literature review cultural studies

Cultural Studies: Literature review

Searching & reviewing the literature.

• Literature Review
• Search Strategy
• Database searching

A literature review is an evaluation of relevant literature on a topic and is usually the starting point for any undergraduate essay or postgraduate thesis. The focus for a literature review is on scholarly published materials such as books, journal articles and reports.

A search and review of relevant sources may be extensive and form part of a thesis or research project. Postgraduate researchers will normally focus on primary sources such as research studies in journals.

A literature review also provides evidence for an undergraduate assignment. Students new to a discipline may find that starting with an overview or review of relevant research in books and journals, the easiest way to begin researching a topic and obtaining the necessary background information.

Source materials can be categorised as:

Primary source : Original research from journals articles or conference papers, original materials such as historical documents, or creative works.

Secondary source : Evaluations, reviews or syntheses of original work. e.g. review articles in journals.

Tertiary source : Broadly scoped material put together usually from secondary sources to provide an overview, e.g. a book.

The Literature Review Structure : Like a standard academic essay, a literature review is made up of three key components: an introduction, a body and a conclusion. Most literature reviews can follow the following format: • Introduction: Introduce the topic/problem and the context within which it is found. • Body: Examine past research in the area highlighting methodological and/or theoretical developments, areas of agreement, contentious areas, important studies and so forth. Keep the focus on your area of interest and identify gaps in the research that your research/investigation will attempt to fill. State clearly how your work builds on or responds to earlier work. • Conclusion: Summarise what has emerged from the review of literature and reiterate conclusions.

This information has been adapted from the Edith Cowan University Literature review: Academic tip sheet .

Steps in searching and reviewing the literature:

• Define the topic and scope of the assignment. Ensure you understand the question and expectations of the assignment. It's useful to develop a plan and outline, headings, etc.  
• Check terminology. e.g. dictionaries, encyclopedias, thesauruses  
• Identify keywords for searching (include English and American spelling and terminology)  
• Identify types of publications. e.g. books, journal articles, reports.  
• Search relevant databases (refer to the relevant subject guide for key databases and sources)  
• Select and evaluate relevant sources Evaluating information sources including books, journal articles and web publications  
• Synthesize the information  
• Write the review following the structure outlined.  
• Save references used. e.g. from the databases save, email, print or download references to EndNote.  
• Reference sources (APA 7th) (see Referencing Library Guide )

When you are writing for an academic purpose such as an essay for an assignment, you need to find evidence to support your ideas. The library is a good place to begin your search for the evidence, as it acquires books and journals to support the disciplines within the University. The following outlines a list of steps to follow when starting to write an academic assignment:

Define your topic and scope of the search

• This will provide the search terms when gathering evidence from the literature to support your arguments.
• Sometimes it is a good idea to concept map key themes.

The scope will advise you:

• How much information is required, often identified by the number of words ie 500 or 3000 words
• What sort of writing is required. e.g.  essay, report, annotated bibliography
• How many marks are assigned. This may indicate the amount of time to allocate to the task.

Gather the information - Before writing about your topic, you will need to find evidence to support your ideas. 

Books provide a useful starting point for an introduction to the subject. Books also provide an in-depth coverage of a topic.

Journal Articles: For current research or information on a very specific topic, journal articles may be the most useful, as they are published on a regular basis. It is normally expected that you will use some journal articles in your assignment. When using journal articles, check whether they are from a magazine or scholalry publication. Scholarly publications are often peer reviewed, which means that the articles are reviewed by expert/s before being accepted for publication.

Reports : useful information can also be found in free web publications from government or research organizations (e.g. reports). Any web publications should be carefully evaluated. You are also required to view the whole publication, not just the abstract, if using the information in your assignment.

Remember to ensure that you note the citation details for references that you collect, at the time of locating the items. It is often time consuming and impossible to track the required data later.

Analyse the information collected

• Have I collected enough information on the topic?

Synthesize your information

Write the report or essay

• Check the ECU Academic tip sheet: the Academic Essay for some useful pointers
• Remember, in most cases you will need an introduction, body and conclusion
• Record details of references used for referencing. Information on referencing can be located on the ECU Referencing Guide .

Database search tips:

1. Identify main concepts and keywords . Search the main concepts first, then limit further as necessary.

2. Find Synonyms (Boolean  OR broadens the search to include alternative keywords or subject thesaurus terms):

• pediatrics  OR children
• teenagers  OR adolescents

3. AND (Boolean AND  joins concepts and narrows the                search):

• occupational therapy  AND children
• stress  AND (occupation OR job)

4. Be aware of differences in American and English spelling and terminology. Most databases use American spelling and terminology as preferred subject terms.

5. Use Truncation (putting * at the end of a word stem will search all forms of the word):

• disab * (disability, disabilities, disabled)
• child * (child, children, childhood, children's)

6. "...." (inverted commas) use for a phrase

• "mental health"
• "occupational therapy"

7. Wildcard ? will search for any single letter in the space. e.g. wom?n will search women, woman, organi?ation will search organisation, organization.

8. Wildcard * can also be used where alternate spelling may contain an extra character. e.g. p*ediatric, will search paediatric or pediatric, behavio*r, will search behaviour or behavior.

Systematic and other types of reviews

Researchers should refer to the Systematic Reviews guide for information and resources on:

• Conducting systematic reviews
• Types of reviews
• Formulating a question
• Searching for studies
• Grey literature
• Critical appraisal
• Documenting and reporting
• Managing search results
• Librarian consultation
• Search strategy planner
• MEDLINE database guide
• CINAHL database guide
• SPORTDiscus database guide
• Web of Science database guide

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• How to Write a Literature Review | Guide, Examples, & Templates

How to Write a Literature Review | Guide, Examples, & Templates

Published on January 2, 2023 by Shona McCombes . Revised on September 11, 2023.

What is a literature review? A literature review is a survey of scholarly sources on a specific topic. It provides an overview of current knowledge, allowing you to identify relevant theories, methods, and gaps in the existing research that you can later apply to your paper, thesis, or dissertation topic .

There are five key steps to writing a literature review:

• Search for relevant literature
• Evaluate sources
• Identify themes, debates, and gaps
• Outline the structure
• Write your literature review

A good literature review doesn’t just summarize sources—it analyzes, synthesizes , and critically evaluates to give a clear picture of the state of knowledge on the subject.

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Table of contents

What is the purpose of a literature review, examples of literature reviews, step 1 – search for relevant literature, step 2 – evaluate and select sources, step 3 – identify themes, debates, and gaps, step 4 – outline your literature review’s structure, step 5 – write your literature review, free lecture slides, other interesting articles, frequently asked questions, introduction.

• Quick Run-through
• Step 1 & 2

When you write a thesis , dissertation , or research paper , you will likely have to conduct a literature review to situate your research within existing knowledge. The literature review gives you a chance to:

• Demonstrate your familiarity with the topic and its scholarly context
• Develop a theoretical framework and methodology for your research
• Position your work in relation to other researchers and theorists
• Show how your research addresses a gap or contributes to a debate
• Evaluate the current state of research and demonstrate your knowledge of the scholarly debates around your topic.

Writing literature reviews is a particularly important skill if you want to apply for graduate school or pursue a career in research. We’ve written a step-by-step guide that you can follow below.

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See an example

Writing literature reviews can be quite challenging! A good starting point could be to look at some examples, depending on what kind of literature review you’d like to write.

• Example literature review #1: “Why Do People Migrate? A Review of the Theoretical Literature” ( Theoretical literature review about the development of economic migration theory from the 1950s to today.)
• Example literature review #2: “Literature review as a research methodology: An overview and guidelines” ( Methodological literature review about interdisciplinary knowledge acquisition and production.)
• Example literature review #3: “The Use of Technology in English Language Learning: A Literature Review” ( Thematic literature review about the effects of technology on language acquisition.)
• Example literature review #4: “Learners’ Listening Comprehension Difficulties in English Language Learning: A Literature Review” ( Chronological literature review about how the concept of listening skills has changed over time.)

You can also check out our templates with literature review examples and sample outlines at the links below.

Download Word doc Download Google doc

Before you begin searching for literature, you need a clearly defined topic .

If you are writing the literature review section of a dissertation or research paper, you will search for literature related to your research problem and questions .

Make a list of keywords

Start by creating a list of keywords related to your research question. Include each of the key concepts or variables you’re interested in, and list any synonyms and related terms. You can add to this list as you discover new keywords in the process of your literature search.

• Social media, Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, Snapchat, TikTok
• Body image, self-perception, self-esteem, mental health
• Generation Z, teenagers, adolescents, youth

Search for relevant sources

Use your keywords to begin searching for sources. Some useful databases to search for journals and articles include:

• Your university’s library catalogue
• Google Scholar
• Project Muse (humanities and social sciences)
• Medline (life sciences and biomedicine)
• EconLit (economics)
• Inspec (physics, engineering and computer science)

You can also use boolean operators to help narrow down your search.

Make sure to read the abstract to find out whether an article is relevant to your question. When you find a useful book or article, you can check the bibliography to find other relevant sources.

You likely won’t be able to read absolutely everything that has been written on your topic, so it will be necessary to evaluate which sources are most relevant to your research question.

For each publication, ask yourself:

• What question or problem is the author addressing?
• What are the key concepts and how are they defined?
• What are the key theories, models, and methods?
• Does the research use established frameworks or take an innovative approach?
• What are the results and conclusions of the study?
• How does the publication relate to other literature in the field? Does it confirm, add to, or challenge established knowledge?
• What are the strengths and weaknesses of the research?

Make sure the sources you use are credible , and make sure you read any landmark studies and major theories in your field of research.

You can use our template to summarize and evaluate sources you’re thinking about using. Click on either button below to download.

Take notes and cite your sources

As you read, you should also begin the writing process. Take notes that you can later incorporate into the text of your literature review.

It is important to keep track of your sources with citations to avoid plagiarism . It can be helpful to make an annotated bibliography , where you compile full citation information and write a paragraph of summary and analysis for each source. This helps you remember what you read and saves time later in the process.

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To begin organizing your literature review’s argument and structure, be sure you understand the connections and relationships between the sources you’ve read. Based on your reading and notes, you can look for:

• Trends and patterns (in theory, method or results): do certain approaches become more or less popular over time?
• Themes: what questions or concepts recur across the literature?
• Debates, conflicts and contradictions: where do sources disagree?
• Pivotal publications: are there any influential theories or studies that changed the direction of the field?
• Gaps: what is missing from the literature? Are there weaknesses that need to be addressed?

This step will help you work out the structure of your literature review and (if applicable) show how your own research will contribute to existing knowledge.

• Most research has focused on young women.
• There is an increasing interest in the visual aspects of social media.
• But there is still a lack of robust research on highly visual platforms like Instagram and Snapchat—this is a gap that you could address in your own research.

There are various approaches to organizing the body of a literature review. Depending on the length of your literature review, you can combine several of these strategies (for example, your overall structure might be thematic, but each theme is discussed chronologically).

Chronological

The simplest approach is to trace the development of the topic over time. However, if you choose this strategy, be careful to avoid simply listing and summarizing sources in order.

Try to analyze patterns, turning points and key debates that have shaped the direction of the field. Give your interpretation of how and why certain developments occurred.

If you have found some recurring central themes, you can organize your literature review into subsections that address different aspects of the topic.

For example, if you are reviewing literature about inequalities in migrant health outcomes, key themes might include healthcare policy, language barriers, cultural attitudes, legal status, and economic access.

Methodological

If you draw your sources from different disciplines or fields that use a variety of research methods , you might want to compare the results and conclusions that emerge from different approaches. For example:

• Look at what results have emerged in qualitative versus quantitative research
• Discuss how the topic has been approached by empirical versus theoretical scholarship
• Divide the literature into sociological, historical, and cultural sources

Theoretical

A literature review is often the foundation for a theoretical framework . You can use it to discuss various theories, models, and definitions of key concepts.

You might argue for the relevance of a specific theoretical approach, or combine various theoretical concepts to create a framework for your research.

Like any other academic text , your literature review should have an introduction , a main body, and a conclusion . What you include in each depends on the objective of your literature review.

The introduction should clearly establish the focus and purpose of the literature review.

Depending on the length of your literature review, you might want to divide the body into subsections. You can use a subheading for each theme, time period, or methodological approach.

As you write, you can follow these tips:

• Summarize and synthesize: give an overview of the main points of each source and combine them into a coherent whole
• Analyze and interpret: don’t just paraphrase other researchers — add your own interpretations where possible, discussing the significance of findings in relation to the literature as a whole
• Critically evaluate: mention the strengths and weaknesses of your sources
• Write in well-structured paragraphs: use transition words and topic sentences to draw connections, comparisons and contrasts

In the conclusion, you should summarize the key findings you have taken from the literature and emphasize their significance.

When you’ve finished writing and revising your literature review, don’t forget to proofread thoroughly before submitting. Not a language expert? Check out Scribbr’s professional proofreading services !

This article has been adapted into lecture slides that you can use to teach your students about writing a literature review.

Scribbr slides are free to use, customize, and distribute for educational purposes.

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If you want to know more about the research process , methodology , research bias , or statistics , make sure to check out some of our other articles with explanations and examples.

• Sampling methods
• Simple random sampling
• Stratified sampling
• Cluster sampling
• Likert scales
• Reproducibility

 Statistics

• Null hypothesis
• Statistical power
• Probability distribution
• Effect size
• Poisson distribution

Research bias

• Optimism bias
• Cognitive bias
• Implicit bias
• Hawthorne effect
• Anchoring bias
• Explicit bias

A literature review is a survey of scholarly sources (such as books, journal articles, and theses) related to a specific topic or research question .

It is often written as part of a thesis, dissertation , or research paper , in order to situate your work in relation to existing knowledge.

There are several reasons to conduct a literature review at the beginning of a research project:

• To familiarize yourself with the current state of knowledge on your topic
• To ensure that you’re not just repeating what others have already done
• To identify gaps in knowledge and unresolved problems that your research can address
• To develop your theoretical framework and methodology
• To provide an overview of the key findings and debates on the topic

Writing the literature review shows your reader how your work relates to existing research and what new insights it will contribute.

The literature review usually comes near the beginning of your thesis or dissertation . After the introduction , it grounds your research in a scholarly field and leads directly to your theoretical framework or methodology .

A literature review is a survey of credible sources on a topic, often used in dissertations , theses, and research papers . Literature reviews give an overview of knowledge on a subject, helping you identify relevant theories and methods, as well as gaps in existing research. Literature reviews are set up similarly to other  academic texts , with an introduction , a main body, and a conclusion .

An  annotated bibliography is a list of  source references that has a short description (called an annotation ) for each of the sources. It is often assigned as part of the research process for a  paper .  

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Writing a Literature Review (University Library, UC Santa Cruz)

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• How to: Literature reviews The Writing Center, University of North Carolina Chapel Hill
• The Literature Review A basic overview of the literature review process. (Courtesy of Virginia Commonwealth University)
• The Process: Search, Assess, Summarize, Synthesize Getting Started: Assessing Sources/Creating a Matrix/Writing a Literature Review (Courtesy of Virginia Commonwealth University)
• Review of Literature The Writing Center @ Univeristy of Wisconsin - Madison
• Tools for Preparing Literature Reviews George Washington University
• Write a Literature Review University Library, UC Santa Cruz

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1. Introduction

Not to be confused with a book review, a  literature review  surveys scholarly articles, books and other sources (e.g. dissertations, conference proceedings) relevant to a particular issue, area of research, or theory, providing a description, summary, and critical evaluation of each work. The purpose is to offer an overview of significant literature published on a topic.

2. Components

Similar to primary research, development of the literature review requires four stages:

• Problem formulation—which topic or field is being examined and what are its component issues?
• Literature search—finding materials relevant to the subject being explored
• Data evaluation—determining which literature makes a significant contribution to the understanding of the topic
• Analysis and interpretation—discussing the findings and conclusions of pertinent literature

Literature reviews should comprise the following elements:

• An overview of the subject, issue or theory under consideration, along with the objectives of the literature review
• Division of works under review into categories (e.g. those in support of a particular position, those against, and those offering alternative theses entirely)
• Explanation of how each work is similar to and how it varies from the others
• Conclusions as to which pieces are best considered in their argument, are most convincing of their opinions, and make the greatest contribution to the understanding and development of their area of research

In assessing each piece, consideration should be given to:

• Provenance—What are the author's credentials? Are the author's arguments supported by evidence (e.g. primary historical material, case studies, narratives, statistics, recent scientific findings)?
• Objectivity—Is the author's perspective even-handed or prejudicial? Is contrary data considered or is certain pertinent information ignored to prove the author's point?
• Persuasiveness—Which of the author's theses are most/least convincing?
• Value—Are the author's arguments and conclusions convincing? Does the work ultimately contribute in any significant way to an understanding of the subject?

  3. Definition and Use/Purpose

A literature review may constitute an essential chapter of a thesis or dissertation, or may be a self-contained review of writings on a subject. In either case, its purpose is to:

• Place each work in the context of its contribution to the understanding of the subject under review
• Describe the relationship of each work to the others under consideration
• Identify new ways to interpret, and shed light on any gaps in, previous research
• Resolve conflicts amongst seemingly contradictory previous studies
• Identify areas of prior scholarship to prevent duplication of effort
• Point the way forward for further research
• Place one's original work (in the case of theses or dissertations) in the context of existing literature

The literature review itself, however, does not present new  primary  scholarship.

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A literature review surveys prior research published in books, scholarly articles, and any other sources relevant to a particular issue, area of research, or theory, and by so doing, provides a description, summary, and critical evaluation of these works in relation to the research problem being investigated. Literature reviews are designed to provide an overview of sources you have used in researching a particular topic and to demonstrate to your readers how your research fits within existing scholarship about the topic.

Fink, Arlene. Conducting Research Literature Reviews: From the Internet to Paper . Fourth edition. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, 2014.

Importance of a Good Literature Review

A literature review may consist of simply a summary of key sources, but in the social sciences, a literature review usually has an organizational pattern and combines both summary and synthesis, often within specific conceptual categories . A summary is a recap of the important information of the source, but a synthesis is a re-organization, or a reshuffling, of that information in a way that informs how you are planning to investigate a research problem. The analytical features of a literature review might:

• Give a new interpretation of old material or combine new with old interpretations,
• Trace the intellectual progression of the field, including major debates,
• Depending on the situation, evaluate the sources and advise the reader on the most pertinent or relevant research, or
• Usually in the conclusion of a literature review, identify where gaps exist in how a problem has been researched to date.

Given this, the purpose of a literature review is to:

• Place each work in the context of its contribution to understanding the research problem being studied.
• Describe the relationship of each work to the others under consideration.
• Identify new ways to interpret prior research.
• Reveal any gaps that exist in the literature.
• Resolve conflicts amongst seemingly contradictory previous studies.
• Identify areas of prior scholarship to prevent duplication of effort.
• Point the way in fulfilling a need for additional research.
• Locate your own research within the context of existing literature [very important].

Fink, Arlene. Conducting Research Literature Reviews: From the Internet to Paper. 2nd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2005; Hart, Chris. Doing a Literature Review: Releasing the Social Science Research Imagination . Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1998; Jesson, Jill. Doing Your Literature Review: Traditional and Systematic Techniques . Los Angeles, CA: SAGE, 2011; Knopf, Jeffrey W. "Doing a Literature Review." PS: Political Science and Politics 39 (January 2006): 127-132; Ridley, Diana. The Literature Review: A Step-by-Step Guide for Students . 2nd ed. Los Angeles, CA: SAGE, 2012.

