T. ( 2020 ). Revealed: Police Unions Spend Millions to Influence Policy in Biggest U.S. Cities. The Guardian , June 23. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2020/jun/23/police-unions-spending-policy-reform-chicago-new-york-la#:∼:text=Revealed%3A%20police%20unions%20spend%20millions%20to%20influence%20policy%20in%20biggest%20US%20cities,-This%20article%20isandtext=That%20includes%20at%20least%20%2464.8,dramatically%20increased%20in%20most%20jurisdictions (accessed 8 February 2021).

Petrella D. ( 2021 ). Illinois General Assembly Approves Sweeping Criminal Justice Overhaul That Would End Cash Bail, Require Cops to Wear Body Cameras. The Chicago Tribune , January 13. https://www.chicagotribune.com/politics/ct-illinois-legislature-criminal-justice-20210113-rr6bt2x6jndxff5ttnwhz6qhay-story.html?outputType=ampand__twitter_impression=true (accessed 15 January 2021).

Polansky R. ( 2020 ). Controversial Police Accountability Law Goes into Effect Today. WFSB News , October 1. https://www.wfsb.com/news/controversial-police-accountability-law-goes-into-effect-today/article_8cfde84a-03f2-11eb-a6e0-8b1e10ca9e56.html (accessed 7 December 2020).

Police Data Initiative Website. ( 2021 ). Police Data Initiative. https://www.policedatainitiative.org/ (accessed 15 February 2021).

Police Executive Research Forum. ( 2018 ). Cost and Benefits of Body-Worn Camera Deployments—Final Report , April. Washington, DC . https://www.policeforum.org/assets/BWCCostBenefit.pdf (accessed 27 January 2021).

Police Executive Research Forum. ( 2020 ). Critical Issues, December . https://www.policeforum.org/criticalissuesdec34 (accessed 14 February 2021).

Police Open Data Census. ( 2021 ). Police Open Data. https://codeforamerica.github.io/PoliceOpenDataCensus/# (accessed 15 February 2021).

President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing, Final Report . ( 2015 ). Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services.

Rosenbaum D. P. , McCarty W. P. ( 2017 ). ‘ Organizational Justice and Officer “Buy in” in American Policing ’. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies and Management 40 ( 1 ): 71 – 85 .

Rushin S. ( 2017 ). ‘ Police Union Contracts ’. Duke Law Journal 66 ( 6 ): 1191 – 1253 .

Shjarback J. A. ( 2015 ). ‘ Emerging Early Intervention Systems: An Agency-Specific Pre-Post Comparison of Formal Citizen Complaints of Use of Force ’. Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice 9 ( 4 ): 314 – 325 .

Shjarback J. , White M. , Bishopp S. (forthcoming, 2021 ). ‘ Can Police Shootings Be Reduced by Requiring Officers to Document When They Point Firearms at Citizens? ’. Injury Prevention Published Online First January 4 .

Smykla J. , Crow M. , Crichlow J. , Snyder J. ( 2016 ). ‘ Police Body-Worn Cameras: Perceptions of Law Enforcement Leadership ’. American Journal of Criminal Justice 41 ( 3 ): 424 – 443 .

Snyder J. A. , Crow M. S. , Smykla J. O. ( 2019 ). ‘ Police Officer and Supervisor Perceptions of Body-Worn Cameras Pre-and-Post-Implementation: The Importance of Officer Buy-In ’. Criminal Justice Review 44 ( 3 ): 322 – 338 .

Stout M. ( 2020 ). House Accepts Revised Police Accountability Bill, Putting it on the Verge of Becoming Law: Governor Baker Has Already Pledged to Sign Bill Once it Hits His Desk. Boston Globe , December 22. https://www.bostonglobe.com/2020/12/22/metro/house-accepts-revised-police-accountability-bill-putting-it-verge-becoming-law/?outputType=ampand__twitter_impression=true (accessed 22 December 2020) .

Subramanian R. , Skrzypiec L. ( 2017 ). To Protect and Serve: New Trends in State-Level Policing Reform, 2015-2016 . The Vera Institute . https://www.vera.org/downloads/publications/041417-PolicingTrendsReport-web.pdf (accessed 16 January 2021).

Terrill W. , Ingram J. ( 2016 ). ‘ Citizen Complaints against the Police: An Eight-City Examination ’. Police Quarterly 19 ( 2 ): 150 – 179 .

Tyler T. R. ( 1988 ). ‘ What is Procedural Justice-Criteria Used by Citizens to Assess the Fairness of Legal Procedures ’. Law and Society Review 22 ( 1 ): 103 – 135 .

Valverde M. ( 2020 ). Fact-Checking Kamala Harris’ Claim About Donald Trump and Investigations of Police Misconduct. Politifact , June 4. https://www.politifact.com/factchecks/2020/jun/04/kamala-harris/fact-checking-kamala-harris-claim-about-trump-and-/#sources (accessed 6 February 2021).

Villeneuve M. ( 2020 ). New York Governor Signs Police Accountability Legislation. Associated Press , June 12. https://apnews.com/article/069d91bea55098286fe920b6378eea4a (accessed 15 January 2021).

Walker S. ( 2012 ). ‘ Institutionalizing Police Accountability Reforms: The Problem of Making Police Reforms Endure ’. St. Louis University Public Law Review 32 : 57 – 91 .

Walker S. ( 2016 ). ‘ Governing the American Police: Wrestling with the Problems of Democracy ’. The University of Chicago Legal Forum 15 : 615 – 660 .

Walker S. , Archbold C. ( 2020 ). The New World of Police Accountability , 3rd edn. Thousand Oaks, CA : Sage Publications .

Walker S. , Alpert G. , Kenney D. ( 2000 ). Responding to the problem police officer: a national evaluation of early warning systems. Final Report to the National Institute of Justice.

Washington Post ( 2021 ). Police Shootings Database. Washington Post. https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/investigations/police-shootings-database/ (accessed 3 January 2021) .

White M. D. , Todak N. , Gaub J. E. ( 2018 ). ‘ Examining Body-Worn Camera Integration and Acceptance among Police Officers, Citizens, and External Stakeholders ’. Criminology and Public Policy 17 ( 3 ): 649 – 677 .

Worden R. , Kim M. , Harris C. et al.  ( 2013 ). ‘ Intervention with Problem Officers: An Outcome Evaluation of an EIS Intervention ’. Criminal Justice and Behavior 40 ( 4 ): 409 – 437 .

Young J. T. , Ready J. T. ( 2018 ). ‘ A Longitudinal Analysis of the Relationship between Administrative Policy, Technological Preferences, and Body-Worn Camera Activation among Police Officers ’. Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice 12 ( 1 ): 27 – 42 .

Email alerts

Citing articles via.

• Recommend to your Library

Affiliations

• Online ISSN 1752-4520
• Copyright © 2024 Oxford University Press
• About Oxford Academic
• Publish journals with us
• University press partners
• What we publish
• New features  
• Open access
• Institutional account management
• Rights and permissions
• Get help with access
• Accessibility
• Advertising
• Media enquiries
• Oxford University Press
• Oxford Languages
• University of Oxford

Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University's objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide

• Copyright © 2024 Oxford University Press
• Cookie settings
• Cookie policy
• Privacy policy
• Legal notice

This Feature Is Available To Subscribers Only

Sign In or Create an Account

This PDF is available to Subscribers Only

For full access to this pdf, sign in to an existing account, or purchase an annual subscription.

• Utility Menu

Roland G. Fryer, Jr.

• An Empirical Analysis of Racial Differences in Police Use of Force

Date Published:

This paper explores racial differences in police use of force. On non-lethal uses of force, blacks and Hispanics are more than fifty percent more likely to experience some form of force in interactions with police. Adding controls that account for important context and civilian behavior reduces, but cannot fully explain, these disparities. On the most extreme use of force –officer-involved shootings – we find no racial differences in either the raw data or when contextual factors are taken into account. We argue that the patterns in the data are consistent with a model in which police officers are utility maximizers, a fraction of which have a preference for discrimination, who incur relatively high expected costs of officer-involved shootings.

• Biography & CV
• Publications

Recent Publications

• Charter Schools and Labor Market Outcomes
• High-Dosage Tutoring and Reading Achievement: Evidence from New York City∗
• Updating Beliefs when Evidence is Open to Interpretation: Implications for Bias and Polarization
• Reconciling Results on Racial Differences in Police Shootings
• The ‘Pupil’ Factory: Specialization and the Production of Human Capital in Schools.
• Self-Selection and Comparative Advantage in Social Interactions
• Two-Armed Restless Bandits with Imperfect Information: Stochastic Control and Indexability
• Information, Non-Financial Incentives, and Student Achievement: Evidence from a Text Messaging Experiment
• The Impact of Voluntary Youth Service on Future Outcomes: Evidence from Teach For America

Publications by Year

• Working Paper (6)
• Forthcoming (8)

87 Police Brutality Topics and Essay Examples

🏆 best police brutality topics for essays, 📌 most interesting police brutality essay topics, 👍 good research topics about police brutality, ❓ research questions about police brutality.