Types of Literature Reviews

It is important to think of knowledge in a given field as consisting of three layers. First, there are the primary studies that researchers conduct and publish. Second are the reviews of those studies that summarize and offer new interpretations built from and often extending beyond the primary studies. Third, there are the perceptions, conclusions, opinion, and interpretations that are shared informally among scholars that become part of the body of epistemological traditions within the field.

In composing a literature review, it is important to note that it is often this third layer of knowledge that is cited as "true" even though it often has only a loose relationship to the primary studies and secondary literature reviews. Given this, while literature reviews are designed to provide an overview and synthesis of pertinent sources you have explored, there are a number of approaches you could adopt depending upon the type of analysis underpinning your study.

Argumentative Review This form examines literature selectively in order to support or refute an argument, deeply embedded assumption, or philosophical problem already established in the literature. The purpose is to develop a body of literature that establishes a contrarian viewpoint. Given the value-laden nature of some social science research [e.g., educational reform; immigration control], argumentative approaches to analyzing the literature can be a legitimate and important form of discourse. However, note that they can also introduce problems of bias when they are used to make summary claims of the sort found in systematic reviews [see below].

Integrative Review Considered a form of research that reviews, critiques, and synthesizes representative literature on a topic in an integrated way such that new frameworks and perspectives on the topic are generated. The body of literature includes all studies that address related or identical hypotheses or research problems. A well-done integrative review meets the same standards as primary research in regard to clarity, rigor, and replication. This is the most common form of review in the social sciences.

Historical Review Few things rest in isolation from historical precedent. Historical literature reviews focus on examining research throughout a period of time, often starting with the first time an issue, concept, theory, phenomena emerged in the literature, then tracing its evolution within the scholarship of a discipline. The purpose is to place research in a historical context to show familiarity with state-of-the-art developments and to identify the likely directions for future research.

Methodological Review A review does not always focus on what someone said [findings], but how they came about saying what they say [method of analysis]. Reviewing methods of analysis provides a framework of understanding at different levels [i.e. those of theory, substantive fields, research approaches, and data collection and analysis techniques], how researchers draw upon a wide variety of knowledge ranging from the conceptual level to practical documents for use in fieldwork in the areas of ontological and epistemological consideration, quantitative and qualitative integration, sampling, interviewing, data collection, and data analysis. This approach helps highlight ethical issues which you should be aware of and consider as you go through your own study.

Systematic Review This form consists of an overview of existing evidence pertinent to a clearly formulated research question, which uses pre-specified and standardized methods to identify and critically appraise relevant research, and to collect, report, and analyze data from the studies that are included in the review. The goal is to deliberately document, critically evaluate, and summarize scientifically all of the research about a clearly defined research problem . Typically it focuses on a very specific empirical question, often posed in a cause-and-effect form, such as "To what extent does A contribute to B?" This type of literature review is primarily applied to examining prior research studies in clinical medicine and allied health fields, but it is increasingly being used in the social sciences.

Theoretical Review The purpose of this form is to examine the corpus of theory that has accumulated in regard to an issue, concept, theory, phenomena. The theoretical literature review helps to establish what theories already exist, the relationships between them, to what degree the existing theories have been investigated, and to develop new hypotheses to be tested. Often this form is used to help establish a lack of appropriate theories or reveal that current theories are inadequate for explaining new or emerging research problems. The unit of analysis can focus on a theoretical concept or a whole theory or framework.

NOTE : Most often the literature review will incorporate some combination of types. For example, a review that examines literature supporting or refuting an argument, assumption, or philosophical problem related to the research problem will also need to include writing supported by sources that establish the history of these arguments in the literature.

Baumeister, Roy F. and Mark R. Leary. "Writing Narrative Literature Reviews."  Review of General Psychology 1 (September 1997): 311-320; Mark R. Fink, Arlene. Conducting Research Literature Reviews: From the Internet to Paper . 2nd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2005; Hart, Chris. Doing a Literature Review: Releasing the Social Science Research Imagination . Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1998; Kennedy, Mary M. "Defining a Literature." Educational Researcher 36 (April 2007): 139-147; Petticrew, Mark and Helen Roberts. Systematic Reviews in the Social Sciences: A Practical Guide . Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 2006; Torracro, Richard. "Writing Integrative Literature Reviews: Guidelines and Examples." Human Resource Development Review 4 (September 2005): 356-367; Rocco, Tonette S. and Maria S. Plakhotnik. "Literature Reviews, Conceptual Frameworks, and Theoretical Frameworks: Terms, Functions, and Distinctions." Human Ressource Development Review 8 (March 2008): 120-130; Sutton, Anthea. Systematic Approaches to a Successful Literature Review . Los Angeles, CA: Sage Publications, 2016.

Structure and Writing Style

I.  Thinking About Your Literature Review

The structure of a literature review should include the following in support of understanding the research problem :

• An overview of the subject, issue, or theory under consideration, along with the objectives of the literature review,
• Division of works under review into themes or categories [e.g. works that support a particular position, those against, and those offering alternative approaches entirely],
• An explanation of how each work is similar to and how it varies from the others,
• Conclusions as to which pieces are best considered in their argument, are most convincing of their opinions, and make the greatest contribution to the understanding and development of their area of research.

The critical evaluation of each work should consider :

• Provenance -- what are the author's credentials? Are the author's arguments supported by evidence [e.g. primary historical material, case studies, narratives, statistics, recent scientific findings]?
• Methodology -- were the techniques used to identify, gather, and analyze the data appropriate to addressing the research problem? Was the sample size appropriate? Were the results effectively interpreted and reported?
• Objectivity -- is the author's perspective even-handed or prejudicial? Is contrary data considered or is certain pertinent information ignored to prove the author's point?
• Persuasiveness -- which of the author's theses are most convincing or least convincing?
• Validity -- are the author's arguments and conclusions convincing? Does the work ultimately contribute in any significant way to an understanding of the subject?

II.  Development of the Literature Review

Four Basic Stages of Writing 1.  Problem formulation -- which topic or field is being examined and what are its component issues? 2.  Literature search -- finding materials relevant to the subject being explored. 3.  Data evaluation -- determining which literature makes a significant contribution to the understanding of the topic. 4.  Analysis and interpretation -- discussing the findings and conclusions of pertinent literature.

Consider the following issues before writing the literature review: Clarify If your assignment is not specific about what form your literature review should take, seek clarification from your professor by asking these questions: 1.  Roughly how many sources would be appropriate to include? 2.  What types of sources should I review (books, journal articles, websites; scholarly versus popular sources)? 3.  Should I summarize, synthesize, or critique sources by discussing a common theme or issue? 4.  Should I evaluate the sources in any way beyond evaluating how they relate to understanding the research problem? 5.  Should I provide subheadings and other background information, such as definitions and/or a history? Find Models Use the exercise of reviewing the literature to examine how authors in your discipline or area of interest have composed their literature review sections. Read them to get a sense of the types of themes you might want to look for in your own research or to identify ways to organize your final review. The bibliography or reference section of sources you've already read, such as required readings in the course syllabus, are also excellent entry points into your own research. Narrow the Topic The narrower your topic, the easier it will be to limit the number of sources you need to read in order to obtain a good survey of relevant resources. Your professor will probably not expect you to read everything that's available about the topic, but you'll make the act of reviewing easier if you first limit scope of the research problem. A good strategy is to begin by searching the USC Libraries Catalog for recent books about the topic and review the table of contents for chapters that focuses on specific issues. You can also review the indexes of books to find references to specific issues that can serve as the focus of your research. For example, a book surveying the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict may include a chapter on the role Egypt has played in mediating the conflict, or look in the index for the pages where Egypt is mentioned in the text. Consider Whether Your Sources are Current Some disciplines require that you use information that is as current as possible. This is particularly true in disciplines in medicine and the sciences where research conducted becomes obsolete very quickly as new discoveries are made. However, when writing a review in the social sciences, a survey of the history of the literature may be required. In other words, a complete understanding the research problem requires you to deliberately examine how knowledge and perspectives have changed over time. Sort through other current bibliographies or literature reviews in the field to get a sense of what your discipline expects. You can also use this method to explore what is considered by scholars to be a "hot topic" and what is not.

III.  Ways to Organize Your Literature Review

Chronology of Events If your review follows the chronological method, you could write about the materials according to when they were published. This approach should only be followed if a clear path of research building on previous research can be identified and that these trends follow a clear chronological order of development. For example, a literature review that focuses on continuing research about the emergence of German economic power after the fall of the Soviet Union. By Publication Order your sources by publication chronology, then, only if the order demonstrates a more important trend. For instance, you could order a review of literature on environmental studies of brown fields if the progression revealed, for example, a change in the soil collection practices of the researchers who wrote and/or conducted the studies. Thematic [“conceptual categories”] A thematic literature review is the most common approach to summarizing prior research in the social and behavioral sciences. Thematic reviews are organized around a topic or issue, rather than the progression of time, although the progression of time may still be incorporated into a thematic review. For example, a review of the Internet’s impact on American presidential politics could focus on the development of online political satire. While the study focuses on one topic, the Internet’s impact on American presidential politics, it would still be organized chronologically reflecting technological developments in media. The difference in this example between a "chronological" and a "thematic" approach is what is emphasized the most: themes related to the role of the Internet in presidential politics. Note that more authentic thematic reviews tend to break away from chronological order. A review organized in this manner would shift between time periods within each section according to the point being made. Methodological A methodological approach focuses on the methods utilized by the researcher. For the Internet in American presidential politics project, one methodological approach would be to look at cultural differences between the portrayal of American presidents on American, British, and French websites. Or the review might focus on the fundraising impact of the Internet on a particular political party. A methodological scope will influence either the types of documents in the review or the way in which these documents are discussed.

Other Sections of Your Literature Review Once you've decided on the organizational method for your literature review, the sections you need to include in the paper should be easy to figure out because they arise from your organizational strategy. In other words, a chronological review would have subsections for each vital time period; a thematic review would have subtopics based upon factors that relate to the theme or issue. However, sometimes you may need to add additional sections that are necessary for your study, but do not fit in the organizational strategy of the body. What other sections you include in the body is up to you. However, only include what is necessary for the reader to locate your study within the larger scholarship about the research problem.

Here are examples of other sections, usually in the form of a single paragraph, you may need to include depending on the type of review you write:

• Current Situation : Information necessary to understand the current topic or focus of the literature review.
• Sources Used : Describes the methods and resources [e.g., databases] you used to identify the literature you reviewed.
• History : The chronological progression of the field, the research literature, or an idea that is necessary to understand the literature review, if the body of the literature review is not already a chronology.
• Selection Methods : Criteria you used to select (and perhaps exclude) sources in your literature review. For instance, you might explain that your review includes only peer-reviewed [i.e., scholarly] sources.
• Standards : Description of the way in which you present your information.
• Questions for Further Research : What questions about the field has the review sparked? How will you further your research as a result of the review?

IV.  Writing Your Literature Review

Once you've settled on how to organize your literature review, you're ready to write each section. When writing your review, keep in mind these issues.

Use Evidence A literature review section is, in this sense, just like any other academic research paper. Your interpretation of the available sources must be backed up with evidence [citations] that demonstrates that what you are saying is valid. Be Selective Select only the most important points in each source to highlight in the review. The type of information you choose to mention should relate directly to the research problem, whether it is thematic, methodological, or chronological. Related items that provide additional information, but that are not key to understanding the research problem, can be included in a list of further readings . Use Quotes Sparingly Some short quotes are appropriate if you want to emphasize a point, or if what an author stated cannot be easily paraphrased. Sometimes you may need to quote certain terminology that was coined by the author, is not common knowledge, or taken directly from the study. Do not use extensive quotes as a substitute for using your own words in reviewing the literature. Summarize and Synthesize Remember to summarize and synthesize your sources within each thematic paragraph as well as throughout the review. Recapitulate important features of a research study, but then synthesize it by rephrasing the study's significance and relating it to your own work and the work of others. Keep Your Own Voice While the literature review presents others' ideas, your voice [the writer's] should remain front and center. For example, weave references to other sources into what you are writing but maintain your own voice by starting and ending the paragraph with your own ideas and wording. Use Caution When Paraphrasing When paraphrasing a source that is not your own, be sure to represent the author's information or opinions accurately and in your own words. Even when paraphrasing an author’s work, you still must provide a citation to that work.

V.  Common Mistakes to Avoid

These are the most common mistakes made in reviewing social science research literature.

• Sources in your literature review do not clearly relate to the research problem;
• You do not take sufficient time to define and identify the most relevant sources to use in the literature review related to the research problem;
• Relies exclusively on secondary analytical sources rather than including relevant primary research studies or data;
• Uncritically accepts another researcher's findings and interpretations as valid, rather than examining critically all aspects of the research design and analysis;
• Does not describe the search procedures that were used in identifying the literature to review;
• Reports isolated statistical results rather than synthesizing them in chi-squared or meta-analytic methods; and,
• Only includes research that validates assumptions and does not consider contrary findings and alternative interpretations found in the literature.

Cook, Kathleen E. and Elise Murowchick. “Do Literature Review Skills Transfer from One Course to Another?” Psychology Learning and Teaching 13 (March 2014): 3-11; Fink, Arlene. Conducting Research Literature Reviews: From the Internet to Paper . 2nd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2005; Hart, Chris. Doing a Literature Review: Releasing the Social Science Research Imagination . Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1998; Jesson, Jill. Doing Your Literature Review: Traditional and Systematic Techniques . London: SAGE, 2011; Literature Review Handout. Online Writing Center. Liberty University; Literature Reviews. The Writing Center. University of North Carolina; Onwuegbuzie, Anthony J. and Rebecca Frels. Seven Steps to a Comprehensive Literature Review: A Multimodal and Cultural Approach . Los Angeles, CA: SAGE, 2016; Ridley, Diana. The Literature Review: A Step-by-Step Guide for Students . 2nd ed. Los Angeles, CA: SAGE, 2012; Randolph, Justus J. “A Guide to Writing the Dissertation Literature Review." Practical Assessment, Research, and Evaluation. vol. 14, June 2009; Sutton, Anthea. Systematic Approaches to a Successful Literature Review . Los Angeles, CA: Sage Publications, 2016; Taylor, Dena. The Literature Review: A Few Tips On Conducting It. University College Writing Centre. University of Toronto; Writing a Literature Review. Academic Skills Centre. University of Canberra.

Writing Tip

Break Out of Your Disciplinary Box!

Thinking interdisciplinarily about a research problem can be a rewarding exercise in applying new ideas, theories, or concepts to an old problem. For example, what might cultural anthropologists say about the continuing conflict in the Middle East? In what ways might geographers view the need for better distribution of social service agencies in large cities than how social workers might study the issue? You don’t want to substitute a thorough review of core research literature in your discipline for studies conducted in other fields of study. However, particularly in the social sciences, thinking about research problems from multiple vectors is a key strategy for finding new solutions to a problem or gaining a new perspective. Consult with a librarian about identifying research databases in other disciplines; almost every field of study has at least one comprehensive database devoted to indexing its research literature.

Frodeman, Robert. The Oxford Handbook of Interdisciplinarity . New York: Oxford University Press, 2010.

Another Writing Tip

Don't Just Review for Content!

While conducting a review of the literature, maximize the time you devote to writing this part of your paper by thinking broadly about what you should be looking for and evaluating. Review not just what scholars are saying, but how are they saying it. Some questions to ask:

• How are they organizing their ideas?
• What methods have they used to study the problem?
• What theories have been used to explain, predict, or understand their research problem?
• What sources have they cited to support their conclusions?
• How have they used non-textual elements [e.g., charts, graphs, figures, etc.] to illustrate key points?

When you begin to write your literature review section, you'll be glad you dug deeper into how the research was designed and constructed because it establishes a means for developing more substantial analysis and interpretation of the research problem.

Hart, Chris. Doing a Literature Review: Releasing the Social Science Research Imagination . Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 1 998.

Yet Another Writing Tip

When Do I Know I Can Stop Looking and Move On?

Here are several strategies you can utilize to assess whether you've thoroughly reviewed the literature:

• Look for repeating patterns in the research findings . If the same thing is being said, just by different people, then this likely demonstrates that the research problem has hit a conceptual dead end. At this point consider: Does your study extend current research?  Does it forge a new path? Or, does is merely add more of the same thing being said?
• Look at sources the authors cite to in their work . If you begin to see the same researchers cited again and again, then this is often an indication that no new ideas have been generated to address the research problem.
• Search Google Scholar to identify who has subsequently cited leading scholars already identified in your literature review [see next sub-tab]. This is called citation tracking and there are a number of sources that can help you identify who has cited whom, particularly scholars from outside of your discipline. Here again, if the same authors are being cited again and again, this may indicate no new literature has been written on the topic.

Onwuegbuzie, Anthony J. and Rebecca Frels. Seven Steps to a Comprehensive Literature Review: A Multimodal and Cultural Approach . Los Angeles, CA: Sage, 2016; Sutton, Anthea. Systematic Approaches to a Successful Literature Review . Los Angeles, CA: Sage Publications, 2016.

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• Published: 05 January 2024

Toward conceptual clarity for digital cultural and social capital in student learning: Insights from a systematic literature review

• Shihui Feng   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0002-5572-276X 1 , 2 &
• Cheng Yong Tan   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-6918-8425 1  

Humanities and Social Sciences Communications volume  11 , Article number:  68 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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• Cultural and media studies
• Science, technology and society

This systematic review examined the association between students’ digital cultural and social capital and their learning outcomes, focusing on the characteristics, related factors, and impact of their digital cultural and social capital. Through a literature search process using the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses, 21 studies were identified for inclusion in the review. We found that digital cultural and social capital provides a useful theoretical basis for understanding the underlying effects of the digital divide on student development. Results of the review allow us to propose operational definitions of digital cultural and social capital, as well as refine our conceptualization of these forms of capital, including their roles in the reproduction of educational inequalities. Lastly, strategies that could be implemented by schools, parents, and other stakeholders in educational systems to bolster students’ digital cultural and social capital are suggested.

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Introduction

Digital citizenship, a burgeoning concept involving a set of practices, is inextricably associated with the exponential growth of digital technologies in modern society (Chen et al. 2021 ). The concept highlights “norms of appropriate, responsible behavior with regard to technology use” (Ribble and Bailey 2007 , p. 10) that individuals need to become digitally competent. It also emphasizes active participation in society through digital means, which is premised on equitable access to digital infrastructure and skills (Mossberger et al. 2007 ). Despite the importance of digital citizenship, there is evidence of a digital divide between students (Jara et al. 2015 ; Selwyn 2009 ). Indeed, many scholars argue that it is insufficient to ensure equal access to digital infrastructure and equipment (the first level of the digital divide) because students differ in their usage of digital technologies (the second level of the digital divide) (Claro et al. 2015 ; Micheli 2016 ; Zhang 2015 ). Specifically, the second level of the digital divide refers to the gap between students who can effectively use information and communications technology (ICT) and those who cannot (OECD 2010 ). This gap limits students’ ability to engage with ICT and meaningfully participate in today’s rapidly evolving society (Noakes et al. 2018 ; Talaee and Noroozi 2019 ).