• Police Deviance For the sake of this paper, the scope of this paper will only examine the code of conduct in reference to the relationship between the police force and the society.
• Police Brutality: Internal and External Stakeholders To begin with, internal stakeholders such as police officers and judges have been observed to enforce the law discriminatively. Policymakers can be encouraged to propose and support powerful laws that have the potential to deal […] We will write a custom essay specifically for you by our professional experts 808 writers online Learn More
• Police Misconduct Actually, prosecutors are always reluctant to try these victims in the court of law for the following reasons; police officers, in most cases, are protected by the prosecutors.
• Police Brutality in the USA This paper aims to discuss the types of police brutality, the particularities of psychological harm inflicted by the police, and its consequences for the population affected by these forms of violence.
• Police Brutality: Dissoi Logoi Argumentation Under the influence of societal views, the majority of the representatives of the general public tend to perceive police officers as a safeguarding force that gathers individuals who perform their duties to ensure that the […]
• Excessive Force by the Police On the other hand, the media reported on the severity of misconduct by police officers and cited the Blue code of silence as the key setback against the fight against police torture.
• Police Misconduct: What Can Be Done? Police officers are the individuals charged with the task of maintaining law and order and ensuring the security of the population.
• Police Brutality: Graham vs. Connor, 490 U.S. 386 In this essay, a summary of the Graham and Connor case and the decision of the court will be introduced. In case this suggestion is correct, Connor appears as a police officer who failed to […]
• Police Brutality: Causes and Solutions If the criminal is armed and firing at the police, the use of force is acceptable. However, when the actions of the police are disproportionate to the committed crimes, the necessity of such measures is […]
• Impact of Police Brutality on the Society in the United States The issue of racism is one that has led to police brutality that has been witnessed in the American society for a long time.
• Excessive Force and Deviance, Police Brutality The events highlighting racial injustice could positively influence our society, maintaining an appropriate level of awareness regarding the issues encountered by African-Americans and prompting a change in police behaviors.
• History of Police Brutality: The Murder of George Floyd Police officers strive to maintain order and ensure adherence to the laws of the state. The standards observed the right to democracy and addressed the need for representation.
• Body-Worn Cameras Against Police Brutality in New York There is often a legal foundation to such a privileged position; the laws control the oppressed class and mitigate threats to the power of the ruling class.
• Police Brutality: Social Issue This paper explores the issue of police brutality and seeks to shed light on the perceptions of the public, especially the black minority.
• Police Brutality as a Law Enforcement Challenge The problem has persisted due to the ineffectiveness of different leaders. The number of unexplainable shootings, severe beatings, and mistreatments continues to be reported in the country.
• Social Psychology: Police Brutality The first group of solutions to the problem of police brutality includes technical measures, such as the use of body cameras and dashboard cameras. Finally, another potential solution to police brutality is the diversification of […]
• Technology Influences on Police Brutality Modern platforms such as Facebook and Twitter can be used to inform and educate more people about the nature of police brutality.
• Public Administration Issue: Police Brutality The trend is ongoing and is not expected to end any time soon because of the social structure and the culture that does not value the contributions of minorities and people of color.
• Police in Law Enforcement Misconduct This creates a rift between the community and the police leading to further misconduct in the process of enforcing the law.
• The Incidents Involving Police Brutality
• The Infringement of Natural Human Rights Because of Police Brutality in the United States
• Police Brutality and Its Effects on the United States
• The Flaws of Police Officers and the Issue of Police Brutality on an Individual
• The Suffering and Fight of African-Americans Against Police Brutality
• The Image Serving as a Reminder of Police Brutality
• The Negative Effects of Police Brutality
• The Changing Patterns of Racism and Police Brutality in the United States
• Police Brutality and the Death of Freddie Gray
• The Issue of Police Brutality and Injustice in the Story of Kalief Browder
• The Relation Between Police Brutality and Race in the United States of America
• Police Brutality and Racism Against African Americans
• The High Prevalence of Police Brutality Towards African America
• The US Government Faces Different Challenges with Police Brutality
• The Truth About Police Brutality Against Minorities
• The Importance of Body Cameras for Solving the Problem of Police Brutality
• Protesting Protest Against Police Brutality
• The Solutions to the Issue of Police Brutality in the United States
• Racism: Police Brutality and Racial Profiling
• Prejudice, Police Brutality, Racism: The Three Things We Are Trying to Get Rid Off
• Problems Caused by Police Brutality
• Police Misconduct and Police Brutality
• The Issue of Police Brutality Against People of Color in the United States
• The Issue of Police Brutality Against the Colored People in the United States
• The Effects of Violence on Police Brutality
• The Deaths Caused by Hurricane Katrina and Police Brutality in America
• Social Media Activism, Centered on Police Brutality
• The Effects of Police Brutality on the Relationship
• The Long Problem of Police Brutality in the United States
• The Police Brutality Against Minorities
• Race, Police Brutality, Crime, Education and Poverty
• The Issue of Police Brutality in the United States and the Solutions to Curb Police Misconduct
• The Influence of the Media and Social Class in Police Brutality
• The Dangers of Racial Profiling and Police Brutality
• The Effects of Police Brutality on Minority Communities
• The Effects of Police Brutality and Racism English
• The Drug Trade as the Cause of Police Brutality in Brazil
• Police Brutality and Their Power Caught on Video by Bystanders
• How to Deal with the Problem of Police Brutality in the United States?
• What is the Relations Police Brutality and Its Contributors?
• How Repressive Laws and Police Brutality Against Mexican Americans Stigmatized the Race as a Whole?
• How Race and Ethnicity Affects Police Brutality Term?
• Police Brutality Ends Here?
• What Does the Media Cover up the Police Brutality?
• How Does Police Brutality on Children Affect How Society?
• Does Police Brutality Distort the Way People View Law Enforcement?
• How Can We Help Prevent Police Brutality?
• How to Stop Police Brutality Against Minority’s?
• Has Been Police Brutality Alive for Too Many Years?
• Has Police Brutality Increased Throughout the United?
• What Is Wrong with Police?
• How Police Corruption Remains a Tainted Reminder of Police Brutality in the US?
• Does Police Brutality Affect the Mental Health of Black Youth?
• Why Isn’t Outrage over Police Brutality Enough?
• Are the Police Taking Advantage of People by Using Police Brutality?
• Has Been Police Brutality Around for Decades?
• Should There Be Direct Laws Against Police Brutality?
• Can You Trust the Law?
• What Is the Police Brutality Effect on African American Males?
• When the Police Duty to Protect Fails Police Brutality?
• Religious Profiling and Police Brutality: How They Affect Operations?
• What Are the Effects of Police Brutality?
• Police Brutality: What’s Really Going on?
• What is the New York City Police Brutality?
• How Does the Body Camera Increase Police Brutality?
• The Causes of Police Brutality in America: Is It Due to Police Behavior?
• When Excessive Force Becomes Police Brutality Sociology?
• What is the Link Between Police Brutality and the Law Enforcement Officers?
• Chicago (A-D)
• Chicago (N-B)

IvyPanda. (2023, November 30). 87 Police Brutality Topics and Essay Examples. https://ivypanda.com/essays/topic/police-brutality-essay-examples/

"87 Police Brutality Topics and Essay Examples." IvyPanda , 30 Nov. 2023, ivypanda.com/essays/topic/police-brutality-essay-examples/.

IvyPanda . (2023) '87 Police Brutality Topics and Essay Examples'. 30 November.

IvyPanda . 2023. "87 Police Brutality Topics and Essay Examples." November 30, 2023. https://ivypanda.com/essays/topic/police-brutality-essay-examples/.

1. IvyPanda . "87 Police Brutality Topics and Essay Examples." November 30, 2023. https://ivypanda.com/essays/topic/police-brutality-essay-examples/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "87 Police Brutality Topics and Essay Examples." November 30, 2023. https://ivypanda.com/essays/topic/police-brutality-essay-examples/.