The transition from focusing on only the first level to including the second level of the digital divide reflects a demand for an evolving understanding of this concept, aligned with the fast development and adoption of digital technologies in society. Warschauer ( 2002 ) argued that the original concept of the digital divide attached overriding importance to the accessibility of digital technologies, ignored a wide spectrum of degrees of physical accessibility and digital competencies, and indicated an incomplete perspective in understanding the impact of digital technologies on peoples’ lives. It is critical to recognize that the digital divide is a complex problem that not only covers the disparities in individuals’ ICT usage and competence, but it is also deeply associated with cultural and social factors at the individual, group, and societal levels (Warschauer 2003 ; Van Dijk and Hacker, 2003 ). The sociocultural context of technology usage, such as family and school socioeconomic status, affects the accessibility of digital infrastructure and the methods and outcomes of digital technology usage (Warschauer et al. 2004 ; Harris et al. 2017 ). Differences in the outcomes from digital technology usage are regarded as the third-level digital divide, which is still under-examined in the literature (Scheerder et al. 2017 ). In the present society, the wide accessibility and intuitive user-interface design of digital technologies facilitates the basic use of digital devices. The study by Rizk and Davies ( 2021 ) suggested that the disparities in students’ engagement with digital technologies have been reduced. However, the authors also commented that this does not necessarily narrow the gaps in students’ achievement and attainment. Knowing how to use digital technologies is no longer a sufficient criterion for ascertaining students’ digital competence. The focus on the digital divide should be extended from whether or not students can use digital technologies to how students use these digital technologies and how this usage can be a form of capital for enhancing their life prospects.

Based on Bourdieu’s theory of social reproduction (Bourdieu and Passeron 1977 ), some scholars have argued that differences in ICT usage can be attributed to non-material aspects of people’s digital cultural and social capital (Cortoni and Perovic 2020 ; van Deursen and Helsper 2015 ). Cultural capital represents the material and symbolic assets used and invested by individuals to reproduce or promote their social status and mobility in a stratified society (Bourdieu 1986 ; Lin 1999 ). Social capital refers to resources invested and mobilized through social relations in pursuit of benefits for individual actors or the groups to which they belong (Lin 1999 ). In the context of education, cultural and social capital theory provides a useful lens for examining the effects of inherited and acquired individual and social resources on student development (Acar 2011 ; Tan 2017 ; Lareau and Weininger 2003 ; Feng et al. 2021 ). Traditionally, students’ cultural and social capital have been viewed as heavily dependent on the resources of their families and offline social circles (Huang 2009 ; Katsillis and Rubinson 1990 ). However, in the last two decades, the increasingly widespread use of digital technologies has offered a myriad of opportunities for students to access, accumulate, and mobilize resources in digital environments. Given the prevalent usage of digital technologies and promotion of digital literacy in schools (Kimbell-Lopez et al. 2016 ), it is critical to revisit cultural and social capital in digital contexts. The differences in students’ ability to develop, maintain, and mobilize cultural and social capital in digital contexts could lead to a new level of ‘digital divide’. This paradigm shift requires a new conceptualization of the new forms of cultural and social capital on student learning in digital contexts in order to understand the roots of the digital divide and their effects on students’ learning outcomes.

The existing literature has not clarified the characteristics of digital cultural and social capital or elucidated how these forms of capital are distributed among students. Scholarship on the digital divide has not explored how students may benefit from having more digital cultural and social capital. To address these knowledge gaps, the present study comprises a systematic review of studies examining the association between G1-12 students’ digital cultural and social capital and their learning outcomes. The significance of this study lies in three aspects. First, there is a compelling need to understand the nature of the digital divide from a digital cultural and social capital perspective given the salience of digital citizenship to meaningful participation in knowledge-intensive societies and the continuing presence of the digital divide despite prevalence of digital infrastructure and equipment. Second, it is imperative to have a clear theoretical understanding of digital cultural and social capital to support the development of empirical investigation and quantitative measurements in this area. Third, we need to understand the effects of digital cultural and social capital on student learning to fully appreciate the significance of these new forms of capital in educational contexts and design effective measures to address the deeper causes of the digital divide.

Literature review

Cultural and social capital.

Bourdieu’s family investment model postulates that students can benefit from different configurations of three forms of capital, namely cultural, social, and economic capital (Weininger 2005 ; Tan 2020 ). Configurations of these forms of capital vary in terms of the total volume and composition of the different forms and the stability of changes in their volume and composition. Families can use a specific form of capital or a combination of different types of capital, including cultural and social capital, to support student learning (Waithaka 2014 ).

The understanding of cultural capital has undergone three generations of evolution since Bourdieu’s initial conception (Davies and Rizk 2018 ). The first generation adheres to Bourdieu’s core ideas published in the 1960s–1970s. Cultural capital comprises highbrow tastes, dispositions, and practices associated with individuals from dominant social backgrounds (e.g., higher socioeconomic status) that are arbitrarily rewarded by schools, thereby perpetuating social reproduction. Schools hide this class bias by framing evaluation standards as being meritocratic. The second generation of educational research (1980s–2000s) situates cultural capital in a status attainment framework (Collins 2008 ; DiMaggio 1982 ; DiMaggio and Mohr 1985 ; Lareau and Weininger 2003 ). Individuals can achieve educational success and social mobility if they acquire the cultural capital of the dominant social class (e.g., familiarity and consumption of highbrow culture). The third generation of educational research (2000-present) builds on, expands, and even integrates the previous generations of cultural capital scholarship (e.g., Evans et al. 2014 ; Roose 2015 ). A close examination of the three generations of cultural capital scholarship indicates that despite the proliferation of understandings and applications, scholars in the field have demonstrated a fidelity to the notion of cultural capital as individuals’ familiarity with the high-brow culture within a society (Bourdieu 1979 ); this culture of the dominant social class is reinforced and arbitrarily rewarded by gatekeepers in the education system. This is also the definition of cultural capital that will inform the present study.

Cultural capital can exist in three states: objectified, embodied, and institutionalized (Bourdieu 1986 ). Objectified cultural capital refers to physical resources in students’ homes that facilitate the development of the dispositions, values, perceptions, knowledge, and skills that teachers value. Embodied cultural capital represents the incorporation of the principles of social fields into individuals’ predispositions, propensities, and physical features (including body language, intonation, and lifestyle). Examples include pro-learning values, attitudes, tastes, preferences, and academic competencies and skills. Institutionalized cultural capital is developed when embodied cultural capital is publicly recognized as a marker of social distinction, such as when an individual acquires a doctoral degree or other academic or professional qualification (Tan 2020 ).

Social capital can be conceptualized from a resource or normative perspective (Putnam, Coleman, & Haifan; Fulkerson and Thompson 2008 ). Social capital theory is complex due to the multifaceted nature of social capital, which is captured through social connections and that can benefit both the individual and the collective. As a resource, Bourdieu ( 1986 , p. 248) defined social capital as “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition.” From the normative perspective, social capital is associated with structural features such as norms, values, trust, generalized reciprocity, and civic engagement networks that promote solidarity and democracy. For example, Coleman ( 1988 ) conceptualized social capital as existing in three forms, namely level of trust (e.g., obligations, expectations), information channels, and norms and traditions valuing the common good over self-interest. Despite differences in researchers’ conceptualization of social capital (e.g., Coleman 1988 ; Bourdieu 1986 ; Putnam 1993 ; Lin 1999 ), it is generally agreed that both social relations and social structures matter, and that the resources (e.g. information, influence) available to individuals through their social relations help them to achieve their goals (Lin 2002 ).

Previous Reviews

Previous reviews have clarified the concepts of cultural and social capital and the relationships between these forms of capital and students’ offline learning. Regarding cultural capital, Davies and Rizk’s ( 2018 ) systematic review documented the evolution of cultural capital research in the U.S. across three generations. Tan ( 2017 ) reviewed the themes of conceptual diversity, moderators, and theoretical issues in quantitative studies based on cultural capital theory. A meta-analysis by Tan, Peng, and Lyu ( 2019 ) examined how the association between cultural capital and students’ academic achievement varied with grade levels. Regarding social capital, Dika and Singh’s ( 2002 ) comprehensive review traced the import of social capital to education; ascertained the conceptualization, methods, and outcomes in the extant literature; and clarified associations between social capital and educational and psychosocial outcomes. Fulkerson and Thompson’s ( 2008 ) meta-analysis of social capital definitions provided conceptual clarity by unraveling six social capital dimensions related to resources and norms. Huang, van den Brink, and Groot ( 2009 ) provided meta-analytic evidence of education’s impact on social participation and of reciprocal relationships between social trust and social participation. Focusing on the influence of social capital on student outcomes, Ferguson ( 2006 ) reviewed the literature on social capital and the individual and collective well-being of children and young people. Mouw’s ( 2006 ) reviewed the literature to ascertain the causal effect of social capital. Notwithstanding these theoretical advances, there is a dearth of reviews that take stock of the burgeoning research on digital cultural and social capital to provide conceptual clarity on these forms of capital in online contexts.

Some reviews have explored student outcomes associated with specific aspects of digital cultural and social capital. For example, Korkeila’s ( 2021 ) scoping review examined the use of the concept of social capital in video-game studies, and Scherer and Siddiq’s ( 2019 ) meta-analysis investigated how ICT literacy varied among students with different socioeconomic backgrounds. However, no reviews have examined predictors of aspects of students’ cultural and social capital other than their ICT literacy or across different online contexts beyond video-gaming. A few reviews have investigated the influence of social media and technology on student outcomes. Allen, Ryan, Gray, McInerney, and Waters ( 2014 ) reviewed the literature on how social media use influenced adolescents’ sense of belonging, psychosocial well-being, and identity development and processes. Dredge and Schreurs ( 2020 ) synthesized findings on the influence of social media use on young people’s offline interpersonal outcomes (relationship quality, individual attributes, group-based behavior). Best, Manktelow, and Taylor ( 2014 ) summarized findings on the beneficial and harmful psychosocial effects of young people’s use of online communication and social media technologies. Williams’ ( 2019 ) systematic review focused on answering the question of whether online social networking sites cultivated and nurtured individuals’ bonding capital. In contrast with studies focusing on psychosocial outcomes, there is a dearth of reviews examining the theoretical characteristics and related factors of digital cultural and social capital in relation to students’ learning outcomes.

The present study

The present study addresses the knowledge gaps discussed above. It presents a systematic review of studies published between 2000 and 2021, examining the association between G1-12 students’ digital cultural and social capital and their learning outcomes. There are four specific research objectives. First, the study identifies the characteristics of digital cultural and social capital. Second, it clarifies the characteristics of students who are equipped with these forms of capital. Third, it ascertains how students’ learning outcomes benefit from having these forms of capital. Fourth, it elucidates the roles of digital cultural and social capital in understanding the nature of the digital divide. Based on the findings, the study proposes a new theorization of digital cultural and social capital and a conceptual framework illustrating the reproduction of inequalities by digital cultural and social capital.

Methodology

The review process followed the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) procedure (Moher et al. 2009 ) to ensure the quality of the review process and minimize bias. Twenty-one articles were included in the final dataset for the review analysis after rigorous identification, screening, and analysis. A four-phase flow diagram presenting the search protocol is shown in Fig. 1 . The details of the processes are provided below.

Flow chart of literature search processes.

Search terms and search strategy

The overarching goal of the study was to review and synthesize studies exploring the characteristics of new digital forms of cultural and social capital and their impact on students’ learning and educational (in)equality in digital contexts for G1-12 students in research published from 2000 onwards. Therefore, search terms in titles, abstracts and keywords were selected to clearly reflect the objectives of the study, which was critical to the precision and recall rate of the search results (Powers 2011 ). The query used for searching academic databases was “((“social capital” AND “cultural capital”) OR (“social and cultural capital”) OR (“cultural and social capital”)) AND (“digital” OR “online”) AND (“learning” OR “education” OR “equity” OR “inequality”)”.

In view of the rapid development and adaptation of digital technologies in schools and throughout society in the last two decades (Watson 2006 ), the publication period of interest in this review was from January 2000 to April 2021, when the search was conducted. To ensure comprehensive coverage of relevant articles, we first retrieved articles published during the period from multiple academic databases, including Academic Search Complete , ERIC , PsycINFO , PsycArticles , British Education Index , and Scopus , using the above search query. We also searched for relevant articles in educational journals covering social or digital aspects of education, such as Sociology of Education , the British Journal of Sociology of Education , and the American Educational Research Journal .

Eligibility criteria and study selection

The types of eligible studies included journal articles, conference proceedings, dissertations and theses, book chapters, and reports. The first author and two research assistants independently reviewed the abstracts and full texts of the studies identified. Discussions based on the following criteria informed decisions on whether the studies identified should be included in the systematic review.

Studies were included if

they examined the characteristics of students’ cultural and social capital in digital contexts

they involved G1-12 students or G1-12 learning contexts

they were published between January 2000 and April 2021; and

they were written in English.

All relevant studies adhering to the selective criteria were included, covering studies contextualized across various regions. (the participants’ profile of the included articles can be found in the supplementary material). Studies were excluded if:

they did not explicitly invoke cultural or social capital in their conceptualization;

they did not examine cultural or social capital in the context of digital settings;

they examined kindergarteners or college students and above; or

the study context was not G1-12 schools

After removing items for which full-text articles were not available or were not published between January 2000 and April 2021, we screened the abstracts and full texts of the remaining studies. Those included in the final dataset needed to address both social and cultural capital related to G1-12 students in digital contexts. Studies relevant to kindergarteners or adults over age 18 were excluded based on the criterion “not in population” ( n = 262). Studies that did not address social and cultural capital in the context of digital settings or G1-12 school settings were excluded from the dataset based on the criterion “not in context” ( n = 65). Finally, studies lacking an explicit focus on cultural or social capital in their conceptualization were also excluded, based on the criterion “inadequate relevance” ( n = 20).

Next, the authors independently read each study in the final dataset and then jointly developed a coding scheme with three categories to summarize the findings of the studies; all differences of opinion regarding the coding scheme were resolved in the discussion. The coding scheme consisted of the following:

study identification (author(s), publication year)

research objectives

key relevant findings (conceptualization, predictors, and/or impact of digital cultural and social capital on student learning)

The six-phase thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke 2020 ) was performed to analyse the studies. In the first phase, the studies were read and initial ideas were noted. Second, they were analysed to generate initial codes. Third, potential themes were identified from the codes. After that, the themes were further developed and reviewed to ensure that they elucidated (i) characteristics of students’ digital cultural and social capital; (ii) factors related to students’ digital cultural and social capital; (iii) the impact of students’ digital and cultural capital on their learning; and (iv) the roles of digital cultural and social capital in the digital divide. In the fifth phase, the themes were refined, defined, and named. Last, the themes were reported in this article (the studies are summarized in Supplementary Material 1).

Limitations

The results of the present review should be read with some limitations in mind. First, the studies reviewed did not examine other forms of digital capital apart from digital cultural and social capital. Second, they did not investigate how students’ digital cultural and social capital affected aspects of their well-being beyond their learning. Last, the results did not apply to kindergarteners or college students who may have different patterns of engagement with technology compared with G1-12 students. Lastly, the studies are limited to those written in English, so future studies may consider international collaborations involving researchers competent in accessing the extant literature written in multiple languages besides English.

Characteristics of digital cultural and social capital

The studies included in the review belonged to three categories. The first category of studies differentiated between digital cultural and social capital in the analyses (Claro et al. 2012 ; Cortoni and Perovic 2020 ; Kamin and Meister 2016 ; Micheli 2016 ; Stranger-Johannessen and Norton 2017 ; Talaee and Noroozi 2019 ; Thibaut and Carvalh 2021 ; Vickery 2014 ; Zhang 2015 ). The second category of studies referred to a more general form of digital capital comprising cultural and social capital (Brader et al. 2014 ; Chen 2012 ; Jamaludin et al. 2012 ; Lam 2014 ; Mathis 2010 ; Noakes et al. 2018 ; Shin and Seger 2016 ). In the third category of studies, digital cultural and/or social capital were not explicitly referred to but they could be alluded from the conceptualization framing the studies (Claro et al. 2015 ; Farina et al. 2015 ; Jara et al. 2015 ; Sanchez and Salinas 2008 ; Unlusoy et al. 2010 ). In this review, we referred to the key concepts of Bourdieu’s cultural and social capital theory (including the three states of cultural capital and social networks) addressed in the reviewed articles, and synthesized the characteristics of digital cultural capital and digital social capital in order to propose operational definitions of digital cultural and social capital in the discussion section.

Characteristics of digital cultural capital

Variation in teenagers’ practices in using digital technologies in different spaces and the ramifications of their usage preferences can be explained using Bourdieu’s notion of habitus (Noakes et al. 2018 ; Kamin and Meister 2016 ). Habitus stresses that various accumulated types of capital (including cultural and social apital) connect with individuals’ social status and the perceptions of their social influence in a stratified society (Bourdieu 1977 ). Habitus also determines individuals’ acquisition and exercise of digital competencies (Kamin and Meister 2016 ). Students may have distinct tastes and judgments related to their perceived positions in the social space. Their informal online characters could be considered as emerging digital cultural capital that is associated with the usage of ICT and video games (Noakes et al. 2018 ; Prieur and Savage 2013 ).

Digital cultural capital highlights the need for students to develop different digital literacies (embodied cultural capital) to leverage technology for academic learning that is consistent with the values of gatekeepers in the education system. This digital cultural capital perspective contrasts with the human capital perspective emphasizing students developing any digital skills that can contribute to their work capacity. Kingston ( 2001 ) clarified that all evaluative criteria are arbitrary to some extent with respect to economic productivity, and what is key is whether the arbitrary criteria are relevant to the biases of a particular society. There are various digital usages by students; however, not every usage is equally rewarded in school systems. For example, students with digital cultural capital are characterized by their digital literacies in searching for information from specific websites that are deemed by schools to be more credible than others (e.g., BBC versus Wikipedia ), in presenting information online in academic formats valued in schools (eg, Word or PowerPoint versus video), and in using ICT to support the learning of academic subjects assessed in schools (versus entertainment or general well-being).

Embodied digital cultural capital includes diverse forms of understanding, strategies, competencies, and skills related to online learning. Jara and colleagues’ ( 2015 ) studied the digital skills of Chilean 10-graders and revealed that the embodied digital cultural capital rewarded by schools includes the cognitive and organizational strategies of Internet usage. The cognitive strategies included filtering information on the Internet when searching for, selecting, and evaluating websites; evaluating website quality; and comparing multiple sources. The organizational strategies included summarizing the information they found online when using the Internet to support their learning. Referring to the status attainment view of cultural capital (DiMaggio and Mohr 1985 ), school rewards for these usage were seen in students’ digital skill test scores. Information retrieval and production were also seen to be the rewarded digital skills. Claro and colleagues ( 2012 ) studied 15-year-old Chilean students and found that although most students were able to complete digital tasks (e.g., searching for and organizing information), very few were able to produce digital information (e.g., developing ideas, refining, and presenting information in digital environments). Digital cultural capital valued by schools also includes digital literacies for educational purposes, and understanding of technology at the procedural (e.g., editing content online), conceptual, or safety levels (e.g., grasping the effects of their digital footprint on their lives) (Ünlüsoy et al. 2010 ; Thibaut and Carvalh 2021 ).