• Police Questions
• Human Rights Essay Ideas
• Crime Ideas
• Criminal Justice Essay Topics
• Financial Crisis Paper Topics
• Conflict Research Topics
• Professionalism Research Ideas
• Corruption Ideas
• Gun Control Titles
• Racial Profiling Essay Topics
• Economic Inequality Questions
• Government Regulation Titles
• Accountability Titles
• Prejudice Essay Topics
• Constitution Research Ideas

• Dissertation
• PowerPoint Presentation
• Book Report/Review
• Research Proposal
• Math Problems
• Proofreading
• Movie Review
• Cover Letter Writing
• Personal Statement
• Nursing Paper
• Argumentative Essay
• Research Paper
• Discussion Board Post

Writing Police Brutality Research Paper

Table of Contents

This is a unique type of crime as in spite of being illegal, it is still performed under the color of law. When it may sound not so serious, keep in mind that it is one of the most earnest violations of human rights.

Surely, police officers work in tough, stressful, exhausting and dangerous conditions. It happens sometimes that they need to handle the situation by force.

Nevertheless, at least once a year, we hear another loud story about a policeman who overused his authority.

What is police brutality research?

Doing a police brutality research means picking a specific question which refers to this topic and examining it. So generally you are to examine anything connected to police brutality and bias. Here are some general recommendations on how to write such research paper:

Compose a well-aimed topic

Don’t make it too narrow, or too broad. The topic which has enough information available is the most suitable. If you have trouble with it, there are some ideas for you below.

Make a research proposal on police brutality

It is the skeleton of your research paper. This is where you represent all the parts your essay consists of.

• Start with the introduction .
• Write the main body . As you will be stating different ideas, they will be divided into paragraphs, and that needs to be described in a table of contents.
• In the end, write a conclusion – it is where you make a derivation of everything you stated before without adding any new ideas.
• Finally, you may need to write references . They are every source you used for your work. Name and make them out due to your teacher’s requirements.

Try composing a catchy beginning

If the reader’s attention will be grabbed at once – it is a success for sure. You may start with a rhetorical question or a shocking fact. Maybe you’ll manage to find an appropriate anecdote.

Include a thesis statement in the introduction

This may not be obligatory, but it will give a better understanding of your work. A thesis statement is the main idea of your research work accommodated into one sentence.

To give you an example:

“Black people are more likely to experience police brutality during detention or arrest than other people.”

“Stressful environment is a prominent reason for police brutality and bias.”

Be consistent with your statements

For some topics, it is enough to just enumerate your ideas, not taking their order into account. But for some, you need to think first how you should place them. Ideally, one statement has to come out from the previous.

Search for a research paper on police brutality sample

There’s no good copying it, but you may find some useful ideas.

Most prominent police brutality research questions

If you don’t know how to compose a topic for your essay, try just picking the aspect of the problem you’re most interested in. Have difficulties formulating it or still aren’t sure with what to discover?

…here is a list of a few research topics on police brutality to help you!

• What can be done to decrease police brutality?
• Reasons for police brutality.
• Methods of prevention of police brutality in your country.
• Police duties and police brutality: where is the border?
• Racism as one of the main factors of police brutality.
• Can sexism be seen as one of the main factors of police brutality?
• Forms of the police brutality.
• How are police officers accused of brutality punished? How should they be punished in your opinion?
• Is corruption a type of police brutality?
• Police brutality in a selected country.
• Pick on a case of police brutality and examine all the reasons, consequences, punishment, and other factors.
• Police brutality during football matches.
• Is it the system that forces police officers to become brutal?
• Where are police brutality rates higher: in cities, urban, suburban, or rural territories? Why?
• In which country the highest rates of police brutality are reported? Explain why.
• Police brutality as a social problem.
• How can we measure to which extent police brutality occurred?
• Can stress be the prominent reason for police brutality?
• Are there cases when doing policeman’s duties were seen as brutality? Are there many such misunderstandings? How to different duties and brutality correctly?
• Think about a community policy that may reduce police bias. What would it be like?

The structure of research papers on police brutality

None research paper or other writing work is written as a solid text. You have to structure it not only to fit the requirements but also because it will be easier for you to control what you’re writing.

By breaking the text into paragraphs will let you feel where you begin and end your ideas. Writing a police brutality research paper outline will ease structuring it. So here is the structure for your research on police brutality:

• Introduction . Here, you introduce the reader to the topic of your work. You start with some background information, add historical view and definitions if needed. It is a good idea to imagine that the reader knows absolutely nothing on the topic and reads something about it for the first time.
• The main body . This is the main part of your research work. You state all your ideas and found information here. Don’t forget to structure it too, it needs to be divided into paragraphs. If your statements aren’t too broad, it is perfect to write one paragraph for one statement. What’s more, try to be logical and consistent with your presentation. Start the new statement only after you’ve finished the previous one.
• Conclusion . It is the inference of your work. After everything has been said, you sum it all up without adding any new information here.
• References . You may need to write a roster of the sources you’ve used for your work. Include both Internet sources and books and literature you’ve found.

In a nutshell, writing a police brutality research paper is a real challenge. The problem isn’t explored enough though it is a serious one.

Concentrate on the aspect which strikes you most, and make a little research – almost everything needed is possible to find on the Internet and libraries.

Want to complete your perfect paper on police brutality with no struggle? We know how to do that… Click the button to learn more!

Critique Essay: Your Comprehensive Guide to Writing A+ Critique Essays

60 best argumentative essay topics in 2024.

What does medical assistant essays entail?

An official website of the United States government

The .gov means it’s official. Federal government websites often end in .gov or .mil. Before sharing sensitive information, make sure you’re on a federal government site.

The site is secure. The https:// ensures that you are connecting to the official website and that any information you provide is encrypted and transmitted securely.

• Publications
• Account settings

Preview improvements coming to the PMC website in October 2024. Learn More or Try it out now .

• Advanced Search
• Journal List
• Prev Med Rep
• v.22; 2021 Jun

Police brutality, medical mistrust and unmet need for medical care

Sirry alang.

a Department of Sociology and Program in Health, Medicine and Society, Health Justice Collaborative, Lehigh University Bethlehem Pennsylvania, United States

Donna McAlpine

b Division of Health Policy and Management, University of Minnesota School of Public Health, Minneapolis, MN, United States

Malcolm McClain

c Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Lehigh University Bethlehem, PA, United States

Rachel Hardeman

• • Police brutality can shape health by limiting access to health care.
• • Police brutality is associated with greater odds of unmet need for medical care.
• • This association is partly explained by medical mistrust.

Police brutality is a social determinant of health that can directly impact health status. Social determinants of health can also impact health indirectly by shaping how people access health care. In this study, we describe the relationship between perceived police brutality and an indicator of access to care, unmet need. We also examine medical mistrust as a potential mechanism through which perceived police brutality affects unmet need. Using data from the 2018 Survey of the Health of Urban Residents (N = 4,345), direct effects of perceived police brutality on unmet need and indirect effects through medical mistrust were obtained using the Karlson-Holm-Breen method of effect decomposition. Experiencing police brutality was associated with greater odds of unmet need. Controlling for covariates, 18 percent of the total effect of perceived police brutality on unmet need was explained by medical mistrust. Experiences outside of the health care system matter for access to care. Given the association between police brutality and unmet need for medical care, addressing unmet need among marginalized populations requires public health leaders to engage in conversations about reform of police departments. The coronavirus pandemic makes this even more critical as both COVID-19 and police brutality disproportionately impact Black, Indigenous, Latinx and other communities of color.

1. Introduction

Police brutality refers to police (in)action that dehumanizes, regardless of conscious intent, and it encompasses psychological intimidation verbal abuse and physical assault. ( Alang et al., 2017 ) There is a growing body of research connecting police brutality to a range of health outcomes, including mental disorders, ( DeVylder et al., 2018 , Jackson et al., 2017 ) illness and injury, ( Sewell, 2017 , Feldman et al., 2016 ) and mortality. ( Bui et al., 2018 ) This research supports the framing of police brutality as a social determinant of health. ( Alang et al., 2017 ) The social determinants of health—the conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age—can impact health directly but also can indirectly impact health by shaping how people access health care. As a social determinant of health, police brutality does not only affect health status, but it affects the relationships that people have with health care institutions. For example, people who have experienced police brutality are more likely to mistrust medical institutions compared to their peers who have not experienced police brutality given that people bring the social context of their lives with them to the medical encounter. ( Alang et al., 2020 ) Here, we examine how medical mistrust that is connected to police brutality might then be associated with increased odds of unmet need.