The accessibility of digital technologies is critical for developing the digital skills and competences that are valued by teachers, which forms students’ objectified forms of digital cultural capital. However this alone is not sufficient for supporting students’ learning outcomes. Kamin and Meister ( 2016 ) reported the evaluation of the Paderborn recycling PC project which aimed to enhance the digital participation of students from the families with limited digital access. They found that the provision of digital accessibility together with pedagogical media training was very helpful for students with primary-educated parents who wished to improve their social standing. However, there was a dissipation of the effects and practices of the trained digital skills (e.g. using computers for learning) after the project ended. Family socialization was still key to enabling students to internalize embodied digital cultural capital.

Characteristics of digital social capital

Students’ digital social capital is associated with the usage of digital technologies for social purposes and acquisition of new information and social support for achieving their goals through online social connections. This involves students using social networks to coordinate with other students, complete homework, exchange school resources, and extend social connections beyond their offline circles (Jara et al. 2015 ; Micheli 2016 ). In one example, Jamaludin et al. ( 2012 ) studied four young World of Warcraft players and found that in order to achieve their goals in the complex game terrain, each player needed to learn to mobilize the resources embedded in their social connections with other players, including negotiating with other players to secure resources (which they lacked).

However, gaining digital social capital requires students to engage in productive social interactions to achieve their personal or academic goals; this implies students having to regulate their use of the socialization functions of social media to avoid being distracted in the process (Jara et al. 2015 ; Micheli 2016 ). Students’ digital social capital is affected by their skills in effective online communication (including online collaborations and virtual interactions) and making ethical/social impact (evaluating responsible use and social impact of ICT) (Claro et al. 2012 ). In addition, students’ attitudes towards digital technologies, including whether they felt a sense of attachment to or detachment from technology, also affect their usage of digital technologies for developing digital social capital. For example, Micheli’s ( 2016 ) study of Italian teenagers’ perceptions and usage of Facebook identified two distinct sets of attitudes toward the platform. Some teenagers adopted a detached, critical attitude. They used Facebook for academic purposes and to communicate with classmates about academic matters. In contrast, another group of teenagers displayed a sense of attachment and emotional involvement. They valued Facebook’s social features more than its knowledge-sharing features. They used it to access the Internet and reported that they made new friends through Facebook. They used it to share their feelings, obtain support, relieve stress in their daily lives and position themselves as “digital natives”. The development of students’ digital social capital is not limited to academic usage (Jamaludin et al. 2012 ). More importantly, it lies in the ability to use digital technologies to extend social connections, acquire social support, and mobilize resources embedded in these social connections for achieving their academic and personal goals.

Factors related to students’ digital cultural and social capital

Students’ levels of digital cultural and social capital varied with student characteristics, familial resources, access to knowledgeable and dedicated teachers, and access to curricular affordances.

Student characteristics

First, students’ demographics, motivation, attitudes, and familiarity with computers were associated with their levels of digital cultural and social capital. Thibaut and Carvalh’s ( 2021 ) case study of a challenging school (high poverty and students’ risk of failing or withdrawing from school) in Chile found that students were less proficient in two aspects of digital cultural capital. In particular they had difficulty using technology to represent meanings differently (e.g., copying from PowerPoint) and they were passive consumers of information on social media (e.g., Facebook). Farina and colleagues’ ( 2015 ) analysis of the 2009 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) data for 15-year-old students in Chile, Uruguay, Spain, and Portugal found that the pattern of relationships between students’ computer use for reading, an aspect of digital cultural capital, and their reading achievement differed when endogeneity was controlled for by including variables such as students’ online reading. Students’ online reading, in turn, was related to their self-confidence in performing computer tasks, attitudes toward computers, and computer use for homework.

Ünlüsoy and colleagues ( 2010 ) conducted a study of the out-of-school literacy activities of seventh graders in the lowest academic stream in the Netherlands who were educationally at risk. They found that girls outperformed boys in digital cultural capital with respect to their digital literacy practices (computer and Internet-based). Furthermore, girls had a more balanced engagement profile for traditional and digital literacy practices, whereas boys were more engaged with digital literacy practices. Lastly, compared with boys, girls participated in digital literacy practices more often for educational purposes.

Jara and colleagues ( 2015 ) showed that Chilean 10th-graders adept at using the Internet for educational purposes (e.g., for school assignments) were more digitally proficient in locating and communicating information online and in understanding and addressing ethical dilemmas and the personal/social impact associated with new technologies; these digital literacies were indicative of digital cultural capital rewarded by schools. These students found it relatively easy to search for information online and to create or edit documents. Furthermore, they scored higher in language tests, enjoyed more autonomy in online learning, and had more experience of using ICT. In contrast, students who used the Internet for entertainment purposes (chatting daily and downloading music, programs, or games online) were less proficient in the digital literacies examined. However, these students were able to develop their digital social capital via collaborating online with other students, which provided an opportunity for receiving information and solving problems for assignments.

Zhang ( 2015 ) analyzed the associations between students’ demographic information and their online search interest at the state level in US and found that the Internet users in the states with more highly educated adults (with a Bachelor’s degree or higher) and a lower percentage of black students were more likely to use the Internet to access Khan Academy (educational) and less likely to access CartoonNetwork (entertainment). Zhang argued that using the Internet for educational purposes increased students’ capital, including digital cultural and social capital.

Familial resources

Second, students’ familial resources, including their parental education levels, familial socioeconomic resources, and parents’ digital competence and attitudes toward technology, play an important role in affecting their digital cultural and social capital. With regards to parental education and familial resources, Claro et al. ( 2015 ) found in a study of Chilean students that parental education (among different indicators measuring family economic, social, and cultural resources) best predicted students’ ICT skills in solving information and communication problems, as well as ethical dilemmas in a digital context; these digital skills were rewarded in their school systems and students who were more proficient in these skills had higher test scores. Additionally, the relationship between parental education and students’ ICT skills was stronger than the relationships between parental education and students’ mathematics and language levels.

Claro and colleagues’ ( 2012 ) study involving 15-year-old Chilean students suggested that students from homes with fewer resources (cellular phones, televisions, showers, personal computers) were unable to produce digital information (beyond completing digital tasks) that were valued by schools, because of their lower levels of ICT information fluency, poorer communication, and weaker ethical/social impact skills. Micheli’s ( 2016 ) study found that Italian teenagers’ attitudes toward and usage of Facebook were associated with familial SES. Specifically, the results showed that teenagers who had a detached and critical attitude toward Facebook came from higher-SES families, whereas peers who were attached to and emotionally involved with Facebook came from lower-SES families.

However, digital technologies also provide valuable opportunities for students from families with limited digital access to develop their digital cultural and social capital. Noakes et al. ( 2018 ) reported a case study of a South African high school boy who aspired to become a fashion and design entrepreneur. The student came from a home with limited Internet access and he attended a state (not private) school. It was difficult for the boy to realize his ambitions and promote his creative works on popular online fashion platforms because of limited Internet access. The boy circumvented the problem by teaching himself fashion design, launching a clothing brand, and promoting his works on his social networks. The mentoring from family and elsewhere, interactions with known and unknown audiences, and social networking from the digital space enabled the boy to develop his digital social capital.

As for parents’ digital competence and attitudes, Shin and Seger’s ( 2016 ) study of second-grade students’ learning English using a teacher-created class blog found that parents who were more exposed to digital technologies and who had higher levels of English proficiency were more involved in their children’s online learning that were valued and encouraged by the school. Furthermore, the children developed digital social capital when their parents used blogging to expand the audiences for the children’s writing and give authenticity to the children’s writing.

Talaee and Noroozi ( 2019 ) argued for the importance of a supportive “social envelope” to reinforce an approach to students’ ICT usage that capitalized on the opportunities afforded by technology and managed the risks associated with technology. This social envelope included certain prerequisites, including positive parental attitudes toward technology use (encouragement, support and engagement in using home computers/the Internet for educational purposes) in addition to physical access to computers/the Internet at home, opportunities and resources to use home computers, and the skills needed for effective computer use (technological, information, multimedia, technology-mediated communication, and functional literacies). Families with more types of capital (economic, cultural, social) were better equipped to provide these prerequisites.

Knowledgeable and dedicated teachers

The third factor related to students’ digital cultural and social capital was teachers’ knowledge and dedication. This includes teachers’ pedagogical capacity as evident in Sanchez and Salinas’s ( 2008 ) study underscoring the problem of teachers’ lack of knowledge of teaching content and pedagogy. Teachers’ ICT knowledge was critical to the integration of information technology into the curriculum in Chile’s national Enlaces initiative, which was designed to prepare teachers and equip learners with digital cultural and social capital for the knowledge society.

Chen’s ( 2012 ) case study demonstrated the importance of dedicated teachers who performed compensatory work by supporting the implementation of an initiative that leveraged social relationships. The initiative equipped students from a remote school catering to Aboriginal students in Taiwan with laptops, facilitating the development of digital cultural capital in the students and reducing digital inequality. Stranger-Johannessen and Norton ( 2017 ) provided an ethnographic account of how teachers experienced shifts of identity as story-readers, writers, and teachers when they were engaged in the African Storybook digital initiative that provided open-access children’s stories in multiple African and non-African languages. The teachers perceived themselves as agents of change and acquired digital cultural capital (when they learned to engage with ICT) and digital social capital (when they enhanced their social networks).

Cortoni and Perovic’s ( 2020 ) ecological analysis of the use of digital technologies in classrooms and the digital competencies of teachers in Montenegro identified macro, meso-social, and micro perspectives of teachers’ digital literacy that impacted students’ online learning. First, a macro analysis found that beyond improving schools’ technological infrastructure and resource availability, teachers’ digital competencies, an aspect of their digital cultural capital, needed to be increased. Second, the meso-social perspective showed that teachers made limited use of the Internet in school and did not adequately mediate students’ Internet use to develop the latter’s digital literacy. Third, from a micro perspective, the study found that teachers did not have the high levels of competencies needed. For example, they exhibited higher levels of social and operational competencies than creative competencies.

Curricular affordances

The last factor related to students’ digital cultural and social capital pertained to school curricula. To illustrate, Thibaut and Carvalh’s ( 2021 ) case study of a school with high student poverty and failure/withdrawal rates in Chile showed how a teacher leveraging the design elements of the Activity-Centered Analysis and Design (ACAD) framework was able to equip her students with digital cultural and social capital that supported students’ agency and creativity. Specifically, the teacher developed students’ digital cultural capital by carefully sequencing information and incorporating it into customized tasks for students to carry out in the epistemic design of the learning activity. The teacher also enabled students to mobilize social capital by organizing them to work collaboratively with each other in the social design of the learning activity. Students were also able to build on digital social capital when more knowledgeable peers became tutors and were assigned by the teacher to supervise the group work.

In another study, Vickery ( 2014 ) found that high school students benefited from taking part in after-school digital media clubs. These students built up their digital cultural capital when they learned digital literacies and when they pursued their out-of-school interests in an informal setting through autonomous, trial-and-error learning. They developed their digital social capital when they learned collaboratively and connected with the local community and local film clubs.

Influence of digital cultural and social capital on student outcomes

Our review indicates that students’ levels of digital cultural and social capital were related to their learning and educational and career trajectories.

Impact on learning

Shin and Seger ( 2016 ) discussed the benefits of digital cultural and social capital facilitated by parental involvement on second graders who were learning English via teacher-created class blogs. First, the blogs enabled students to develop their digital social capital by connecting to a larger audience for their work using technology for learning, which enhanced the social aspects of students’ learning. Second, the involvement of parents led students to draw on their cultural backgrounds more often in their digital writing production, and facilitated the validation of students’ funds of knowledge. Third, the social interactions between parents and children while parents commenting on their children’s writing motivated and inspired confidence in the students.

In another study, Lam ( 2014 ) demonstrated how two young Chinese immigrants in the U.S. used instant messaging and other online communication media (digital literacy) to construct and represent meanings, in the process of producing new knowledge using technology. One youngster, Kaiyee, cultivated transnational social networks to nurture relationships with peers of varying expertise, collect information and material artifacts, and participate in critical discussions of design work, thereby enhancing her learning in the field of digital art design. The other young person, Suying, renewed her cultural connections with peers in China and envisaged educational and career pathways for herself. Given the instrumental value of online communication with peers and other individuals, Kaiyee and Suying’s online engagement arguably helped them to develop a sense of attachment to technology.

Informal learning in out-of-school spaces

Digital technologies also provided an informal setting for students to engage in learning in out-of-school spaces, which not only enhanced students’ cognitive development but also supported them in developing and reflecting on their social skills and sense of agency. Jamaludin et al. ( 2012 ) studied the intertwined relationships between learning and concepts of play in online interactive games. They found that by assisting others, mentoring new players, and solving problems collectively, students developed digital social capital. They also constructed and negotiated their sense of self and identity. Online game environments did not simply provide realms of fantasy and entertainment; they also afforded opportunities for young people to learn in an embodied sense that was aligned with what they felt passionate about, thereby developing their digital cultural capital. The study also highlighted that digital cultural capital and online social ties that were developed through shared values had a bearing on the meaningfulness and sustainability of learning in the digital space, and were a critical supplement to formal learning in school.

A study by Vickery ( 2014 ) also stressed the role of digital media in facilitating students’ informal learning in out-of-school spaces. After-school digital media clubs offered opportunities for students to engage in interest-driven learning networks and leveraged the development of their digital social capital. These informal learning environments empowered students to use digital technologies in their preferred manner, over and above the ways in which technology was used in formal education. They helped students develop their media literacy and introduce knowledge relevant to filmmaking, which particularly benefited young people from low-income families. However, the study was also critical of the limitations imposed by schools’ media practices and management, which restricted access to social media and online sharing sites, limiting students’ opportunities to develop network literacy and social connections beyond their offline networks. The study advised schools to come up with better solutions to avoid the problematic use of social media instead of simply blocking access.

Impact on educational and occupational trajectories

Two studies illustrate how students’ digital cultural and social capital was related to their higher education (navigating college enrollment) and occupational (accumulation of institutionalized capital) trajectories. First, Mathis ( 2010 ) explained how schools serving students from families with less cultural and social capital designed and used online games in their college counseling activities. These online games employed a multimodal gaming environment (incorporating visual and audio worlds and allowing players to manipulate their virtual characters), effective learning principles (empowerment, problem-solving, understanding), experiential learning (e.g., via problem-based learning), and narratives (enabling players to construct their own meaning through the use of plot devices). These games were designed to enable students to leverage the educational capability of technology to learn how to navigate the college enrollment process. In another study, Brader et al. ( 2014 ) reported the use of an online assessment tool principled in developing students’ cultural and social capital that supported the disengaged Australian youngsters to return to education via flexible learning centers.

Roles of digital cultural and social capital in the digital divide

Digital technologies provide a myriad of benefits for students’ learning and personal development on the one hand, while complicating the issues of educational inequity on the other. Disparity in access to technology and Internet connectivity represented the first generation of the digital divide, which was closely related to family socioeconomic backgrounds (Selwyn 2004 ). With the increasing availability of ICT at home and at school in past decades, together with the diversity and complexity of online activities that digital technologies allow, new forms of the digital divide have emerged. The second level of the digital divide stresses the ability to engage with and take advantage of digital technologies (Hargittai 2001 ), and the third level involves the translation of digital skills into other aspects of people’s lives, such as civic participation and job opportunities (Van Deursen and Helsper 2015 ). The second and third levels of the digital divide have been found to be heavily influenced by students’ cultural and social capital, and differences in digital technology use and outcomes can also stratify students’ digital cultural and social capital (Talaee and Noroozi 2019 ).

The three levels of the digital divide are connected but the relationships are nonlinear. Thibaut and Carvalho ( 2021 ) studied new literacies of students in Chile, and found that access to digital technologies was not a concern among students from vulnerable schools (considering conditions of poverty and students’ dropout risk). However, students’ digital cultural capital varied regarding the uptake of digital technologies and its tangible outcomes. Zhang ( 2015 ) found that students with a higher sociodemographic status made more active use of the Internet for school learning whereas students from lower sociodemographic backgrounds tended to use the Internet more for entertainment. Similar results were found in Micheli’s study ( 2016 ). Students’ socioeconomic backgrounds were found to be associated with their modes of engagement with social networking sites. Students from higher-income families had a more detached attitude toward social networking sites and they engaged in more activities such as exchanging information and conducting business to strengthen their cultural capital. This pattern of engagement contrasted with that of teenagers from lower-income families who were more interested in the communication and relational features of these sites. Digital technologies were considered as a more valuable resources for students from lower-income families to develop their digital social capital through making new friends, seeking social support, and developing new connections outside their current social circles (Micheli 2016 ). These findings indicated that the difference in access to digital technologies between students from various social backgrounds has narrowed (Micheli 2016 ; Thibaut and Carvalho, 2021 ; Vickery 2014 ). In contrast, the issues caused by the second and third levels of the digital divide have become more pressing, and this divide is contingent on factors including students’ socioeconomic backgrounds, parents’ educational level, and students’ social connections with mentors at schools (Micheli 2016 ; Claro et al. 2015 ; Mathis 2010 ; Shin and Seger 2016 ; Noakes et al. 2018 ; Talaee and Noroozi 2019 ). In particular, Kamin and Meister, ( 2016 ) found that cultural capital had a major influence on the development of digital media competencies. Limited cultural capital within a family weakened the effects of pedagogical media training on digital media competencies (Kamin and Meister 2016 ). Disparities in the usage of and engagement with digital technologies due to variations in digital cultural and social capital might further widen the achievement gaps and educational inequalities (Claro et al. 2015 ; Vickery 2014 ; Talaee and Noroozi 2019 ; Zhang 2015 ). Digital technologies do not necessarily provide students with equal opportunities to develop their digital cultural and social capital. Instead, the accumulation and development of digital skills through school training and familial influences have a significant impact on the development of students’ digital cultural and social capital.

A summary of the key findings of this systematic review is provided in Table 1 . In this section, we critically analyze and interpret the findings based on the analysis results, to (1) discuss the operational definition of digital cultural and social capital, based on the analysis results in Section “Characteristics of Digital Cultural and Social Capital” and “Factors Related to Students’ Digital Cultural and Social Capital”, and (2) provide an in-depth discussion of underlying mechanisms and the reinforcement loop between digital social and cultural capital and inequalities, built on the results in Section “Factors Related to Students’ Digital Cultural and Social Capital”, “Influence of Digital Cultural and Social Capital on Student Outcomes” and “Roles of Digital Cultural and Social Capital in the Digital Divide”. Suggestions on leveraging a collective effort of the various identified stakeholders are provided accordingly for enhancing the development of students’ digital cultural and social capital.

A new theorization of digital cultural capital and social capital

Digital technologies deepen the complexity of social structures with regards to the understanding of individuals’ practice of utilizing and mobilizing online resources and the interplay between structural forces and individual agency in the digital space. Bourdieu’s concept of habitus highlights the reflexive relationships between internalized and embodied social structures, which enable the production of particular perceptions, thoughts, and actions within socially situated milieus (Bourdieu and Waquant, 1992 ). Digital habitus can be viewed as new forms of internalized, embodied structural forces that serve as a set of guidelines that drive students’ actions, expressions, and perceptions as they engage in diverse tasks in digital milieus. It provides a theoretical perspective for defining and explaining the new form of cultural and social capital in digital contexts.