Mistrust in one institution such as the police carries over to another institution such as health care. ( Alang et al., 2020 , Williamson et al., 2019 ) Therefore, one possible mechanism through which police brutality might increase unmet need for medical care is by decreasing trust in medical institutions. Medical mistrust indicates overall suspicion of the health care system and beliefs that health care providers and organizations may act contrary to patients’ best interests. ( Shoff and Yang, 2012 , Williamson and Bigman, 2018 ) Prior research indicates that factors outside of the patient-provider relationship such as neighborhood disadvantage can impact medical mistrust. ( Shoff and Yang, 2012 ) The only research to specifically address whether police brutality is related to trust in the medical system found that policy brutality was associated with increased mistrust among all racialized groups, but that Latinx, Black/African American and Indigenous people were more likely to have experienced such brutality. ( Alang et al., 2020 ) We build on this work to examine how police brutality might impact access to care through its association with medical mistrust and by ultimately increasing unmet need.

One indicator of access to health care is perceived unmet need for medical care. It reflects gaps between the services that people believe that they need and the services that they receive. ( Allin et al., 2010 ) As a subjective measure, it encompasses utilization of health services as well as individuals’ preferences, and their perceptions about the acceptability and effectiveness of care. ( Allin et al., 2010 ) Taking into account health status, persons who report unmet need also report lower utilization of health service, ( Bataineh et al., 2019 ) and do worse, overtime, than their counterparts who do not report unmet need. ( Gibson et al., 2019 ) The goal of this paper is to further accentuate police brutality as a social determinant of health by examining its association with unmet need for medical care.

There has been considerable research attention focused on the sociodemographic characteristics, resources and individual circumstances of persons who are likely to report unmet need. ( Gibson et al., 2019 , Baggett et al., 2010 , Yamada et al., 2015 , Mollborn et al., 2005 ) Broader contextual and health care system characteristics such as provider availability and accessibility, geographic location of services, and community poverty rates are also associated with unmet need for medical care. ( Long et al., 2002 , Peterson and Litaker, 2010 ) Furthermore, researchers have examined how relationships between patients and providers shape unmet need. For example, individuals who report that they mistrust their doctors or medical institutions are also more likely to report that they delayed care, did not get the care they needed, follow medical advice, or fill a prescription. ( Yamada et al., 2015 , Mollborn et al., 2005 , LaVeist et al., 2009 )

While health system factors and relationships between clinicians and patients shape unmet need, the experiences that patients have in other systems and in the places in which they live, work, grow and age might also impact their likelihood of having unmet need. Consider unmet need for mental health care as an example. Findings from a mixed-methods study suggest that persons who are treated unfairly by institutions outside of the health care delivery system such as education, child welfare services, and the criminal justice system, are likely to forgo mental health care. ( Alang, 2019 ) Further investigation is needed to examine whether negative experiences with institutions outside of the health care system might also be associated with unmet need for medical care. In this paper, we explore whether perceived negative experiences with the police — perceived police brutality — might have implications for unmet need.

In the current study, we evaluate two hypotheses: First, that people with experiences of perceived police brutality are more likely to report unmet need for medical care and more likely to report medical mistrust. Second, that some of the effects of perceived police brutality on unmet need can be explained by medical mistrust. If supported, our findings would inform interventions that address both medical mistrust and police brutality, and ultimately eliminate unmet need.

Data : Data came from the Survey of the Health of Urban Residents (SHUR) ( Alang et al., 2020 ) that was administered online in 2018 by Qualtrics LLC. ( Qualtrics, 2013 ) Respondents were recruited by leveraging multiple databases of individuals who have opted into participating in surveys. SHUR is a non-probability sample survey of adults who live in urban areas in the contiguous United States. People of color and those whose usual source of care was not a doctor’s office were oversampled. Qualtrics monitored the quotas for usual source of care and for race/ ethnicity using screening questions that asked respondents’ race and their usual source of care. For example, when the quota for persons whose usual source of care was a doctor’s office was met, the screening questions prevented additional respondents who would belong in this category from completing the survey. Our analytic sample (N = 4,345) is limited to respondents with no missing data on unmet need.

Measures: Our main outcome variable is perceived unmet need . Respondents were asked: “Was there a time in the past 12 months when you needed medical care but did not get it?” Medical care includes doctor’s visits, tests, procedures, prescription medication and hospitalizations. Unmet need was analyzed as a binary variable, 0 for no and 1 for yes. Perceived police brutality was created based on respondents’ answers to whether they experienced at least one of ten negative interactions with the police in their lifetime. Examples of these interactions, adapted from the Bureau of Justice Statistics’ Police Public Contact Survey (PPCS), include police cursing at the respondent, kicking, hitting or shoving the respondent, using an electroshock weapon such as a stun gun, or pointing a gun at the respondent. Respondents who reported at least one negative encounter with the police were asked if they believed that the action of the police officer during their most recent negative encounter was necessary. The variable perceived police brutality was then created with three mutually exclusive categories: no negative encounter, necessary negative encounter, and unnecessary negative encounter. We relied on self-reports of the necessity of police actions to highlight the importance of subjective assessments of experiences with police and it is consistent with other studies that have investigated the impact of police actions on health. ( Cooper et al., 2004 , English et al., 2017 )

The 12 item group-based medical mistrust index ( Thompson et al., 2004 ) was used to assess medical mistrust.. Respondents were asked how much they agreed with statements like: doctors and health care workers don’t have the best interests of people who belong to my racial or ethnic group and people in my racial or ethnic group should be suspicious of doctors. Responses ranged from strongly disagree (1) to strongly agree (5). The mean score across all 12 items was computed to create a mistrust scale ranging from 1 to 5 with a Cronbach’s alpha 0.80. We analyze medical mistrust as a continuous variable with higher scores indicating greater medical mistrust. Covariates in the data such as race/ ethnicity, age, gender, employment status, level of education, health status indicators (such as activity limitations and self-rated physical health), and usual source of health care, that are empirically and conceptually associated with police brutality, ( Sewell, 2017 , Alang et al., 2020 ) medical mistrust ( Alang et al., 2020 , LaVeist et al., 2009 ) or unmet need ( Mollborn et al., 2005 , Long et al., 2002 , Peterson and Litaker, 2010 ) were included the analyses.

Analyses: First, we describe the sample characteristics by perceived unmet need. Then, we ran a binary logistic regression of unmet need on perceived police brutality. Next, we included medical mistrust in the model, followed by running the full model with all covariates. Finally, we computed the direct effects of different experiences of perceived police brutality and indirect effects of experiences of perceived police brutality (through medical mistrust) on unmet need using the Karlson-Holm-Breen (KHB) ( Karlson and Holm, 2011 ) method of effect decomposition, controlling for all covariates. The KHB method ensures that decomposition of total effects in non-linear models such as logistic regressions are not affected by scale identification bias. Instead of estimating the effects in terms of logit coefficients, we requested STATA to present coefficients from effect decomposition as average partial effects to ease interpretation. ( Karlson and Holm, 2011 ) We also obtained the relative magnitude of direct and indirect effects (confounding ratio) and the percentage of total effect that is due to the mediator (confounding percentage), that are unaffected by the scale parameter.

Characteristics of the sample by perceived unmet need are presented on Table 1 . As shown, slightly over a third of the sample reported unmet need (37.7 percent). The mean medical mistrust score was 2.4, falling between “neither agree nor disagree” and “agree” that clinicians do not have their bests interests. Only four in ten persons had not experienced any negative encounters with police, and about a quarter of the sample reported having negative and unnecessary encounters with the police. Almost 64 percent of the sample was White, 14 percent Black, and almost 12 percent Hispanic/Latinx. The sample was disproportionately female (72 percent) and only about 5 percent of the respondents were 65 or older. One in four persons had at least a bachelor’s degree, 12 percent were unemployed, and three in four reported very good, good or excellent overall health. Most of the respondents had health insurance with about half insured publicly through Medicaid (or a similar state-sponsored program), Medicare, or military/veterans’ health care. But only 42 percent reported that their usual source of care was a doctor’s office.

Characteristics of Sample by Perceived Unmet Need.

Results of logistic regressions are shown on Table 2 . In the unadjusted model (model 1), odds of unmet need were greater among persons who had perceived necessary negative encounters with the police compared to those with no negative encounters (O.R. = 2.75, C.I. = 2.37–3.19). Respondents with perceived unnecessary negative police encounters also had greater odds of unmet need compared to their counterparts who did not report negative encounters with the police (O.R. = 2.04, C.I. = 1.74–2.38). When we included medical mistrust in model 2, the effects of perceived police brutality on unmet need were attenuated. Each unit increase in medical mistrust was associated with two times greater odds of unmet need (O.R. = 2.01, C.I. = 1.82–2.21). In model 3, we included all covariates. Negative encounters with the police that were perceived as unnecessary, and negative encounters with the police that were perceived as necessary were both associated with increased odds of reporting unmet need. Likewise, greater mean medical mistrust scores were still significantly associated with perceived unmet need, but the effects were less strong as compared to model 2. Demographic characteristics associated with unmet need include race (Black people are less likely than their White counterparts to report unmet need), and age (persons 55 and older had lower odds of unmet need compared to respondents between the ages of 18–24). Being employed as compared to being out of the labor force is also associated with higher odds of unmet need. Persons whose usual source of medical care was the emergency room, a hospital outpatient/urgent care department, and those with no usual source of care had greater odds of unmet need compared to their counterparts who had a regular primary care doctor. Having an activity limitation or poor self-rated health was also associated with unmet need. Finally, having either public or private insurance was associated with lower odds of unmet need compared to being uninsured.