While traditional cultural and social capital depend heavily on students’ family backgrounds and offline social networks, digital cultural and social capital must be developed through technologies that can impact Students’ learning beyond their offline networks (Talaee and Noroozi 2019 ). Although digital technologies seem to provide equal opportunities for students regardless of their family backgrounds, students from non-dominant social classes are still likely to be vulnerable in their development and mobilization of cultural and social resources facilitated by digital technologies (Jara et al. 2015 ). Through this review, we found that the impact of cultural and social capital in digital contexts had been discussed in the literature, but the studies examined lacked an in-depth understanding of the emerging characteristics and impacts of digital cultural and social capital. It is critical to refine the theorization of social and cultural capital in digital contexts to provide an important theoretical lens for explaining how and why digital literacy can affect students’ development and why the digital divide matters. A definition acknowledging the new characteristics of cultural and social capital in digital contexts is required to inform the quantitative measurement of digital cultural and social capital and to study its causes and effects empirically.

The definition of digital cultural and social capital

Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital acknowledges individuals’ investment in social assets that reinforce or promote their social mobility (Bourdieu and Richardson, 1986 ). The three types of cultural capital, including objectified, embodied and institutionalized cultural capital, highlight the different resources that can be owned by individuals in reproducing social structure and conferring social status (Tan 2017 ). In digital contexts, the digital infrastructure and resources possessed by students and their families can be considered as the objectified form of cultural capital. The embodied form of digital cultural capital stresses the digital skills, knowledge, and attitudes toward digital technology usage, and digital literacies. The institutionalized form of digital cultural capital is reflected in the credentials and qualifications that demonstrate students’ digital skills and knowledge, and which can be obtained through institutional training. DiMaggio and Mohr ( 1985 ) operationalized cultural capital as individuals’ exposure to cultural forms, which are largely provided by their families and shown to be arbitrarily rewarded in their school achievements. Previously, the cultural forms mainly include a range of offline resources and activities engaged in by the upper classes, such as arts, museums, and literatures. Digital technologies spawned new cultural valuations. School rewards for certain digital skills could be seen in students’ test scores (Jara et al. 2015 ), and students from higher SES backgrounds were found to be more likely to engage in the rewarded usage (e.g. educational usage) and have higher academic performance in schools (Jara et al. 2015 ; Zhang 2015 ). The connection between social privilege and the rewarded digital usage in schools is still evident (Micheli 2016 ). Lareau and Weininger ( 2003 ) stressed the cumulative advantages of families from the dominant class by leveraging home practices to mirror educational activities in schools. The family influence is also seen in digital cultural capital (Claro et al. 2015 ; Micheli 2016 ). In this review, we found that familial socioeconomic resources, and parents’ digital competence and attitudes toward technology, play an important role in affecting the development of students’ digital skills and performance that are rewarded by schools. Based on the results of the present review, we propose an operational definition of digital cultural capital as “ cultural resources that students employ in the digital domain to produce legitimate knowledge and enhance learning that is arbitrarily rewarded by gatekeepers in the education system” . The operational definition of students’ digital cultural capital can inform the measurement of this construct in research designs. For example, quantitative researchers may need to develop survey items that measure cultural resources (as opposed to economic or social resources), emphasize the digital domain (as opposed to the traditional domain), perceived legitimate knowledge that is rewarded by gatekeepers in an education system, and students’ learning gains from their engagement with digital technology. Digital cultural capital is about whether individuals have the right digital skills, literacy, and values that are rewarded by school systems. Students who understand digital cultural capital and can develop some of them would be more likely to thrive and succeed in school systems. Digital cultural capital plays a role in the stratifying processes, however, this time, the role seems to be more dynamic, as individuals have more choices and autonomy in the digital world than offline situations. However, it is noteworthy that schools should adjust their cultural valuations informed by the development of digital technologies to reward the multifaceted usage of digital technologies through curricula and pedagogical changes. This adaptation is critical for promoting cultural mobility and supporting students’ personalized development in the digital era, which is critical for preparing students to adapt to the rapidly evolving digital landscape and embrace continuous learning throughout their lives (Bernacki et al. 2021 ).

Lin ( 1999 ) highlighted that social capital in cyberspace transcends the geographical boundaries of social connections and that its impacts should be examined in a global context. Digital technologies offer new opportunities for students to maintain and extend their social connections beyond offline circles and to access information globally through online connections and channels. Based on the operational definition of social capital given by Lin ( 1999 ) and the analysis of the results of this study, we propose an operational definition of digital social capital as “ the resources embedded in social relations accessed and used by individuals through digital technologies in intended actions . ” The operational definition of students’ digital social capital can inform the measurement of this construct in research designs. For example, researchers of digital social capital may need to identify the different types of social relations between students and other individuals in the digital domain. After that, they need to collect data on the different types of resources that students can access and use from these social relations and data on the different aims informing students’ engagement with digital technology. Digital social capital has a particular emphasis on the awareness, accessibility, and usage of digital resources to establish connections and receive resources that are beneficial to students’ educational and personal development. Compared with cultural and social capital in offline contexts, developing digital cultural and social capital relies on the use of digital technologies, as well as on the ability to translate digital connections and resources into enhancements of individuals’ life chances.

The interconnections between digital cultural capital and digital social capital

Bourdieu’s theory of capital suggests that social, cultural, and economic capital are transferable, and that cultural and social capital are more closely related to each other. Therefore, transfers between these two forms of capital can occur more readily (Bourdieu 1986 ; Swartz 2012 ). The cultural capital accumulated by individuals provides a basis for accessing social resources and developing social connections based on shared values, skills, and practices (Swartz 2012 ). In return, the exchange of social resources through established social connections can enhance the individual’s embodied, objectified, and institutionalized cultural capital (Sutherland and Burton 2011 ).

The interconnection and conversion between cultural and social capital is also applicable in digital contexts. Digital cultural capital can be considered an essential condition for the development of digital social capital as objectified and embodied cultural capital is critical for students to engage in capital-enhancing activities in the digital space (Zhang 2015 ; Micheli 2016 ). The social connections and collective identities developed through the beneficial use of digital technologies can help students to accumulate the cultural resources needed to engage in capital-enhancing activities and develop healthy values and attitudes toward digital technologies and digital skills. Digital cultural and social capital not only affects the outcomes of using digital technologies but also provides the theoretical underpinnings for exploring how to mobilize resources and social assets across online and offline spaces to enhance students life chances and their academic success.

Digital social and cultural capital can lead to the reproduction of inequalities

Students’ cultural and social capital heavily depend on family-based parental endowments and support (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1990 ). In this review, we found that students from lower socioeconomic families are more likely to use digital technologies for entertainment and to experience limited digital cultural capital (Zhang 2015 ; Micheli 2016 ). Entertainment (vis-a-vis academic) outcomes may not be deemed to be legitimate in the dominant culture and hence, they are not reinforced or rewarded by educational gatekeepers (Zhang 2015 ). The lack of digital cultural capital intersects with the limited development of digital social capital, which affects students’ skills in mobilizing resources and connections, and unwittingly reinforces social and educational inequalities.

Whether the Internet provides opportunities to alleviate or exacerbate existing social stratifications has long been a topic of theoretical debate between cyber-optimists and cyber-pessimists (Norris 2001 ; Talaee and Noroozi 2019 ). Students’ cultural and social capital largely reflects their socioeconomic backgrounds (Tan 2017 ). With digital technologies, students have the autonomy and agency to develop and navigate online resources, and to develop their digital cultural and social capital alongside the capital inherited from their families. However, the issue here is that students’ ability to use digital technologies to enhance their own capital is largely affected by their socioeconomic backgrounds (Claro et al. 2012 ; Noakes et al. 2018 ; Zhang 2015 ), even though the gap in engagement with digital technologies is found to have narrowed along SES lines in recent studies (Rizk 2020 ). van Deursen and Helsper ( 2015 ) found that individuals with higher social status continued to obtain more benefits from the Internet and make better use of digital environments, potentially exacerbating existing offline inequalities. The interactions and reinforcements among students’ socioeconomic backgrounds, their digital cultural capital, and the development of digital social capital form a feedback loop (see Fig. 2 below); digital use is both the precursor and outcomes of students’ digital cultural and social capital. This conceptual framework reveals the critical role of digital technologies in social inequalities, as well as the deep causes and consequences of the digital divide.

A conceptual framework of the feedback loop among digital cultural and social capital and social inequalities.

Based on our review of relevant studies and discussion of the definitions and characteristics of digital cultural and social capital, we suggest that the Internet and digital technologies do not determine inequalities; rather, digital social and cultural capital, which are governed by the accessibility and use of digital technologies, represent the key principles perpetuating or reproducing social and educational inequalities.

It is important to note that the understanding of the feedback loop among students’ socioeconomic backgrounds and their digital cultural and social capital should be grounded in a critical acknowledgement of the role of student funds of knowledge and agency. The concept of funds of knowledge emphasizes the importance of learning about students’ lives and diverse resources for gaining knowledge (e.g., from home, peer groups, and community membership) instead of simply attributing students’ school underachievement to the perceived deficiencies related to their socioeconomic backgrounds (González et al. 2005 ). Therefore, while interpreting the feedback loop, it is critical to take the diverse funds of knowledge of students from non-dominant backgrounds (e.g., low socioeconomic status families) into consideration (Barton and Tan 2009 ). It is also important to appreciate how these funds of knowledge lead to different everyday practice involving digital technologies and different levels of digital cultural and social capital. The culturally and socially situated agency of students also enables them to actively incorporate the digital space as a non-traditional fund of knowledge to enrich and broaden the boundaries associated with their inherited family and social backgrounds (Barton and Tan 2009 , 2010 ; Rizk and Hillier 2021 ). Student agency is salient in mobilizing their digital cultural and social capital to attain their goals. The development of students’ digital cultural and social capital is centered on the alignment of digital technology usage with individual’s educational and personal development, and so these forms of capital should not be judged referring to assumptions and stereotypes about digital technology usage by certain social groups (e.g. the so-called “WEIRD” people) (Henrich et al. 2010 ; Clancy and Davis 2019 ). Additionally, given the benefits that diverse forms of engagement with digital technologies can provide to students (Granic et al. 2014 ; Wang et al, 2018 ), the beneficial usage of digital technologies should also be considered in a multifaceted way as opposed to promoting certain types of usage (e.g., for school sanctioned educational uses only) and for achieving certain types of outcomes (e.g., academic achievement vis-a-vis socioemotional well-being). These considerations need to be accounted for in order to inform effective student-centered approaches for positive reinforcement between digital technology usage and digital cultural and social capital development.

Strategies for enhancing students’ digital cultural and social capital

The results of the review showed that students’ levels of digital cultural and social capital have been found to vary with student characteristics, familial resources, access to knowledgeable and dedicated teachers, and access to curricular affordances. It is important to facilitate the development of students’ digital cultural and social capital through hybrid space that coalesces their diverse funds of knowledge grounded in their experiences and networks of relationships in both in- and out-of-school settings (Barton and Tan 2009 ), with various stakeholders in educational systems, including teachers, schools, peers and parents, making a collective effort.

Schools play a key role in enabling development of students’ digital social and cultural capital. In this review, we found that simply distributing and allocating computing resources at schools cannot truly help students to improve their digital skills and increase their digital cultural capital (Jewitt 2013 ). Explicit teaching, using well-developed designs for learning, is required to help students master digital technologies at operational, conceptual, and safety levels (Thibaut and Carvalho 2021 ). This requires the full integration of digital technologies into learning processes, going beyond the use of digital tools in the display of basic information, to engaging students’ interactions and collaborations through digital technologies, and generating novel and creative products (Thibaut and Carvalho 2021 ; Claro et al. 2012 ). Pedagogical approaches that encourage the healthy, deliberative and creative use of digital technologies at the school level are needed to make the shift from information consumers to information producers through those technologies (Thibaut and Carvalho 2021 ). Teachers play a pivotal role in achieving this goal. First of all, it is important for teachers to be aware of and understand the importance of digital cultural and social capital, as well as incorporate pedagogical practices that link student funds of knowledge to support the active development of their digital cultural and social capital in daily digital technology usage. Students should be encouraged to view technologies as socially shaped artefacts that can be utilized to support their development in action-oriented ways (Scott and Garcia 2016 ; Scott 2021 ). Secondly, it is vital to invest in training teachers in digital competencies and media pedagogical knowledge (Cortoni and Perovic, 2020 ). This training will enable teachers to provide effective instruction, integrating digital technologies into their teaching and learning activities, as well as providing timely coaching to help students establish a positive and healthy attitude toward the use of digital technologies.

With increasing access to digital technologies at home, ICT-related activities at school are important but have a limited impact on individual differences in digital cultural capital (Claro et al. 2012 ). The heavy use of digital tools after school makes the use of digital technologies outside of school critical for students in developing their digital cultural and social capital. In contrast to school formal education, students tend to get involved in more interest-driven online activities outside school. Parental involvement and social ties with peers play an important role in enhancing students’ digital cultural and social capital in informal settings (Jamaludin et al. 2012 ; Shin and Seger 2016 ; Kamin and Meister 2016 ). Developing a sense of agency and detached attitudes toward social media applications helps students engage in more capital-enhancing activities online (Micheli 2016 ; Jamaludin et al. 2012 ). However, it deserves reiterating that whether such engagement is deemed to contribute to capital formation is shaped by educational gatekeepers. Active parental involvement and a strong interest in students’ leisure time can make a difference to students’ attitudes toward social media applications (Clark 2009 ). Social ties and affinities developed through online interactions with peers also contribute to the sustainability and meaningfulness of engaging in online learning processes in informal settings (Jamaludin et al. 2012 ).

The use of digital technologies in school settings should not be viewed as being in conflict with or separate from the use of such technologies out of school. A coherent strategy supported by teachers, schools, parents, and peers should be developed to help students navigate digital technology through formal and informal learning. The use of digital technologies at schools should be designed to provide a more open environment and guide students to learn and develop self-regulation and responsibility while using digital technologies, rather than limiting access to online resources (Vickery 2014 ). A lack of training and limited access to online resources, may lead to more problematic use in out-of-school settings and hamper the ability to use social media applications creatively. School- family ties are essential in influencing students’ digital technology usage (Rizk and Hillier 2021 ). A good balance in the use of digital entertainment and educational technologies at school and at home can help students develop positive and healthy attitudes toward the use of digital technologies. These attitudes further benefit the development of digital social and cultural capital.

In line with the substantial mainstream scholarship on social reproduction, we have leveraged the conceptual apparatus of Bourdieu’s theory of cultural and social capital (and also habitus) to inform our analysis. Indeed, we recognize that the involvement of digital technology in students’ lives complicates issues of educational equity (notably as articulated in the digital divide literature) (Selwyn, 2004 ). Students from lower social classes are particularly disadvantaged (Jara et al. 2015 ). One of the key contributions of the present study is to determine the role of digital cultural and social capital in contributing to the digital divide in student learning.

However, we caution against a naïve application of Bourdieu’s theory to understand the relationship between digital cultural and social capital, student learning, and the digital divide. Importantly, we recognize that dominant groups of society who serve as gatekeepers in the education system may apply arbitrary criteria that reward students (Kingston 2001 ) for a particular use of digital technology (e.g., accessing BBC versus Wikipedia for research) or for a particular purpose (e.g., using the Internet for academic learning versus online gaming). There is also evidence that students from lower social classes may exercise agency to actively incorporate the digital space as an additional resource into their traditional funds of knowledge such as their cultural beliefs, priorities, and practices (Barton and Tan 2009 , 2010 ; Rizk and Hillier 2021 ). This agency enables students to benefit maximally from digital technology in achieving a comprehensive set of life outcomes including academic achievement and socioemotional well-being. Different stakeholders in the educational system, including teachers, schools, students, and parents, have a part to play to build constructive networks of relationships to coalesce the diverse funds of knowledge to benefit different groups of students, including those from lower social classes.

This study contributes to the theoretical development of ideas about cultural and social capital in digital contexts, particularly with regards to a new, much-needed theorization of digital cultural and social capital. It provides a theoretical framework to understand the influence of digital technologies on student learning and development, as well as the reproduction of social inequalities in the digital era. While access to digital technologies is no longer the primary concern, differences in the effects of digital technologies on student development are heavily dependent on the development of digital cultural and social capital. Digital cultural and social capital provide a theoretical lens for understanding the effects of the digital divide on student development, as well as playing a determining role in the integration and transfer of resources across online and offline spaces.

Two important implications for policy and practice arise from the study. First, notwithstanding the relative importance of the family, there is still a role for schools as sites of secondary socialization to equip students with digital cultural and social capital. Indeed, our study shows that students can benefit from the “methodological inculcation” of digital cultural and social capital in “explicit pedagogy” (Bourdieu and Passeron 1977 , p. 47) via dedicated and knowledgeable schoolteachers and the school curriculum. The second implication is that equipping students with digital cultural and social capital is a complex endeavor. Specifically, beyond providing access to physical equipment and infrastructure, educators need to sensitize students to the different ways that technology can be used, equip students with the various literacies that they need to leverage technology for learning, and imbue in them the required attitudes toward online learning. Additionally, educators need to recognize that digital cultural and social capital influences students’ learning in both formal (e.g., in school) and informal (e.g., out-of-school) learning spaces. This implies that they need to teach students the life skills needed to take advantage of learning opportunities outside the curriculum while mitigating online learning risks (e.g., cyberbullying).

Future research can take the field forward in the following directions. First, the new paradigm of digital cultural capital and social capital needs further research and this research must address new digital technology developments (e.g. artificial intelligence techniques, virtual reality). Future studies are recommended to further elucidate the relationships of students’ digital cultural and social capital and the three-levels of digital divides respectively. Second, most of the studies reviewed used a cross-sectional design; longitudinal studies can be conducted to ascertain the long-term impact of equipping students with digital cultural and social capital. Third researchers can examine how digital cultural and social capital interact with each other to impact student learning, given the nomological relationships between these variables in Bourdieu’s theory (Tan 2020 ; Waithaka 2014 ; Weininger 2005 ). The final area for researchers to explore is the development of valid and reliable instruments to measure digital cultural and social capital in quantitative studies.

Data availability

The primary dataset is presented in the supplementary material.

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Feng, S., Tan, C.Y. Toward conceptual clarity for digital cultural and social capital in student learning: Insights from a systematic literature review. Humanit Soc Sci Commun 11 , 68 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-023-02519-8

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The Concept of Culture in Media Studies: A Critical Review of Academic Literature

This study examines the way culture has been researched in media studies and suggests how critical intercultural communication could contribute to the field. A literature review was conducted and articles (N=114) published in peer-reviewed journals between 2003 and 2013 were collected. Results show that studies dealing with media and culture do not systematically define the concept of culture. Findings also indicate that culture is oftentimes taken for granted instead of being problematized and addressed as a source of struggle. Advantages of using a critical intercultural communication framework to examine culture are discussed.

Entrées d’index

Keywords: , texte intégral.

• 1 Debra L. Merskin, Media, Minorities, and Meaning: A Critical Introduction (New York: Peter Lang Pub (...)
• 2 Robert M. Entman, “Framing Bias: Media in the Distribution of Power,” Journal of Communication 57, (...)
• 3 Sari Pietikäinen and Helen Kelly-Holmes, “The Dangers of Normativity – The Case of Minority Languag (...)
• 4 Isabelle Rigoni, “Intersectionality and Mediated Cultural Production in A Globalized Post-Colonial (...)

1 Recent directions in the field of media studies have turned culture into a significant object of study. Strong emphasis has been put on representations of minorities in media 1 and their potential biases, 2 minority-language media 3 and ethnic media. 4 However, the increasing attention given to culture has not gone hand in hand with an overall clarification of the concept itself. Defining culture remains a difficult exercise, especially because of its multifaceted nature. The importance of the concept in media studies and its blurry theoretical grounds highlight the need to look back at how it has been used in studies. The present article is built around three main questions. First, it looks at how culture has been researched in media studies . Second, it examines possible limitations of these approaches. Third, it investigates ways in which a critical intercultural communication framework can be beneficial to media studies dealing with culture. For this purpose, this study explores recent academic discourse on media and culture by reviewing studies dealing with issues of cultural diversity, representations of culture, and discourse of culture. In addition to examining approaches to culture and their potential limitations, this article also presents ways in which critical intercultural communication can be used by researchers from different disciplines interested in culture.

2 This article starts by presenting some of the main arguments raised in discussing the use and conceptualization of culture. The way critical intercultural communication contributes to this discussion is presented, followed by reasons why it can be a relevant framework for media studies. This article then looks at previous reviews of academic discourse, especially focusing on the fields of communication and media. Methods for collecting data are detailed before discussing the findings and main implications of this study .

The Concept of Culture

• 5 Robert Brightman, “Forget Culture: Replacement, Transcendence, Relexification,” Cultural Anthropolo (...)
• 6 William H. Sewell Jr, “The Concept(s) of Culture,” in Practicing History: New Directions in Histori (...)
• 7 Ingrid Piller, Intercultural Communication: A Critical Introduction (Edinburgh: Edinburgh Universit (...)
• 9 Fred Dervin, “Approches dialogiques et énonciatives de l’interculturel : Pour une didactique des la (...)
• 10 Fred Dervin, “A Plea for Change in Research on Intercultural Discourses: A “Liquid” Approach to the (...)
• 11 Sylvie Poirier, “La (dé)politisation de la culture? Réflexions sur un concept pluriel, ” Anthropolog (...)
• 12 Ryuko Kubota, “Critical Approaches to Intercultural Discourse and Communication,” in The Handbook o (...)

3 Culture is a concept that has been discussed extensively, giving rise to multiple approaches and uses of the term across fields of study. As the concept of culture became increasingly important and pervasive, it also became increasingly questioned. Across different fields of studies, scholars discuss whether to keep, change or altogether discard the concept of culture. Brightman brought together some of the main criticisms addressed to culture. 5 His work reveals the variety of arguments used against the concept and the lack of convergence on how to revise it or what to use instead. Sewell also goes through some of the cornerstone issues in conceptualizing culture. 6 The first distinction he mentions, and which he argues is not always explicitly made by researchers, is the one between the use of culture and cultures . The singular use refers to the theoretical approach used for research while the plural use refers to the object of study . Culture is used in contrast to other academic disciplines or analytical tools (e.g. politics, economics) whereas cultures is used when examining different forms of culture and is therefore more concrete (e.g. regional culture, hipster culture). Another distinction which has had a strong impact on the study of culture is the understanding of culture as practice or culture as a system of symbols and meanings . Critical intercultural scholars regard culture as a discursive construction, emphasizing the role played by individuals in performing culture. Inherited from constructionism, this approach emphasizes culture as something people do rather than something people have. 7 Regarding culture as practice is the dominant approach in critical intercultural communication, which tends to be used in opposition to culture as a system of symbols and meanings. This latter approach to culture is often associated with essentialist and positivist views that describe culture as an identifiable and fixed item. 8 Essentialist views of culture have been criticized for pinpointing aspects of cultures (typically reduced to the idea of national cultures) and presenting such characteristics as truths rather than constructions. 9 On the other hand, critical intercultural scholars argue for an approach to culture that is largely embedded within social constructionism. 10 Such an approach emphasizes culture as constructed, political, intertwined with ethics 11 and related to power both within and between societies. 12 From that perspective, culture is understood to be situated rather than objective, and ever changing as opposed to stable.

• 13 Stuart Hall, “Introduction,” in Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices , (...)

14 Shi-Xu, A Cultural Approach to Discourse (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 1–13.

• 15 William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani, “Media discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Con (...)
• 16 Nancy K. Rivenburgh, “Media Framing of Complex Issues: The Case of Endangered Languages,” Public Un (...)
• 17 Ulrika Olausson, “Global warming – Global Responsibility? Media Frames of Collective Action and Sci (...)

4 As Hall stresses, culture is about meaning and as such “permeates all of society.” 13 Representations, practices, values and identities have cultural meanings that are discursively constructed and tap into previous cultural discourses to be meaningful. Critical intercultural communication casts light on ways in which meanings echo cultural knowledge and are therefore difficult to identify and question – even for researchers themselves, hence a strong emphasis placed on reflexivity. 14 The importance of “cultural resonance” has also been pointed out by scholars examining media frames. 15 Rivenburgh stresses the way “media frames that reflect cultural common sense, values, or ideology are both instinctually employed by journalists and easily accepted by the public”. 16 Tapping into cultural resonance may be done consciously or out of habit by journalists and editors who see their cultural environment as natural. The use of culturally resonant frames in media discourse increases their taken-for-grantedness, which enhances their power. Cultural markers create a sense of common sense because of their presence in everyday life experiences which contributes to normalizing them, making them “well-nigh impossible to recognize, question, or resist”. 17 The emphasis that critical intercultural communication puts on culture as having the propensity to normalize representations and practices thus appears especially relevant to media studies.

• 18 Marianne Jørgensen and Louise J. Phillips, Discourse Analysis as Theory and Method (London: Sage Pu (...)

19 Chris Barker, The Sage Dictionary of Cultural Studies (London: Sage Publications, 2004), 64–65.

5 Another aspect where interests of both disciplines meet is the extent to which discursive practices can be ethnocentric. To different extents, critical scholars agree on the idea that discourses construct the way societies represent themselves. 18 Media discourse is probably one of the discursive practices most often cited as constitutive of people’s worldviews, representations of themselves and others. One question put forward by critical intercultural communication is the extent to which such discourses rely on ethnocentric representations. Ethnocentrism refers to people’s tendency to use the standards of their own culture to judge other cultural groups, which is concurrent with people’s tendency to regard their culture as superior to others. 19 Ethnocentrism thus refers to the way cultural standards can pass as implicit norms for people identifying with that culture. As much emphasis is now put on ethnic media, cultural diversity and the effects of globalization on developing transnational media spaces, it is important not to overlook the extent to which national media discourse can still be limited and convey ethnocentric representations. The emphasis put on ethnocentrism in media has strong practical implications for professionals and audiences by encouraging them to be more critical towards news content.

Examining Academic Discourse

• 20 Keith V. Erickson, Cathy A. Fleuriet and Lawrence A. Hosman, “Prolific Publishing: Professional and (...)
• 21 Michael W. Kramer, Jon A. Hess and Loren D. Reid, “Trends in Communication Scholarship: An Analysis (...)

22 Jørgensen and Phillips, Discourse Analysis as Theory and Method , 175–177.

• 23 Maggie MacLure, Discourses in Educational and Social Research ( Buckingham: Open University Press, 2 (...)

6 Conferences and publications are the main venues for academics to discuss the latest developments and findings from all disciplines. Nowadays, academic debate mostly takes place in journals, whose number has kept on increasing throughout the last decades. 20 It is through these journals that most ideas are expressed, hence the importance of examining their content. Publishing is central for scholars, not only as a way of contributing to the development of their fields of study but also to the development of their career. The notorious “publish or perish” phrase provides an efficient summary of what publications nowadays represent in the academic world. 21 As journal articles have become the main venue for academic discourse, they have also turned into common and natural venues. Such development can be problematic if academic discourse comes to be granted too much legitimacy instead of having its status, form and content constantly challenged. Like other discursive practices, journal articles create and validate certain meanings that progressively become the norm and can, as such, easily pass as natural instead of constructed and contingent. 22 Knowledge expressed in academic discourse is therefore not objective but is, like any other form of knowledge, “‘situated’ – that is, produced by and for particular interests, in particular circumstances, at particular times”. 23 Reflexivity, a central ethical component of research, is therefore especially important when looking at academic discourse as a whole.

• 24 Ronald D. Gordon, “Beyond the Failures of Western Communication Theory,” Journal of Multicultural D (...)
• 25 Molefi Kete Asante, “The Ideological Significance of Afrocentricity in Intercultural Communication, (...)
• 26 Yoshitaka Miike, “Non-Western Theory in Western research? An Asiacentric Agenda for Asian Communica (...)
• 27 Yoshitaka Miike, “An Asiacentric Reflection on Eurocentric Bias in Communication Theory,” Communica (...)

28 Asante, “The Ideological Significance of Afrocentricity in Intercultural Communication,” 10.

• 29 Shi-Xu, “Reconstructing Eastern Paradigms of Discourse Studies ,” Journal of Multicultural Discourse (...)
• 30 Hui-Ching Chang, Rich Holt and Lina Luo, “Representing East Asians in Intercultural Communication T (...)
• 31 Molefi Kete Asante, Afrocentricity: The Theory of Social Change (Chicago: African American Images, (...)
• 32 Ella Shohat and Robert Stam, Unthinking Eurocentrism: Multiculturalism and the Media (London: Routl (...)
• 33 Eric Kit-Wai Ma, “Rethinking Media Studies: The Case of China,” in De-westernizing Media Studies , e (...)

7 Recently, increasing attention has been paid to cultural bias in academic discourse. Some scholars especially criticize the general lack of attention paid to such bias. Gordon, for instance, has looked at communication theories, which he describes as an example of a Western-oriented or Eurocentric approach to research. 24 Gordon highlights the way communication theories have typically been elaborated by Caucasian researchers from the United States who mostly used university students as participants. Western-oriented theories have been criticized for being taken as universally valid despite being anchored in European academic traditions, especially the heritage of the Enlightenment period. In response, some scholars have suggested using different approaches. Asante has, for instance, put forth Afrocentricity as an ideological and methodological approach to conduct research from an African standpoint. 25 Similarly, Miike encourages using Asiacentricity to examine Asian contexts from an Asian perspective. 26 Miike details ways in which the concept of “communication” is defined differently by Asiacentric and Eurocentric approaches, as different aspects and outcomes are emphasized. 27 Afrocentricity and Asiacentricity illustrate ongoing efforts to diversify analytical tools that would help research human activity and capture its plurality. These approaches are meant to open up new perspectives in research by providing scholars with different outlooks on their objects of study. For some scholars, developing new approaches is also meant to create legitimate alternatives to Western theories. Back in 1983, Asante, for instance, pointed out the difficulty for some African scholars to be published in Eurocentric journals because of their different, and non-valued, academic tradition. 28 Shi-Xu advocates the emergence of various academic paradigms that would work “as equal but distinctive interlocutors” and help “redress this cultural imbalance”. 29 However, other voices among academics are more reserved when it comes to developing culture-specific approaches, fearing that it will only turn the problem around instead of solving it. Chang, Holt and Luo raise the question as they discuss Asiacentricity: “If every version of a cultural writing of other is at the same time also the construction of self , might our call for an Asiacentric perspective in explaining communication not fall into the same trap as the often-blamed Eurocentric perspective? Might the reversal of the situation – prioritizing Asians – encounter the same predicament?” 30 Supporters of culture-specific approaches, however, embrace this criticism. From their perspective, culture-specific approaches are beneficial because they are explicitly situated and do not try to reach universal validity. They point out that it is not so much Western-oriented theories being biased and situated that triggered critics as the lack of reflexivity about these limitations. 31 Similar debates are also taking place among media scholars, with issues of “de-Westernizing” media studies being increasingly discussed. 32 Critics claim that Western-oriented media theories are too limited as they are based on European and North American political, economic and media models. Looking specifically at China, Ma argues for a compromise. 33 He questions the benefits of new theories that would risk “essentializing and exoticizing the Asian experience” and proposes adjusting existing theories to fit the Chinese context.

Methods and Results

8 A literature review was conducted in fall 2013 using the academic search engines EBSCO and Web of Science. The keywords “media representation”, “media discourse”, “diversity”, and “cultur*” (the asterisk was used to include other possible endings in the data search) were used to collect peer-reviewed articles published in English between 2003 and 2013. Only articles dealing with issues of cultural diversity and media were included. Some articles in which culture was understood from an agricultural perspective were, for instance, left out. The search was ended once saturation was reached, that is when the same keywords used in different search engines brought up the same articles. In total, 114 articles were collected and reviewed for the purpose of this study. The literature review was conducted inductively and kept as open as possible. The search was not limited to any specific journals because the scope of topics covered by media studies on cultural diversity was expected to be very wide. One aim of this literature review being to see what types of issues were encompassed, it would have been detrimental to limit the search to certain journals.

• 34 See for example Gordon, “Beyond the Failures of Western Communication Theory,” and Miike, “An Asiac (...)
• 35 Annelies Verdoolaege, “Media representations of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commissi (...)
• 36 Jawad Syed, “The Representation of Cultural Diversity in Urdu-Language Newspapers in Pakistan: A St (...)
• 37 Yasmin Jiwani, “War Talk Engendering Terror: Race, Gender and Representation in Canadian Print Medi (...)
• 38 Fabienne Darling-Wolf, “Sites of Attractiveness: Japanese Women and Westernized Representations of (...)
• 39 Maria Andrea Dos Santos Soares, “Look, Blackness in Brazil!: Disrupting the Grotesquerie of Racial (...)
• 40 Anna Bredström, “Gendered Racism and the Production Of Cultural Difference: Media Representations a (...)
• 41 Shanara Rose Reid-Brinkley, “Ghetto Kids Gone Good: Race, Representation, and Authority in the Scri (...)

9 Short descriptions were written about each article to describe their content, which later helped identify recurrent themes, similar approaches and unusual topics. Articles were collected within a 10-year time frame in order to get an overall picture of the state of recent research. No particular evolution or trends were noticed, however, regarding approaches or topics tackled. Oftentimes, authors used eclectic theoretical and/or methodological approaches that, for instance, combined cultural studies and critical discourse analysis (CDA) or feminist theories and CDA. Among studies that explicitly presented their theoretical and/or methodological frameworks, CDA (9%), feminist theories (10%) and cultural/critical frameworks relying on Foucault’s, Gramsci’s or Hall’s theories (29%) were recurrent approaches. As regards analytical tools from journalism or media studies, results indicated that framing theory (10%) was often used as opposed to gatekeeping or agenda-setting theory (2%). Similarly to results from previous reviews of academic discourse, 34 studies from this data set appeared to be mainly conducted from a Western-oriented perspective. This was the case even for strongly situated studies that focused on particular cultures and were published in specific journals. For instance, the article “Media Representations of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and Their Commitment to Reconciliation” 35 was published in the Journal of African Cultural Studies using CDA, and the article “The Representation of Cultural Diversity in Urdu-Language Newspapers in Pakistan: A Study of Jang and Nawaiwaqt” 36 was published in the South Asia Journal of South Asian Studies and used Hodder’s approach. In comparison, articles looking at representations of women were found to use various trends of feminist theories such as standpoint theory, 37 postcolonial theory 38 and black feminism. 39 Similarly, articles explicitly dealing with race, for instance, used postcolonial theory 40 and Jackson’s (2006) theory of scripting and media framing of black bodies. 41

42 Kathryn Woodward, Identity and Difference (London: Sage Publications, 1997), 35.

10 As regards the scope of topics tackled, results indicated that the majority of articles investigated representation of minorities in the media (67%), most often dealing with ethnic or religious groups. Articles within this category oftentimes raised the issue of media stereotyping and othering minorities. That is, studies investigated ways in which media discourse sometimes supports the construction of minorities as “Others”, which can emphasize differences between groups and convey negative stereotypical representations. 42 Among articles exploring representations of minorities, several studies dealt with sport and representations of athletes (8%). A significant number of studies examined discourses of diversity (23%), with some focusing exclusively on European discourses of diversity (3%). Other studies investigated what diversity stands for in the media and how it can be approached by newsrooms. On the other hand, some topics appeared to be scarcely tackled, which was the case of foreign-news coverage (4%), newsroom diversity (2%) or integration and acculturation issues (2%). Regarding the type of media investigated, the majority of studies examined newspapers and television (70%), while entertainment and advertisement (19%) were less considered.

Culture: Between Main Focus and Transparent Background

11 Despite explicitly dealing with culture, many articles did not provide a clear definition of the term. Nor did many researchers position themselves as regards the different schools of thought on culture. Instances of culture taken for granted particularly occurred in the literature when (1) culture was associated with nations or (2) the so-called Western world, or (3) when the concepts of race or ethnicity were used.

43 Michael Billig, Banal Nationalism (London: Sage Publications, 1995), 6.

• 44 Rona T. Halualani, S. Lily Mendoza and Jolanta A. Drzewiecka, “‘Critical’” Junctures in Intercultur (...)

12 Results from the literature review conducted for this study indicate the recurrent association of culture with that of nation. However, the use of countries as cultural contexts and embodiments of cultures can be problematic for several reasons. A main pitfall is the homogeneous and reduced picture of culture that it conveys. Culture is a multilayered notion and reducing it to the single aspect of nationality can be detrimental to both the idea of nation and culture. Nations are multicultural, in the literal meaning of the word: that is, made out of multiple cultures. Studies that use nation as the unit of reference to talk about culture, language and identity tend to homogenize national cultures and therefore increase chances of being stereotypical instead of deconstructing stereotypes. A second important drawback is the way national culture tends to be presented as normal instead of artificial. This contributes to discourses of “banal nationalism” where individuals are brought up with the idea that the world is divided between nations. 43 It also overlooks the fact that culture is constructed and thus intertwined with power and struggle. When culture is understood as the equivalent of nation, it typically hints at the culture of the dominant group within that nation. Such representation leaves out or even marginalizes other forms of culture within that country, therefore maintaining existing hierarchy instead of deconstructing it. Halualani, Mendoza and Drzewiecka point out the danger of blurring the lines between the concepts of culture and nation: “To accept cultures as nations as inherently and naturally truthful and accurate at a surface level would be to risk reproducing external framings of cultural groups advanced by colonialist governments, dominant nationalist parties, and ruling power interests that benefit from such ‘status quo’ thinking.” 44

45 Piller, Intercultural Communication: A Critical Introduction , 66–69.

46 Dervin, “A Plea For Change in Research on Intercultural Discourses,” 41.

13 Associating culture to nation thus tends to sustain hierarchy between cultural practices and those who practice or identify to them. By maintaining hierarchical order between cultures, the nation approach implicitly contributes to preserving the persistent dichotomy between “us” and “them”, whether within or between nations. The nation approach to culture is tightly related to essentialist views of culture in that it provides a static and homogeneous picture of culture. Essentialism regards culture as a one-dimensional concept and therefore leaves out issues of race, religion, gender, social status and larger historical and political structures. Critical intercultural communication endeavors to go beyond such limitations by taking into account the multidimensional, constructed, contingent and dynamic facets of culture. The critical intercultural communication approach does not dismiss nations as possible instances of cultures. However, it focuses on exploring which representations of culture and nation are associated, through which processes, and whether such associations vary in time or depending on the context. Critical intercultural scholars emphasize culture as raising questions rather than providing answers that would help predict people’s behaviors. 45 Through its conceptualization of culture, a critical intercultural communication framework helps focus on ways in which people construct their sense of cultural belonging and identity. 46 This approach is relevant to media studies in many ways. It is strongly related to research exploring the relation individuals make between their media consumption and their identity, or research dealing with the way media discourse is intertwined with discourses of (national) identity. The emphasis put on constructing cultural identity and belonging can also help focus on who is represented as “belonging” and who is not, which is a significant aspect of studies on minority media and cultural diversity.