Association between unmet need, police brutality and medical mistrust.

We assess the total and decomposed effects of perceived police brutality on unmet need, controlling for covariates. There were no significant differences in decomposed effects of perceived necessary encounters compared to perceived unnecessary encounters. But when we dichotomized police brutality (no negative encounters versus any negative encounter whether perceived as necessary or unnecessary), direct effects of perceived police brutality on unmet need, and indirect effects through medical mistrust were both significant as shown on Table 3 . As hypothesized, medical mistrust mediates the relationship between perceived police brutality and unmet need. On average, the probability of reporting an unmet need for medical care increases by 12 percentage points among persons who reported any negative encounter with the police, whether necessary or unnecessary compared to those who did not. After controlling for medical mistrust, this average is reduced to 10 percentage points. Having negative encounters with the police is associated to higher medical mistrust, which is then translated into a 2 percent greater probability of reporting unmet need. The confounding ratio is 1.23 and the confounding percentage is 18.44. These mean that the total effect of perceived police brutality is about 1.2 times larger than its direct effect, and that 18 percent of the total effect of perceived police brutality on unmet need is due to medical mistrust.

Direct and Indirect Average Partial Effects of Perceived Police Brutality on Unmet Need.

*p ≤ 0.05; **p ≤ 0.01; ***p ≤ 0.001.

~~ 95% CIs of difference not known for average partial effects methods of the KHB method of effect decomposition.

4. Discussion

The results support our hypotheses. First, perceived police brutality is associated with greater likelihood of not getting needed medical care such as doctor’s visits, tests, prescription medication and hospitalizations. Second, one of the ways by which perceived police brutality affects unmet need is by increasing medical mistrust. Specifically, when we account for race, age, gender, education, employment status, whether a person has a usual source of care, the type of place they go to for their health care, their health insurance status, whether they are limited in any activities because of their health, and their subjective overall health, there is a strong association between negative encounters with the police and elevated odds of reporting unmet need for medical care. This association can be explained, in part, by high levels of medical mistrust among persons who report negative encounters with the police. It is well understood that exposure to police brutality affects health status directly. ( DeVylder et al., 2018 , Sewell, 2017 , Feldman et al., 2016 , Bui et al., 2018 ) While our outcome is not health status, our results suggest two additional pathways through which perceived police brutality might impact health status.

The first pathway is medical mistrust – a distal mechanism through which perceived police brutality affects health. Experiencing police brutality can cause people not to trust that police have their best interest in mind. ( Sharp and Johnson, 2009 ) What we experience in one system shapes our experiences in another system. For example, experiencing discrimination at work or at educational institutions is connected to the anticipation of discrimination within health care settings. ( Alang, 2019 ) Therefore mistrust in police that might result from negative encounters can be transferred to other institutions, including medical institutions, ( Alang et al., 2020 ) thus affecting health by causing delays in care and failure to follow medical advice, ultimately increasing unmet need. One explanation for this might be that when people perceive discrimination by the police, they will expect to experience discrimination in medical institutions and seek to avoid contact with health care systems. Medical mistrust — the perceptions that heath care organizations do not have one’s best interest and might cause harm is exacerbated even with vicarious exposures to discrimination, such as in news stories. ( Williamson et al., 2019 ) Therefore, personal experiences of police brutality — a form of state-sanctioned discrimination and violence, ( Alang, 2020 ) is likely to lead to greater medical mistrust, ultimately limiting engagement with the health care system.

The second more proximal mechanism linking perceived police brutality to health outcomes may be unmet need. Unmet need is conditional on health status. Not receiving the medical care that is needed might worsen health. Our finding that individual negative encounters with the police are associated with unmet need for medical care is consistent with a recent study that found that sick people who live in disproportionately policed neighborhoods, regardless of their personal experiences with the police, are hesitant to use hospital emergency departments when such use is needed. ( Kerrison and Sewell, 2020 ) In addition to medical mistrust, a possible but speculative explanation is that exposure to police violence, like any trauma, might lead to distressing and upsetting emotions including hypervigilance, and feelings of hopelessness and worthlessness. People who experience these emotions might avoid potential exposure to additional trauma such as discrimination within health care settings by not seeking the care that they may need. This needs further investigation.

The rest of our findings with respect to the associations between unmet need and socio-demographics, health status and access are consistent with those of other studies. ( Alang, 2015 , Shi and Stevens, 2005 ) For example, in the National Health Interview Survey and the Community Tracking Study household survey, Blacks/African Americans are less likely than Whites to report unmet need, controlling for socio-economic factors and other indicators of access to care such as health insurance. ( Mollborn et al., 2005 , Shi and Stevens, 2005 ) Findings from several studies suggest that older adults and persons who are insured are less likely to report unmet need. ( Baggett et al., 2010 , Yamada et al., 2015 , Shi and Stevens, 2005 , Chen and Hou, 2002 , Fjær et al., 2014 ) For both older adults and persons with health insurance, this might be a result of relatively better access to and utilization of services, and better health financing. ( Yamada et al., 2015 , Shi and Stevens, 2005 , Chen and Hou, 2002 ) Older adults might have also used health services enough in their lives to have developed more trust and familiarity. We found that employed respondents were more likely than those not in the labor force to have unmet need. A speculative explanation is that given the lack of universal health care in the U.S., employed persons might be less likely to benefit from more comprehensive health coverage available to those out of the labor force enrolled in safety-net programs. Employer-sponsored health insurance plans that provide a limited range of benefits or that have high cost-sharing requirements might increase cost-related barriers to care among employed persons.

Our finding that respondents who use the emergency department as their primary source of care and that those who did not have a usual source tend to report greater unmet need were also not new. ( Cooper et al., 2004 , Cunningham et al., 2017 ) It is possible that the relationship that develops from going to the same primary provider who oversees your care might lower unmet need. We also found that respondents with poor self-rated health and who reported limitations had greater unmet need. These findings are consistent with several others. ( Yamada et al., 2015 , Shi and Stevens, 2005 , Chen and Hou, 2002 ) Perhaps, they reflect some of the struggles associated with persistent unresolved symptoms.

Our findings should be considered along with some limitations. First, the SHUR is a non-probability online survey that lacks the representativeness of a probability sample. Survey respondents might differ from the general population in ways that matter for our estimates. For example, persons who might be more exposed to police brutality, or who might have greater unmet need (e.g. people experiencing homelessness), are less likely to be included in online samples. Second, the analyses are cross-sectional not longitudinal, and do not measure unmet need and medical mistrust before and after negative encounters with the police. We only measure direct associations of perceived police brutality with unmet need and those mediated by medical mistrust. It is also possible that persons who experience unmet need might be more likely to be have negative encounters with the police, such as people with mental illnesses. Third, information regarding the reasons for perceived unmet need would have further strengthened our analyses.

5. Conclusion and implications

Groups that have negative experiences with the police are more likely to mistrust the medical system and to report unmet need. Our findings demonstrate that simply focusing on traditional barriers to care such as lack of insurance or health literacy is limited. This is particularly relevant as we address the disproportionate impact of COVID-19 among Black, Indigenous and other communities of color who are also disproportionately victims of police brutality. The promise of public health is that it directs us upstream for solutions. In this context, that means addressing police brutality. One way to do so is routinely tracking, reporting, and analyzing instances of police brutality and their outcomes in our surveillance systems, including national surveys. ( Krieger et al., 2015 ) However, to date, there has been little resolve to fund this effort.

Our findings also demonstrate the critical role of structural inequity in medical encounters and in unmet need. We join others to call for structural competency training in clinical education, ( Metzl et al., 2018 ) teaching clinicians and other health care professionals to understand, assess, and analyze how larger structural inequities, such as structural racism and exposure to police brutality, shape health status and access to care ( Hardeman et al., 2016 ).

Finally, the knowledge that conditions outside the medical system impact perceptions of medical encounters and unmet need matters for population health. It is not solely the encounters between clinicians and patients that result in mistrust or shape a potentially trusting relationship, but also the patients’ experiences with the police — something that happens out of the health care system. To address the issue of unmet need for medical care among under-resourced populations who are more likely to experience police brutality, reform of police departments across the country is necessary. The murder of George Floyd at the hands of former Minneapolis police officers amplified a movement across the U.S. demanding police reform. It is important that public health leaders are part of these conversations, raising issues such as those explored in this study.

CRediT authorship contribution statement

Sirry Alang: Conceptualization, Methodology, Formal analysis, Writing - original draft. Donna McAlpine: Writing - review & editing, Validation. Malcolm McClain: Visualization, Writing - review & editing. Rachel Hardeman: Writing - review & editing.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

• Alang S.M. Sociodemographic Disparities Associated with Perceived Causes of Unmet Need for Mental Health Care. Psychiatr. Rehabil. J. 2015; 38 (4):293–299. doi: 10.1037/prj0000113. [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Alang S.M. Mental health care among Blacks in America: Confronting racism and constructing solutions. Health Serv. Res. 2019; 54 (2):346–355. doi: 10.1111/1475-6773.13115. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Alang S., McAlpine D., McCreedy E., Hardeman R. Police brutality and black health: Setting the agenda for public health scholars. Am. J. Public Health. 2017; 107 (5):662–665. doi: 10.2105/AJPH.2017.303691. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Alang S., McAlpine D.D., Hardeman R. Police Brutality and Mistrust in Medical Institutions. J. Racial Ethn. Heal Disparities. 2020; 7 (4):760–768. [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Alang S., Pando C., McClain M. Survey of the Health of Urban Residents: A Community-Driven Assessment of Police Brutality and Conditions Salient to the Health of Populations Marginalized by Structural Inequalities in the United States. J. Racial Ethn. Heal Disparities. 2020 doi: 10.1007/s40615-020-00852-1. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• S. Alang Police Brutality and the Institutional Patterning of Stressors Am J Public Health. 110 11 2020 1597 1598 10.2105/AJPH.2020.305937. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ]
• Allin S., Grignon M., Le Grand J. Subjective unmet need and utilization of health care services in Canada: what are the equity implications? Soc. Sci. Med. 2010; 70 (3):465–472. [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Baggett T.P., O'Connell J.J., Singer D.E., Rigotti N.A. The unmet health care needs of homeless adults: a national study. Am. J. Public Health. 2010; 100 (7):1326–1333. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Bataineh H., Devlin R.A., Barham V. Unmet health care and health care utilization. Heal Econ (United Kingdom). 2019; 28 (4):529–542. doi: 10.1002/hec.v28.410.1002/hec.3862. [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Bui A.L., Coates M.M., Matthay E.C. Years of life lost due to encounters with law enforcement in the USA, 2015–2016. J. Epidemiol. Community Heal. 2018; 72 (8):715–718. [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Chen J., Hou F. Unmet needs for health care. Health Rep. 2002; 13 (2):23–34. [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Cooper H., Moore L., Gruskin S., Krieger N. Characterizing perceived police violence: implications for public health. Am. J. Public Health. 2004; 94 (7):1109–1118. 94/7/1109 [pii] [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Cunningham A., Mautner D., Ku B., Scott K., LaNoue M. Frequent emergency department visitors are frequent primary care visitors and report unmet primary care needs. J. Eval. Clin. Pract. 2017; 23 (3):567–573. [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• DeVylder J.E., Jun H.-J., Fedina L., Coleman D., Anglin D., Cogburn C., Link B., Barth R.P. Association of exposure to police violence with prevalence of mental health symptoms among urban residents in the United States. JAMA Netw open. 2018; 1 (7):e184945. doi: 10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2018.4945. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• English D., Bowleg L., del Río-González A.M., Tschann J.M., Agans R.P., Malebranche D.J. Measuring Black men’s police-based discrimination experiences: Development and validation of the Police and Law Enforcement (PLE) Scale. Cult. Divers. Ethn. Minor Psychol. 2017; 23 (2):185–199. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Feldman J.M., Chen J.T., Waterman P.D., Krieger N. Temporal Trends and Racial/Ethnic Inequalities for Legal Intervention Injuries Treated in Emergency Departments: US Men and Women Age 15–34, 2001–2014. J Urban Heal. 2016; 93 (5):797–807. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Fjær EL, Stornes P, Borisova L V, McNamara CL, Eikemo TA. Subjective perceptions of unmet need for health care in Europe among social groups: Findings from the European social survey (2014) special module on the social determinants of health. Eur J Public Health. 2017;27(suppl_1):82-89. [ PubMed ]
• Gibson G., Grignon M., Hurley J., Wang L.i. Here comes the SUN: Self-assessed unmet need, worsening health outcomes, and health care inequity. Health Econ. 2019; 28 (6):727–735. [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Hardeman RR, Medina EM, Kozhimannil KB. Structural Racism and Supporting Black Lives—The Role of Health Professionals. 2016. New England Journal of Medicine,. 2016; 375(22): 2113-2115. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ]
• Jackson F.M., James S.A., Owens T.C., Bryan A.F. Anticipated negative police-youth encounters and depressive symptoms among pregnant African American women: a brief report. J Urban Heal. 2017; 94 (2):259–265. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Karlson K.B., Holm A. Decomposing primary and secondary effects: a new decomposition method. Res. Soc. Stratif Mobil. 2011; 29 (2):221–237. [ Google Scholar ]
• E.M. Kerrison A.A. Sewell 55 S2 2020 787 796. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ]
• Krieger N., Chen J.T., Waterman P.D., Kiang M.V., Feldman J. Police killings and police deaths are public health data and can be counted. PLoS Med. 2015; 12 (12):e1001915. doi: 10.1371/journal.pmed.100191510.1371/journal.pmed.1001915.g00110.1371/journal.pmed.1001915.s00110.1371/journal.pmed.1001915.s002. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• LaVeist T.A., Isaac L.A., Williams K.P. Mistrust of health care organizations is associated with underutilization of health services. Health Serv. Res. 2009; 44 (6):2093–2105. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Long S.K., Coughlin T.A., Kendall S.J. Unmet need among rural Medicaid beneficiaries in Minnesota. J Rural Heal. 2002; 18 (3):437–446. [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Metzl J.M., Petty JuLeigh, Olowojoba O.V. Using a structural competency framework to teach structural racism in pre-health education. Soc. Sci. Med. 2018; 199 :189–201. [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Mollborn S., Stepanikova I., Cook K.S. Delayed care and unmet needs among health care system users: when does fiduciary trust in a physician matter? Health Serv. Res. 2005; 40 (6p1):1898–1917. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Peterson L.E., Litaker D.G. County-Level Poverty Is Equally Associated With Unmet Health Care Needs in Rural and Urban Settings. J Rural Heal. 2010; 26 (4):373–382. [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Qualtrics I. Provo; UT, USA: 2013. Qualtrics. [ Google Scholar ]
• Sewell A.A. The illness associations of police violence: Differential relationships by ethnoracial composition. Sociol. Forum. 2017; 32 :975–997. [ Google Scholar ]
• Sharp E.B., Johnson P.E. Accounting for variation in distrust of local police. Justice Q. 2009; 26 (1):157–182. [ Google Scholar ]
• Shi L., Stevens G.D. Vulnerability and unmet health care needs: the influence of multiple risk factors. J. Gen. Intern. Med. 2005; 20 (2):148–154. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Shoff C., Yang T.C. Untangling the associations among distrust, race, and neighborhood social environment: A social disorganization perspective. Soc. Sci. Med. 2012; 74 (9):1342–1352. doi: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2012.01.012. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ CrossRef ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Thompson H.S., Valdimarsdottir H.B., Winkel G., Jandorf L., Redd W. The Group-Based Medical Mistrust Scale: psychometric properties and association with breast cancer screening. Prev. Med. (Baltim). 2004; 38 (2):209–218. [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Williamson L.D., Bigman C.A. A systematic review of medical mistrust measures. Patient Educ. Couns. 2018; 101 (10):1786–1794. [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Williamson L.D., Smith M.A., Bigman C.A. Does discrimination breed mistrust? Examining the role of mediated and non-mediated discrimination experiences in medical mistrust. J. Health Commun. 2019; 24 (10):791–799. [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
• Yamada T., Chen C.-C., Murata C., Hirai H., Ojima T., Kondo K., III J. Access disparity and health inequality of the elderly: unmet needs and delayed healthcare. Int. J. Environ. Res. Public Health. 2015; 12 (2):1745–1772. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]

• Share full article

Advertisement

Subscriber-only Newsletter

John McWhorter

What if o.j.’s trial happened now.