• 47 Malcom D. Brown, “Comparative Analysis of Mainstream Discourses, Media Narratives and Representatio (...)
• 48 Margarida Carvalho, “The Construction of the Image of Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities in Two Portu (...)

14 As mentioned beforehand, results indicated that culture can be taken for granted when it is about “us”. In many cases, “our” culture is used as a background for research, making it look normal and neutral. “Our” culture also appears homogeneous because examining diversity oftentimes consists of examining the “Other”. For instance, the article entitled “Comparative Analysis of Mainstream Discourses, Media Narratives and Representations of Islam in Britain and France Prior to 9/11” examines the construction of Islam, notably referring to the switch from exoticism before 9/11 to terrorism afterwards. 47 The article, however, does not discuss the construction of “British” and “French” but uses them as taken-for-granted cultural representations. Similarly, the article “The Construction of the Image of Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities in two Portuguese Daily Newspapers” discusses the way “their” image is fabricated and thus artificial but does not discuss the construction of the “Portuguese” identity. 48 Of course, focusing on minorities’ identities is highly relevant, but it could be beneficial to consider both majorities’ and minorities’ identities and cultures. Such an approach could help examine diversity among “us” rather than embodied only by “them”. Examining both majority and minority could enable researchers to go beyond this dichotomous opposition and not only look at differences but also cast light on shared cultural representations, practices or identities. Looking at differences and similarities, as well as how those are negotiated, can also help examine the way cultural meanings and identities are constructed in relation to one another. Overall, it would be a way to put all cultural practices and representations on an equal footing by explicitly defining them as constructed and contingent. This could in turn contribute to challenge taken-for-granted perceptions we have of ourselves as well as of others.

49 Anthony P. Browne, “Denying Race in the American and French Context,” Wadabagei 12 (2009): 83.

15 Findings also indicate that the concept of culture tends to be used in different ways depending on whose culture is examined. The “us” is often associated with nationality and presented as legitimate, neutral, acultural, aethnical and aracial while the “them” is often referred to in terms of religious or ethnic denominations. Oftentimes, culture is not directly problematized when the concepts of race and ethnicity are used. Eventually, this paints a picture where “we” seem to be acultural and unproblematic while “they” are described in terms of struggle, race, ethnicity or religious affiliations. The imbalance in such representations is problematic in that it reproduces stereotypical representations of minorities even though most studies intend to deconstruct them. Using alternatives to Western and Eurocentric approaches in media studies could help dismiss such a vicious circle. Enhancing geographical diversity as regards research location could also encourage study of various minority groups. Indeed, findings suggest that numerous studies are located in Europe, North America or Australia: parts of the world that embody the idea of “Western culture”. The lack of diversity in the location of research is a strong shortcoming of academic discourse, especially when it examines representation of minorities. Going through numerous articles dealing with ethnic or religious minorities living in the so-called Western world nourishes the idea that majority and dominant groups are white Europeans while struggling minorities are black, Asians or Muslims. Using a critical intercultural communication framework can discourage researchers from using or describing, even implicitly, certain groups or practices as acultural and neutral and others as only racial or ethnic. This issue has also been raised by scholars working on colorblind ideology. Browne, for instance, argues that in both the United States and France, being white is “the invisible norm against which all other cultural and racial groups are defined and subordinated”. 49 The notion of invisible norm raised by Browne is particularly relevant when it comes to seeing oneself as aracial or acultural and seeing others mostly through their skin color, religious affiliations or cultural practices. The way concepts of race and ethnicity can sometimes be used instead of the one of culture conveys the idea that they refer to different aspects. Nevertheless, race and ethnicity are forms of culture, as gender, nationality or social class can also be. Dismissing culture and using only race and ethnicity can be a drawback in that it contributes to presenting culture as unproblematic and natural, while race and ethnicity are sources of struggle. Using a critical intercultural communication framework is a way to be inclusive and critically tackle all aspects of culture. Bridging the gap between culture, race and ethnicity is also a way to bring together schools of thought (for instance, scholars from the United States and scholars from Europe) that have different stances on the concept of race itself. Examining critically the way race, ethnicity, social status, religious, sexual and gender identities are constructed and conveyed can thus enrich our understanding of culture. Generally speaking, using a critical approach to the concept of culture would help address problematic representations of minority/majority and us/them in academic discourse. Understanding culture as a construction that involves power relations and struggle contributes to include every individual, group and practice, since all aspects and members of societies are cultural. This therefore takes away the pervasive and implicit idea that some people or practices are neutral to some extent. Reflexivity is a central component in order to be able to detach oneself from ethnocentric representations and look at oneself, one’s culture, practices and values as cultural and therefore constructed and ideological. Focusing on cultural identity as constructed is also an asset in decreasing ethnocentrism or cultural bias in academic discourse. Encouraging researchers to be reflexive about their cultural backgrounds can help them problematize what they could otherwise take for granted about their own cultural identities and belongings. As Rorty points out, no one is ahistorical or acultural and therefore “everybody is ethnocentric when engaged in actual debate”. 50 The best way to overcome ethnocentric representations is to make them and the way they are constructed salient. Ethnocentrism in academic discourse is particularly problematic because research aims at being, if not entirely unbiased, at least critical towards its inherent subjectivity. Ethnocentrism as a form of bias is difficult to overcome if not addressed directly. Researchers should therefore aim at being critical towards their personal background as well as their philosophical, theoretical and methodological heritage. Cultural baggage has to be reflected upon at the individual level, that is, in the way personal choices affect the way researchers tackle a topic or analyze data, but also at the academic level, that is, the way they can be blind to the overall schools of thought to which they belong.

16 The concept of culture is regarded by many as ambiguous, difficult to conceptualize, and even non-operational by some scholars. In spite of its difficult reputation, culture remains a prominent object of study. Influences from critical theories and social constructionism make critical intercultural communication a relevant framework for examining representations and discursive constructions of culture. The premise that culture is constructed provides a solid ground to examine ways in which certain representations seem more powerful or natural than others. It also emphasizes the fact that we live in webs of cultural discourses – some invisible to us, depending on contexts – that are intertwined with other discourses. The main aim of using a critical intercultural communication framework is not to uncover what culture really is but to uncover what representations of culture come to appear real, and through which processes. Studies therefore primarily focus on the way we navigate these webs and make sense of them, the way they are constructed, interrelated and empowered. The main asset of this framework is its emphasis on problematizing culture, which reduces risks of taking it for granted. As such, critical intercultural communication also encourages researchers to be reflexive about their academic and cultural background. This can help one be aware of the extent to which one’s knowledge is situated, and therefore contributes to decreasing cultural bias in academic discourse. Generally, being aware of the representations we have of ourselves and others, as well as the reasons why these representations are constructed and conveyed, is central to developing understanding and tolerance towards others. This is especially relevant now that more and more people cross borders and that communication between cultures is faster, easier, and therefore increasingly common.

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Kramer, Michael W., Jon A. Hess, and Loren D. Reid. “Trends in Communication Scholarship: An Analysis of Four Representative NCA and ICA Journals over the Last 70 Years.” The Review of Communication 7(3) (2007): 229 – 240.

Kubota, Ryuko. “Critical Approaches to Intercultural Discourse and Communication.” In The Handbook of Intercultural Discourse and Communication , edited by Christina Bratt Paulston, Scott F. Kiesling, and Elizabeth S. Rangel, 90 – 109. Malden, MA: John Wiley & Sons, 2012.

Ma, Eric Kit-Wai. “Rethinking Media Studies: The Case of China.” In De-westernizing Media Studies , edited by James Curran and Myung-Jin Park, 17 – 28. London: Routledge, 1994.

MacLure, Maggie. Discourses in Educational and Social Research . Buckingham: Open University Press, 2003.

Merskin, Debra L. Media, Minorities, and Meaning: A Critical Introduction . New York: Peter Lang, 2011.

Miike, Yoshitaka. “Non-Western Theory in Western Research? An Asiacentric Agenda for Asian Communication Studies.” The Review of Communication 6(1 – 2) (2006): 4 – 31.

—. “An Asiacentric Reflection on Eurocentric Bias in Communication Theory.” Communication Monographs 74(2) (2007): 272 – 278.

Olausson, Ulrika. “Global warming – Global Responsibility? Media Frames of Collective Action and Scientific Certainty.” Public Understanding of Science 18(4) (2009): 421 – 436.

Pietikäinen, Sari, and Hellen Kelly-Holmes. “The Dangers of Normativity – The Case of Minority Language Media.” In Dangerous Multilingualism: Northern Perspectives on Order, Purity and Normality , edited by Jan Blommaert et al ., 194–204. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.

Piller, Ingrid. Intercultural Communication: A Critical Introduction . Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2011.

Poirier, Sylvie. “ La (dé)politisation de la culture ? Réflexions sur un concept pluriel.” Anthropologie et sociétés 28(1) (2004): 7–21.

Reid-Brinkley, Shanara Rose. “Ghetto Kids Gone Good: Race, Representation, and Authority in the Scripting of Inner-City Youths in the Urban Debate League.” Argumentation & Advocacy 49(2) (2012): 77 – 99.

Rigoni, Isabelle. “Intersectionality and Mediated Cultural Production in a Globalized Post-Colonial World.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 35(5) (2012): 834 – 849.

Rivenburgh, Nancy K. “Media Framing of Complex Issues: The Case of Endangered Languages.” Public Understanding of Science 22(6) (2013): 704 – 717.

Rorty, Richard. “Solidarity or Objectivity.” In Knowledge and Inquiry. Readings in Epistemology , edited by K. Brad Wray, 422 – 437. Peterborough, ON, Canada: Broadview Press, 2002.

Sewell Jr, William H. “The Concept (s) of Culture.” In Practicing History: New Directions in Historical Writing After the Linguistic Turn , edited by Gabrielle M. Spiegel, 76 – 95. New York: Routledge, 2005.

Shi-Xu. A Cultural Approach to Discourse . New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

—. “Reconstructing Eastern Paradigms of Discourse Studies.” Journal of Multicultural Discourses 4(1) (2009): 29 – 48.

Shohat, Ella, and Robert Stam. Unthinking Eurocentrism. Multiculturalism and the Media . New York: Routledge, 1994.

Soares, Maria Andrea Dos Santos. “Look, Blackness in Brazil!: Disrupting the Grotesquerie of Racial Representation in Brazilian Visual Culture.” Cultural Dynamics 24(1) (2012): 75 – 101.

Storey, John. What is Cultural Studies? A Reader . London: Arnold, 1996.

Syed, Jawad. “The Representation of Cultural Diversity in Urdu-Language Newspapers in Pakistan: A Study of Jang and Nawaiwaqt.” South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies 31(2) (2008): 317 – 347.

Verdoolaege, Annelies. “Media Representations of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and their Commitment to Reconciliation.” Journal of African Cultural Studies 17(2) (2005): 181 – 199.

Woodward, Kathryn ed., Identity and Difference . London: Sage Publications, 1997.

Note de fin

1 Debra L. Merskin, Media, Minorities, and Meaning: A Critical Introduction (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, 2011).

2 Robert M. Entman, “Framing Bias: Media in the Distribution of Power,” Journal of Communication 57, (2007).

3 Sari Pietikäinen and Helen Kelly-Holmes, “The Dangers of Normativity – The Case of Minority Language Media,” in Dangerous Multilingualism: Northern Perspectives on Order, Purity And Normality , ed. Jan Blommaert et al . (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 194–204.

4 Isabelle Rigoni, “Intersectionality and Mediated Cultural Production in A Globalized Post-Colonial World,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 35 (2012).

5 Robert Brightman, “Forget Culture: Replacement, Transcendence, Relexification,” Cultural Anthropology 10, (1995).

6 William H. Sewell Jr, “The Concept(s) of Culture,” in Practicing History: New Directions in Historical Writing after the Linguistic Turn , ed. Gabrielle M. Spiegel (New York: Routledge, 2005), 76–95.

7 Ingrid Piller, Intercultural Communication: A Critical Introduction (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2011), 15.

9 Fred Dervin, “Approches dialogiques et énonciatives de l’interculturel : Pour une didactique des langues et de l’identité mouvante des sujets,” Synergies Roumanie 4 (2009): 166–167.

10 Fred Dervin, “A Plea for Change in Research on Intercultural Discourses: A “Liquid” Approach to the Study of the Acculturation of Chinese Students,” Journal of Multicultural Discourses 6 (March 2011): 38.

11 Sylvie Poirier, “La (dé)politisation de la culture? Réflexions sur un concept pluriel, ” Anthropologie et sociétés 28 (2004): 10 – 13.

12 Ryuko Kubota, “Critical Approaches to Intercultural Discourse and Communication,” in The Handbook of Intercultural Discourse and Communication , ed. Christina Bratt Paulston et al . (Malden, USA: John Wiley & Sons, 2012), 95.

13 Stuart Hall, “Introduction,” in Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices , ed. Stuart Hall (London: Sage Publications, 1997), 3.

15 William A. Gamson and Andre Modigliani, “Media discourse and Public Opinion on Nuclear Power: A Constructionist Approach,” American Journal of Sociology 95 (1989): 5.

16 Nancy K. Rivenburgh, “Media Framing of Complex Issues: The Case of Endangered Languages,” Public Understanding of Science 22 (2011): 706.

17 Ulrika Olausson, “Global warming – Global Responsibility? Media Frames of Collective Action and Scientific Certainty,” Public Understanding of Science 18 (2009): 423.

18 Marianne Jørgensen and Louise J. Phillips, Discourse Analysis as Theory and Method (London: Sage Publications, 2002), 175–177.

20 Keith V. Erickson, Cathy A. Fleuriet and Lawrence A. Hosman, “Prolific Publishing: Professional and Administrative Concerns,” The Southern Communication Journal 58 (Summer 1993): 328–329.

21 Michael W. Kramer, Jon A. Hess and Loren D. Reid, “Trends in Communication Scholarship: An Analysis of Four Representative NCA and ICA Journals over the Last 70 Years,” The Review of Communication 7 (July 2007): 229–230.

23 Maggie MacLure, Discourses in Educational and Social Research ( Buckingham: Open University Press, 2003), 175.

24 Ronald D. Gordon, “Beyond the Failures of Western Communication Theory,” Journal of Multicultural Discourse 2 (2007).

25 Molefi Kete Asante, “The Ideological Significance of Afrocentricity in Intercultural Communication,” Journal of Black Studies 14 (1983).

26 Yoshitaka Miike, “Non-Western Theory in Western research? An Asiacentric Agenda for Asian Communication Studies,” The Review of Communication 6, (2006).

27 Yoshitaka Miike, “An Asiacentric Reflection on Eurocentric Bias in Communication Theory,” Communication Monographs 74 (2007).

29 Shi-Xu, “Reconstructing Eastern Paradigms of Discourse Studies ,” Journal of Multicultural Discourses 4 (2009): 33.

30 Hui-Ching Chang, Rich Holt and Lina Luo, “Representing East Asians in Intercultural Communication Textbooks: A Select Review,” The Review of Communication 6 (2006): 325–326.

31 Molefi Kete Asante, Afrocentricity: The Theory of Social Change (Chicago: African American Images, 2003), 61.

32 Ella Shohat and Robert Stam, Unthinking Eurocentrism: Multiculturalism and the Media (London: Routledge, 1994); James Curran and Myung-Jin Park, De-westernizing Media Studies (London: Routledge, 2000).

33 Eric Kit-Wai Ma, “Rethinking Media Studies: The Case of China,” in De-westernizing Media Studies , ed. James Curran et al . (London: Routledge, 1994), 32.

34 See for example Gordon, “Beyond the Failures of Western Communication Theory,” and Miike, “An Asiacentric Reflection on Eurocentric Bias in Communication Theory”.

35 Annelies Verdoolaege, “Media representations of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and their Commitment to Reconciliation,” Journal of African Cultural Studies 17 (2005).

36 Jawad Syed, “The Representation of Cultural Diversity in Urdu-Language Newspapers in Pakistan: A Study Of Jang And Nawaiwaqt,” Journal of South Asian Studies 31 (2008).

37 Yasmin Jiwani, “War Talk Engendering Terror: Race, Gender and Representation in Canadian Print Media,” International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 1 (2005).

38 Fabienne Darling-Wolf, “Sites of Attractiveness: Japanese Women and Westernized Representations of Feminine Beauty,” Critical Studies in Media Communication 21 (2004).

39 Maria Andrea Dos Santos Soares, “Look, Blackness in Brazil!: Disrupting the Grotesquerie of Racial Representation in Brazilian Visual Culture,” Cultural Dynamics 24 (2012).

40 Anna Bredström, “Gendered Racism and the Production Of Cultural Difference: Media Representations and Identity Work among ‘Immigrant Youth’ In Contemporary Sweden,” Nora: Nordic Journal of Women’s Studies 11 (2003).

41 Shanara Rose Reid-Brinkley, “Ghetto Kids Gone Good: Race, Representation, and Authority in the Scripting of Inner-City Youths in the Urban Debate League,” Argumentation & Advocacy 49 (2012).

44 Rona T. Halualani, S. Lily Mendoza and Jolanta A. Drzewiecka, “‘Critical’” Junctures in Intercultural Communication Studies: A Review,” The Review of Communication 9 (January 2009): 24.

47 Malcom D. Brown, “Comparative Analysis of Mainstream Discourses, Media Narratives and Representations of Islam in Britain and France Prior to 9/11,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 26 (2006).

48 Margarida Carvalho, “The Construction of the Image of Immigrants and Ethnic Minorities in Two Portuguese Daily Newspapers,” Portuguese Journal of Social Science 9 (2010).

Richard Rorty, “Solidarity or Objectivity,” in Knowledge and Inquiry. Readings in Epistemology , ed. K. Brad Wray (Peterborough, ON: Broadview Press, 2002), 432.

Pour citer cet article

Référence électronique.

Mélodine Sommier , «  The Concept of Culture in Media Studies: A Critical Review of Academic Literature  » ,  InMedia [En ligne], 5 | 2014, mis en ligne le 17 octobre 2014 , consulté le 18 avril 2024 . URL  : http://journals.openedition.org/inmedia/768 ; DOI  : https://doi.org/10.4000/inmedia.768

Mélodine Sommier

Mélodine Sommier is a doctoral student in intercultural communication at the University of Jyväskylä in Finland. She has particular interests in migration and acculturation issues as well as discourses of culture in the media.

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Literary Theory and Criticism

Home › Cultural Studies in the United States

Cultural Studies in the United States

By NASRULLAH MAMBROL on November 16, 2020 • ( 0 )

Cultural studies emerged as a distinctive academic discipline in the English-speaking world between the 1960s and the 1990s as part of the broad shift in universities to new kinds of interdisciplinary analysis. Parallel to contemporaneous developments in ethnic studies and women’s studies, programs in cultural studies, which often originated as units of English or communications departments, tended to be institutionalized as centers and institutes rather than as departments. What most readily distinguished cultural studies from mainline literary studies were new and different objects of study and modes of inquiry. In addition, cultural studies both reflected and propounded a cultural politics opposed to the belletrism and formalism characteristic of postwar academic literary studies in the Anglophone world. Typically, adherents of cultural studies conceived themselves—and were conceived by others—as being in opposition to the reigning establishment of university disciplines and values.