By John McWhorter

Among the signature images of O.J. Simpson’s acquittal of the murders of his ex-wife and her friend was the contrasting tableaus of Black people grouping in front of television screens applauding while white people watching it were shaking their heads — appalled, perplexed and even disgusted by a verdict that flew in the face of obvious fact. Those contrasting perspectives have gone down as demonstrating a gulf of understanding between the races.

That gulf persists, but it narrows apace, and if the verdict came down today, it would be a lot less perplexing to many white people than it was back then. Many would understand why the jury acted as it did. We might even see some of them applauding along with Black people.

It isn’t that these people would celebrate Simpson himself, any more than the jurors did back in 1995. As has been often noted in the wake of his death, Simpson was not much of a hero in the Black community, as he spent little time with Black people, dated white women, made no contributions to Black-related causes and even declared “I’m not Black, I’m O.J.”

I’m not sure how many people of any color sincerely believed that Simpson was not the murderer and that the L.A.P.D., which had long coddled him despite his frequent battery of his wife, had for some reason framed him. The evidence of Simpson’s deed was overwhelming despite the ineptitude of the prosecution team. The verdict and the response to it among the Black community weren’t signs of support for Simpson; they were protests against a long legacy of mistreatment and even murder at the hands of the police.

For Black people in Los Angeles recalling how the L.A.P.D. had treated them for decades, for Black people in Philadelphia not long past the all but open racism of the police force there under Mayor Frank Rizzo, for Black people in Chicago remembering the racist profiling and abuse by the cops called the Flying Squad, the sheer fact of a Black man getting off on a murder charge was of epic significance. If anything, the fact that he was obviously guilty only amplified the victory.

For all the statistical discrepancies between Black and white Americans, interactions with the police may be the central driver of how many Black people experience racism. I noted this in my research and conversations in preparation for my book “Losing the Race” in the late 1990s, when I was sincerely trying to figure out why so many Black people spoke of racism almost as if it were the 1890s rather than the 1990s. There is a reason that the main focus of the Black Panthers was combating police brutality, that anti-cop animus was central to gangsta rap and that today Black Lives Matter may be more influential than the N.A.A.C.P.

In 1995 white people were generally less aware of this legacy. But today a majority of both white people and Black people attest that Black people are treated unfairly by the police.

It’s easier to insist that change doesn’t happen — which, when it comes to race, too many are inclined to — than to allow that it happens slowly. In 1949, even as progressive a soul as Oscar Hammerstein had to be politely implored by Paul Robeson’s wife not to make the one Black male chorus member in the original production of “South Pacific” spend his time onstage jitterbugging happily around. A theater artist would have been vastly less likely to make that mistake by the 1970s, but racism hadn’t ended; it had just become more subtle.

I saw it then, as a kid, in the coverage of television. Two popular sitcoms included actresses in their 80s going strong: Judith Lowry, the white woman who played Mother Dexter on “Phyllis,” and Zara Cully, the Black woman who played Mother Jefferson on “The Jeffersons.” There was endless media coverage of what a marvel Lowry was but all but none of this kind on Cully, despite the fact that “The Jeffersons” was a much bigger show — and that Cully was, frankly, a better and funnier actress. I noticed that Lowry was celebrated as a magnificent aged trouper while Cully was processed as just some old lady. My mother noticed it, too, saying that it was an example of Black people not being fully seen.

Observations like these were common among Black people but much less so among white people. Today I see white people far more aware. That’s why when I fast-forward the Simpson verdict to 2024, I picture some white people getting the news on their phones and doing high-fives and group hugs, some of them in tears. They would be no more likely to see Simpson himself as a hero than were the jurors of 1995, especially given that modern America is more sensitized not only to racism but also to abuse of women. But they would be more likely to see the acquittal as a kind of payback for all of the white cops who have been exonerated for murdering Black people. It would be processed, I imagine, as a teaching moment of sorts.

I, for one, have my issues with how racism and the police are commonly discussed these days. The cops obviously discriminate against Black people; the data is in . But when it comes to murder, I have learned over the past eight years or so that the story is more complex. Too many white people also are killed by cops. Proportionately to our share of the population, Black people are more likely than white people to be killed. But they are also more likely to be poor, and for a whole host of reasons, poor people are more likely to encounter the police. So poverty itself may explain part of the disparity. Also, in 2016 a white man named Tony Timpa was killed by cops in a way very similar to how George Floyd was murdered, but Timpa’s case did not attract the same kind of public outcry. All that leads me to think that America has a problem with police violence in general. But here’s the thing: I am accustomed to vigorous resistance to that argument from not only Black but white people, too.

It is in this context that the stark racial divide in the reception of the Simpson verdict three decades ago seems rather antique. There has been, regardless of the disagreements that inevitably persist, progress.

John McWhorter ( @JohnHMcWhorter ) is an associate professor of linguistics at Columbia University. He is the author of “ Nine Nasty Words : English in the Gutter: Then, Now and Forever” and, most recently, “ Woke Racism : How a New Religion Has Betrayed Black America.” @ JohnHMcWhorter

Numbers, Facts and Trends Shaping Your World

Read our research on:

Full Topic List

Regions & Countries

• Publications
• Our Methods
• Short Reads
• Tools & Resources

Read Our Research On:

8 facts about Black Lives Matter

In the 10 years since the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag was first used on social media, it has appeared in more than 44 million tweets, according to  a recent Pew Research Center report . On a typical (median) day, #BlackLivesMatter appears in about 3,000 tweets as users discuss topics such as racism, violence and the criminal justice system.

Use of the hashtag has often surged around specific acts of violence against Black Americans. The hashtag first appeared in July 2013, after George Zimmerman was acquitted in the 2012 shooting death of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin in Florida. Its use peaked at over 1.2 million tweets per day after Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin murdered George Floyd in May 2020.

As we mark 10 years since the hashtag originated, here are eight facts about the Black Lives Matter movement.

Pew Research Center sought to explore the impact and reach of the Black Lives Matter movement 10 years after the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag originated on Twitter. This post includes survey findings from Center studies conducted from 2021 to 2023, as well as a Center analysis of Twitter activity from July 2013 to March 2023. Links to the methodology for each publication, including the questions asked in each survey, can be found in the text of this analysis.

About half of adults in the United States (51%) say they support the Black Lives Matter movement, according to a 2023 Center survey . This includes 22% who strongly support it and 29% who somewhat support it.

There are significant differences in opinion by race and ethnicity, political party, and age. About eight-in-ten Black Americans (81%) support the movement, compared with 63% of Asian, 61% of Hispanic and 42% of White Americans. Democrats and those who lean toward the Democratic Party are about five times as likely as Republicans and Republican leaners to support Black Lives Matter (84% vs. 17%). And whereas most adults ages 18 to 29 (64%) support the movement, 41% of those ages 65 and older do.

Support for Black Lives Matter has decreased significantly among U.S. adults since June 2020, the same Center survey shows. Two-thirds of adults strongly or somewhat supported the movement in June 2020 – shortly after Floyd was murdered – but that share fell to 56% in March 2022 and 51% in April 2023.

The decline is largely due to a smaller share of White adults supporting the movement. In June 2020, 60% of White adults said they supported Black Lives Matter, but that share fell to 50% in 2022 and 42% this year. Support among Asian and Hispanic adults has also fallen since 2020, but not as sharply as it has among White adults. In contrast, about 80% or more of Black adults have expressed support for the movement every year since 2020.

Most teenagers support the Black Lives Matter movement, according to a separate Center survey conducted in 2022 . Seven-in-ten Americans ages 13 to 17 said they strongly or somewhat support the movement.

Black and Democratic teenagers were especially likely to support the movement. Some 92% of Black teenagers said they support it, compared with 82% of Hispanic and 57% of White teenagers. (There were not enough Asian teens in the sample to allow for separate analysis.) And 94% of Democratic teens said they support Black Lives Matter – more than twice the share of Republican teens who said the same (42%).

Among U.S. adults, 7% say they have ever attended a Black Lives Matter protest, according to the 2023 Center report . Even among the demographic groups that are most likely to support Black Lives Matter, the shares of people who have attended a protest are low.

Some 15% of Black adults say they have attended a Black Lives Matter protest; they are more likely than Hispanic, Asian or White adults to say they have done so. Similarly, adults ages 18 to 29 are about twice as likely as those 30 to 49 and five times as likely as those 50 and older to have attended a Black Lives Matter protest. And Democrats are four times as likely as Republicans to have done this.

Many Black adults in the U.S. say Black Lives Matter has done the most to help Black people in recent years. About four-in-ten Black adults (39%) said this in a 2021 Center survey . That far exceeded the share of Black adults who said the same about any other entity asked about in the survey, including the NAACP, Black churches or other religious organizations, the Congressional Black Caucus and the National Urban League. (This survey did not specify whether Black Lives Matter referred to an organization or the broader movement.)

The public is divided on how effective the Black Lives Matter movement has been at bringing attention to racism against Black people in the U.S. About a third of adults (32%) say the movement has been extremely or very effective at this. Some 35% say it has been somewhat effective, while 30% say it has been not too or not at all effective, according to the 2023 Center survey .

Black and Asian adults are more likely than other racial and ethnic groups to say the movement has been extremely or very effective at bringing attention to racism in the country. Some 48% of Black adults and 46% of Asian adults say this, compared with 33% of Hispanic and 27% of White adults.

The public gives the Black Lives Matter movement lower marks on some other questions. Only 14% of U.S. adults say the movement has been extremely or very effective at increasing police accountability; 8% say it has been effective at improving the lives of Black people; and 7% say it has improved race relations.

A large majority of social media users in the U.S. (77%) say they have seen content on social media related to Black Lives Matter, but far fewer report having ever posted or shared something about this topic, according to the 2023 Center report . Some 24% of social media users say they have posted or shared content supporting Black Lives Matter, while 10% have shared content opposing it.

Black social media users are particularly likely to have posted in support of Black Lives Matter: 52% have done so, compared with 24% of Hispanic, 22% of Asian and 18% of White users. Younger users are also more likely than older users to have posted or shared something in support of Black Lives Matter, as are Democrats when compared with Republicans.

On Twitter specifically, millions of people first engaged with the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag following Floyd’s murder. Between May and September 2020, 5.8 million distinct users shared a tweet that contained the hashtag for the first time.

A majority of social media posts that use the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag are supportive, the same report finds. Between July 2013 and March 2023, about seven-in-ten publicly available tweets that used the hashtag (72%) were positive toward the movement. Another 17% were neutral and 11% were negative.

Supportive tweets commonly include words such as together , justice , change , brutality and murder , whereas negative tweets often use words such as riot , assault , criminal and violent .

• Black Americans
• Racial Bias & Discrimination

A look at Black-owned businesses in the U.S.

8 facts about black americans and the news, black americans’ views on success in the u.s., among black adults, those with higher incomes are most likely to say they are happy, fewer than half of black americans say the news often covers the issues that are important to them, most popular.

1615 L St. NW, Suite 800 Washington, DC 20036 USA (+1) 202-419-4300 | Main (+1) 202-857-8562 | Fax (+1) 202-419-4372 |  Media Inquiries

Research Topics

• Age & Generations
• Coronavirus (COVID-19)
• Economy & Work
• Family & Relationships
• Gender & LGBTQ
• Immigration & Migration
• International Affairs
• Internet & Technology
• Methodological Research
• News Habits & Media
• Non-U.S. Governments
• Other Topics
• Politics & Policy
• Race & Ethnicity
• Email Newsletters

ABOUT PEW RESEARCH CENTER  Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan fact tank that informs the public about the issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, media content analysis and other empirical social science research. Pew Research Center does not take policy positions. It is a subsidiary of  The Pew Charitable Trusts .

Copyright 2024 Pew Research Center

Terms & Conditions

Privacy Policy

Cookie Settings

Reprints, Permissions & Use Policy

Genovese Crime Family Research Paper

This essay about the Genovese crime family today explores how this notorious group has adapted to the modern landscape of organized crime. Historically one of the Five Families dominating New York City’s underworld, the Genovese family was known for its strict adherence to omertà and complex hierarchical structure. With the advent of laws like the RICO Act, traditional organized crime structures have faced dismantling, leading to a waning of overt criminal activities. Today, the Genovese family is more engaged in white-collar crimes and sophisticated frauds, including credit card fraud and cybercrime, demonstrating an adaptability to changing legal and economic environments. They also maintain influence in labor and union sectors, controlling construction projects and job sites. This shift indicates a strategic pivot towards less detectable forms of crime, allowing them to continue their operations amidst increased law enforcement pressures.

How it works

The Genovese syndicate, an epithet intertwined with the echelons of organized illegality in the United States, has been the focal point of both governmental scrutiny and public intrigue for epochs. Historically acknowledged as one of the Five Syndicates dictating illicit activities in the urban expanse of New York City, the Genovese syndicate has been ensnared in a plethora of illicit undertakings encompassing gambling, usury, extortion, labor malfeasance, and homicide. Presently, amidst the metamorphosis of organized crime propelled by sundry factors, the Genovese syndicate endures as a notable player albeit within an altered milieu.

In the bygone century, the Genovese criminal clan was renowned for its steadfast adherence to the archaic omertà code, epitomizing silence, and for fostering an intricate hierarchical framework that defied law enforcement intrusion. Figures such as Vito Genovese and Vincent “The Chin” Gigante achieved notoriety for their leadership methodologies and the enigmatic ambiance enshrouding their machinations. Gigante, especially, garnered notoriety for sauntering the avenues of Greenwich Village garbed in his bathrobe to feign lunacy and elude legal repercussions, a stratagem earning him the moniker “The Eccentric Patriarch.”

In contemporary times, the sway of the Genovese syndicate, akin to much of organized crime in the United States, has dwindled under the relentless judicial straits and an evolving fiscal landscape. The Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Act, enacted in 1970, has proven particularly efficacious in disbanding the conventional structures of organized illegality. High-profile indictments and convictions have been instrumental in dismantling the hierarchical fabric of these syndicates, precipitating a more disjointed panorama of organized crime.

Nevertheless, the Genovese criminal syndicate has acclimatized to these vicissitudes. Presently, they are purportedly enmeshed in white-collar delinquencies and intricate stratagems less prone to soliciting scrutiny compared to their erstwhile street-level operations. These encompass credit card chicanery, cybercrime, and the infiltration of legitimate enterprises to syphon pecuniary gains. This transition underscores an adaptability and tenacity that has enabled the syndicate to perpetuate a presence in organized illegality despite formidable challenges.

Furthermore, the Genovese syndicate’s sway in labor and union circles, a historical bastion, persists as a pivotal facet of their endeavors. By manipulating union activities, they wield dominion over work sites, embezzle funds, and wield influence over construction ventures in New York City and beyond. This facet of their criminal pursuits underscores the entrenched nature of organized illegality in both illicit and licit spheres of the economy.

The enduring legacy of the Genovese criminal syndicate in the 21st century attests to the indomitable essence of organized crime. While their modus operandi may no longer mirror the overt brutality and theatrics of yore, their persistent undertakings intimate a calculated pivot towards subtler manifestations of illegitimate enterprises that elude facile detection and prosecution. As organized crime continues its metamorphosis, the saga of the Genovese syndicate serves as a poignant reminder of the intricate interplay between illicit enterprises, law enforcement, and society.

In summation, the contemporary Genovese syndicate reflects both the looming specter of its historical antecedents and its adaptive stratagems in the face of contemporaneous tribulations. Their narrative epitomizes a saga of metamorphosis and tenacity, showcasing that even the most infamous criminal conglomerates can engender novel avenues for flourishing amid adversity.

Cite this page

Genovese Crime Family Research Paper. (2024, Apr 22). Retrieved from https://papersowl.com/examples/genovese-crime-family-research-paper/

"Genovese Crime Family Research Paper." PapersOwl.com , 22 Apr 2024, https://papersowl.com/examples/genovese-crime-family-research-paper/

PapersOwl.com. (2024). Genovese Crime Family Research Paper . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/genovese-crime-family-research-paper/ [Accessed: 22 Apr. 2024]

"Genovese Crime Family Research Paper." PapersOwl.com, Apr 22, 2024. Accessed April 22, 2024. https://papersowl.com/examples/genovese-crime-family-research-paper/

"Genovese Crime Family Research Paper," PapersOwl.com , 22-Apr-2024. [Online]. Available: https://papersowl.com/examples/genovese-crime-family-research-paper/. [Accessed: 22-Apr-2024]

PapersOwl.com. (2024). Genovese Crime Family Research Paper . [Online]. Available at: https://papersowl.com/examples/genovese-crime-family-research-paper/ [Accessed: 22-Apr-2024]

Don't let plagiarism ruin your grade

Hire a writer to get a unique paper crafted to your needs.

Our writers will help you fix any mistakes and get an A+!

Please check your inbox.

You can order an original essay written according to your instructions.

Trusted by over 1 million students worldwide

1. Tell Us Your Requirements

2. Pick your perfect writer

3. Get Your Paper and Pay

Hi! I'm Amy, your personal assistant!

Don't know where to start? Give me your paper requirements and I connect you to an academic expert.

short deadlines

100% Plagiarism-Free

Certified writers