Among the objects of study commonly examined in programs of cultural studies were such wildly diverse “discourses” as advertising, art, architecture, urban folklore, movies, fashion, popular literary genres (thrillers, romances, Westerns, science fiction), photography, music, magazines, youth subcultures, student texts, theories of criticism, theater, radio, women’s literature, television, and working-class literature. Against the regnant exclusive focus on aesthetic masterpieces of canonized high literature, advocates of cultural studies characteristically advanced the claims of “low,” popular, and mass cultures. (In this work they followed in the wake of the earlier Frankfurt school scholars and the New York Intellectuals, among others, who pioneered modes of cultural inquiry from the 1930s to the 1960s.) During the postmodern period the arts and activities to be found in the ordinary shopping mall appeared as worthy of serious study and analysis as the artifacts and artworks enthroned in the traditional monumental museum. Potentially, the whole spectrum of cultural objects, practices, and texts constituting a society provided the materials of cultural studies. In the event that belletristic literature was examined from the perspective of cultural studies, the emphasis was invariably put on literature as communal event or document with social, historical, and political roots and ramifications. In short, the work of “literature” was not treated as an autonomous aesthetic icon separable from its conditions of production, distribution, and consumption—quite the contrary.

The modes of inquiry employed in cultural studies included not only established survey techniques, field interviews, textual explications, and researches into sociohistorical backgrounds but also and especially institutional and ideological analyses. For scholars of cultural studies institutional analysis entailed a conception of institutions as productive agencies that both constituted and disseminated knowledge and belief by means of systematic practices and conventions affecting cultural discourses. For example, studies of present-day popular romances examined the practices of publishing companies and bookstores in shaping and maintaining the rules of the romance genre as well as in packaging and promoting ongoing avalanches of “successful” (reproductions of the form. Since institutions overlap, an investigation into one frequently leads to a second. In the case of romance, a scrutiny of the genre’s powerful presence in television soap operas and women’s magazines links together publishers, booksellers, television programmers, and magazine editors. To generalize, networks of institutions play crucial roles in creating, conditioning, and commodifying cultural works. As such, the application of institutional analysis is central to the enterprise of cultural studies.

Whereas institutional analysis is focused on the material means and methods employed by institutions involved in the circulation of cultural objects and texts, ideological analysis is given over to examining the ideas, feelings, beliefs, and representations embodied in and promulgated by the artifacts and practices of a culture. Obviously, institutional and ideological analysis overlap. For instance, Richard Ohmann in English in America (1976) depicted the institution of English studies as a disseminator not only of the skills of analysis, organization, and fluency but of the “attitudes” of detachment, caution, and cooperation, all of which aid the smooth operation of modern capitalist societies. Because the objects, texts, and institutions of a culture create and convey ideology, the use of ideological analysis is fundamental to the work of cultural studies, which invariably seeks to investigate the ideological dimensions and forces of cultural works.

Characteristic of cultural studies in English-speaking universities is a leftist political orientation rooted variously in Marxist, non-Marxist, and post-Marxist socialist intellectual traditions all critical of the aestheticism, formalism, anti-historicism, and apoliticism common among the dominant postwar methods of academic literary criticism. Advocates of cultural studies regularly apply to the analysis of cultural materials insights from contemporary anthropology (esp. ethnography), economics, history, media studies, political theory, and sociology. Not surprisingly, the twin habits of isolating and of monumentalizing the arts and humanities are anathema to adherents of cultural studies. To sacralize is to deracinate and mummify. Cultural studies seeks to analyze and assess the social roots, the institutional relays, and the ideological ramifications of communal events, organizations, and artifacts. Such a project predisposes analysts to intervene actively in arenas of cultural struggle. The conservative role of the traditional intellectual as disinterested connoisseur and custodian of culture is widely regarded as suspect and unworthy by proponents of cultural studies.

The most well-known academic program in cultural studies in Anglophone countries exists at the Centre (lately Department) for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS), which was established at the University of Birmingham in England in 1964 under the directorship of Richard Hoggart. Initially part of the Department of English, the Centre became independent in 1972 during the directorship of Stuart Hall , whose term lasted from 1969 to 1979. Previously, Hall was the inaugural editor of Britain’s New Left Review . It was during the 1970s that over 60 Stencilled Papers and 10 issues of the journal Working Papers in Cultural Studies (founded in 1971) were brought out. This journal was absorbed into a CCCS-Hutchinson Company book series that published in the closing years of the decade the collectively edited Resistance through Rituals: Youth Sub-Cultures in Post-War Britain (1976), On Ideology (1978), Women Take Issue (1978), Working Class Culture (1979), and especially Culture, Media, Language: Working Papers in Cultural Studies, 1972-79 (1980), which amounted to a CCCS reader, complete with an introductory account of the Centre by Stuart Hall. At the peak of this pioneering period in the 1970s, the Centre had 5 faculty members and 40 graduate students. By decade’s end other university programs in cultural studies were set up in England, primarily at polytechnical institutes. With the founding in England of the Cultural Studies Association in 1984, the whole contemporary movement toward establishing cultural studies in the academy attained a significant moment of maturation.

Stuart Hall/The New Yorker

During the mid-1980s the then director and longtime member of the Birmingham Centre, Richard Johnson, had occasion to publish in the United States a landmark manifesto, “What Is Cultural Studies Anyway?” which, following Hall, observed that two distinct methodological branches of cultural studies had developed at the Centre. The “culturalist” line, derived from sociology, anthropology, and social history and influenced by the work of RAYMOND WILLIAMS and E. P. Thompson, regarded a culture as a whole way of life and struggle accessible through detailed concrete (empirical) descriptions that captured the unities or homologies of commonplace cultural forms and material life. The “(post)structuralist” line, indebted to linguistics, literary criticism, and semiotic theory and especially attentive to the work of Louis Althusser, Roland Barthes, and Michel Fucault, conceived of cultural forms as semiautonomous inaugurating “discourses” susceptible to rhetorical and/or semiological analyses of cognitive constitutions and ideological effects. While the members of the former group preferred to research, for instance, oral histories, realistic fictions, and working-class texts, seeking to pinpoint and portray private social “experience,” the latter group analyzed avant-garde or literary texts and practices, attempting to uncover underlying constitutive communal codes and conventions of representation. One especially influential American study blending culturalism and poststructuralism was Edward Said’s Orientalism (1978), which depicted the history of Western research on the Near East as a massive disciplinary discourse structuring and dominating the Orient in a consistently racist, sexist, and imperialistic way that bore little relation to actual human experience.

In the United States widespread academic interest in cultural studies flowered particularly during the 1980s and 1990s, primarily among university intellectuals and critics on the left. In addition to pioneering programs being established, new journals appeared, for example, Cultural Critique, Differences, Representations and Social Text . The editors of Cultural Critique , founded in 1985 at the University of Minnesota, declared their representative objects of study to be “received values, institutions, practices, and discourses in terms of their economic, political, social, and aesthetic genealogies, constitutions, and effects” ( Cultural Critique 1 [1985]: 5). Regarding preferred disciplinary modes of inquiry, they singled out a “broad terrain of cultural interpretation that is currently defined by the conjuncture of literary, philosophical, anthropological, and sociological studies, of Marxist, feminist, psychoanalytic, and poststructuralist methods” (6). On the advisory board of the journal were leading American and British Marxists, nonsectarian leftists, and feminists. In the North American setting, cultural studies aspired to be a new discipline but served as an unstable meeting point for various interdisciplinary feminists, Marxists, literary and media critics, postmodern theorists, social semioticians, rhetoricians, fine arts specialists, and sociologists and historians of culture.

During the 1980s, one of the more influential American literary proponents of cultural studies was the liberal Robert Scholes, who in Textual Power (1985) argued that “we must stop ‘teaching literature’ and start ‘studying texts.’ Our rebuilt apparatus must be devoted to textual studies…. Our favorite works of literature need not be lost in this new enterprise, but the exclusivity of literature as a category must be discarded. All kinds of texts, visual as well as verbal, polemical as well as seductive, must be taken as the occasions for further textuality. And textual studies must be pushed beyond the discrete boundaries of the page and the book into the institutional practices and social structures” (16-17). Over a period of 10 years, Scholes had moved from an apolitical and belletristic structuralism to an increasingly political “textual” (cultural) studies steeped in (post)structuralist thought, as revealed in his trilogy Structuralism in Literature: An Introduction (1974), Semiotics and Interpretation (1982), and Textual Power (1985). Typical of some other American university intellectuals advocating cultural studies in the 1980s, Robert Scholes evidently had little knowledge of the pioneering work done by the British school in the 1970s.

What most American literary intellectuals in the postVietnam decade knew about British views of cultural studies came mainly from the influential last chapter of Terry Eagleton’s highly popular text Literary Theory (1983) or occasionally from Dick Hebdige’s Subculture: The Meaning of Style (1979) or sometimes from Janet Batsleer and others’ Rewriting English: Cultural Politics of Gender and Class (1985), the latter two of which were works from the CCCS that gained limited notoriety in the United States. Cast in a poststructuralist mode and indebted to the Centre’s earlier Resistance through Rituals , Hebdige’s book, for example, illustrated how the spectacular styles of postwar subcultures of English working-class youths, particularly teddy boys, mods, rockers, skinheads, and punks, challenged obliquely social consensus, normalization, ideology, and hegemony, functioning through displacement as symbolic forms of dissent and resistance. “Style,” in Hebdige’s formulation, consisted of special disruptive combinations of dress, argot, music, and dance, often “adapted” by white youths from marginal black groups such as the Rastafarians and frequently subjected to cooption and mainstreaming by being turned into products for mass markets. As a scholar of cultural studies, Hebdige conceived “style” to be a complex material and aesthetic ensemble rooted in specifiable historical and socioeconomic contexts, possessing demonstrable semiotic values and ideological valences, all potentially subject to diffusion, routinization, and commodification by means of the agencies and institutions of established societies. From the vantage point of cultural studies, the aesthetic and the social, innovation and history, the avant-garde and the lower-class, creative words and common gripes, disco and assembly line, nestled together inseparably and inevitably.

It was not surprising that in the closing years of the 1980s a new journal, Cultural Studies , was launched under the guidance of an international editorial collective with the explicit goal of fostering “developments in the area worldwide, putting academics, researchers, students and practitioners in different countries and from diverse intellectual traditions in touch with each other and each other’s work” (1 [1987]: flyleaf). What this emergent internationalization indicated was the increasing expansion of research interest and commitment among university intellectuals and scholars to the work of cultural studies. At the same time, cultural studies scholars stepped up work on postcolonial cultures, focusing on deracinated subaltern subjects, heterodox traditions, and hybrid regimes scattered across the globe. Near the end of the century the diffusion of cultural studies appeared headed for increasing diversification into multiple branches and modes.

Bibliography Janet Batsleer et al., Rewriting English: Cultural Politics of Gender and Class (1985); Cultural Studies and New Historicism, special issue, Journal of the Midwest Modern Language Association 24 (1991); Terry Eagleton, “Conclusion: Political Criticism,” Literary Theory: An Introduction (1983); Michel Foucault, La Volonté de savoir (1976, The History of Sexuality, Vol. 1: An Introduction, trans. Robert Hurley, 1978); Henry Giroux et al., “The Need for Cultural Studies: Resisting Intellectuals and Oppositional Public Spheres,” Dalhousie Review 64 (1984); Lawrence Grossberg, “The Circulation of Cultural Studies,” Critical Studies in Mass Communication 6 (1989), “Cultural Studies Revisited and Revised,” Communications in Transition: Issues and Debates in Current Research (ed. Mary S. Mander, 1983), “The Formation of Cultural Studies: An American in Birmingham,” Strategies 2 (1989), “History, Politics, and Postmodernism: Stuart Hall and Cultural Studies,” Journal of Communication Inquiry 10 (1986, special issue on Stuart Hall); Lawrence Grossberg, Carey Nelson, and Paula Treichler, eds., Cultural Studies (1992); Stuart Hall, “Cultural Studies: The Two Paradigms,” Media, Culture, and Society 2 (1980, reprint, Culture, Ideology, and Social Process, ed. Tony Bennett et al., 1981); Stuart Hall et al., Culture, Media, Language: Working Papers in Cultural Studies, 1972-79 (1980); Richard Johnson, “What Is Cultural Studies Anyway?” Social Text 16 (1986-87); Vincent B. Leitch, “Cultural Criticism,” New Princeton Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics (3d ed., ed. Alex Preminger and T. V. F. Brogan, 1993), Cultural Criticism, Literary Theory, Poststructuralism (1992), “Leftist Criticism from the 1960s to the 1980s,” American Literary Criticism from the Thirties to the Eighties (1988); Cary Nelson and Lawrence Grossberg, eds., Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture (1988); Richard Ohmann, English in America: A Radical View of the Profession (1976); Jeffrey M. Peck, “Advanced Literary Study as Cultural Study: A Redefinition of the Discipline,” Profession 85 (1985); Edward W. Said, Orientalism (1978); Robert Scholes, Textual Power: Literary Theory and the Teaching of English (1985); Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, In Other Worlds: Essays in Cultural Politics (1987); Graeme Turner, British Cultural Studies: An Introduction (1990); Hayden White, Tropics of Discourse: Essays in Cultural Criticism (1978); Raymond Williams, Culture and Society, 1780-1950 (1958). Source: Groden, Michael, and Martin Kreiswirth. The Johns Hopkins Guide to Literary Theory and Criticism. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994.

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Ten Simple Rules for Writing a Literature Review

Marco pautasso.

1 Centre for Functional and Evolutionary Ecology (CEFE), CNRS, Montpellier, France

2 Centre for Biodiversity Synthesis and Analysis (CESAB), FRB, Aix-en-Provence, France

Literature reviews are in great demand in most scientific fields. Their need stems from the ever-increasing output of scientific publications [1] . For example, compared to 1991, in 2008 three, eight, and forty times more papers were indexed in Web of Science on malaria, obesity, and biodiversity, respectively [2] . Given such mountains of papers, scientists cannot be expected to examine in detail every single new paper relevant to their interests [3] . Thus, it is both advantageous and necessary to rely on regular summaries of the recent literature. Although recognition for scientists mainly comes from primary research, timely literature reviews can lead to new synthetic insights and are often widely read [4] . For such summaries to be useful, however, they need to be compiled in a professional way [5] .

When starting from scratch, reviewing the literature can require a titanic amount of work. That is why researchers who have spent their career working on a certain research issue are in a perfect position to review that literature. Some graduate schools are now offering courses in reviewing the literature, given that most research students start their project by producing an overview of what has already been done on their research issue [6] . However, it is likely that most scientists have not thought in detail about how to approach and carry out a literature review.

Reviewing the literature requires the ability to juggle multiple tasks, from finding and evaluating relevant material to synthesising information from various sources, from critical thinking to paraphrasing, evaluating, and citation skills [7] . In this contribution, I share ten simple rules I learned working on about 25 literature reviews as a PhD and postdoctoral student. Ideas and insights also come from discussions with coauthors and colleagues, as well as feedback from reviewers and editors.

Rule 1: Define a Topic and Audience

How to choose which topic to review? There are so many issues in contemporary science that you could spend a lifetime of attending conferences and reading the literature just pondering what to review. On the one hand, if you take several years to choose, several other people may have had the same idea in the meantime. On the other hand, only a well-considered topic is likely to lead to a brilliant literature review [8] . The topic must at least be:

• interesting to you (ideally, you should have come across a series of recent papers related to your line of work that call for a critical summary),
• an important aspect of the field (so that many readers will be interested in the review and there will be enough material to write it), and
• a well-defined issue (otherwise you could potentially include thousands of publications, which would make the review unhelpful).

Ideas for potential reviews may come from papers providing lists of key research questions to be answered [9] , but also from serendipitous moments during desultory reading and discussions. In addition to choosing your topic, you should also select a target audience. In many cases, the topic (e.g., web services in computational biology) will automatically define an audience (e.g., computational biologists), but that same topic may also be of interest to neighbouring fields (e.g., computer science, biology, etc.).

Rule 2: Search and Re-search the Literature

After having chosen your topic and audience, start by checking the literature and downloading relevant papers. Five pieces of advice here:

• keep track of the search items you use (so that your search can be replicated [10] ),
• keep a list of papers whose pdfs you cannot access immediately (so as to retrieve them later with alternative strategies),
• use a paper management system (e.g., Mendeley, Papers, Qiqqa, Sente),
• define early in the process some criteria for exclusion of irrelevant papers (these criteria can then be described in the review to help define its scope), and
• do not just look for research papers in the area you wish to review, but also seek previous reviews.

The chances are high that someone will already have published a literature review ( Figure 1 ), if not exactly on the issue you are planning to tackle, at least on a related topic. If there are already a few or several reviews of the literature on your issue, my advice is not to give up, but to carry on with your own literature review,

The bottom-right situation (many literature reviews but few research papers) is not just a theoretical situation; it applies, for example, to the study of the impacts of climate change on plant diseases, where there appear to be more literature reviews than research studies [33] .

• discussing in your review the approaches, limitations, and conclusions of past reviews,
• trying to find a new angle that has not been covered adequately in the previous reviews, and
• incorporating new material that has inevitably accumulated since their appearance.

When searching the literature for pertinent papers and reviews, the usual rules apply:

• be thorough,
• use different keywords and database sources (e.g., DBLP, Google Scholar, ISI Proceedings, JSTOR Search, Medline, Scopus, Web of Science), and
• look at who has cited past relevant papers and book chapters.

Rule 3: Take Notes While Reading

If you read the papers first, and only afterwards start writing the review, you will need a very good memory to remember who wrote what, and what your impressions and associations were while reading each single paper. My advice is, while reading, to start writing down interesting pieces of information, insights about how to organize the review, and thoughts on what to write. This way, by the time you have read the literature you selected, you will already have a rough draft of the review.

Of course, this draft will still need much rewriting, restructuring, and rethinking to obtain a text with a coherent argument [11] , but you will have avoided the danger posed by staring at a blank document. Be careful when taking notes to use quotation marks if you are provisionally copying verbatim from the literature. It is advisable then to reformulate such quotes with your own words in the final draft. It is important to be careful in noting the references already at this stage, so as to avoid misattributions. Using referencing software from the very beginning of your endeavour will save you time.

Rule 4: Choose the Type of Review You Wish to Write

After having taken notes while reading the literature, you will have a rough idea of the amount of material available for the review. This is probably a good time to decide whether to go for a mini- or a full review. Some journals are now favouring the publication of rather short reviews focusing on the last few years, with a limit on the number of words and citations. A mini-review is not necessarily a minor review: it may well attract more attention from busy readers, although it will inevitably simplify some issues and leave out some relevant material due to space limitations. A full review will have the advantage of more freedom to cover in detail the complexities of a particular scientific development, but may then be left in the pile of the very important papers “to be read” by readers with little time to spare for major monographs.

There is probably a continuum between mini- and full reviews. The same point applies to the dichotomy of descriptive vs. integrative reviews. While descriptive reviews focus on the methodology, findings, and interpretation of each reviewed study, integrative reviews attempt to find common ideas and concepts from the reviewed material [12] . A similar distinction exists between narrative and systematic reviews: while narrative reviews are qualitative, systematic reviews attempt to test a hypothesis based on the published evidence, which is gathered using a predefined protocol to reduce bias [13] , [14] . When systematic reviews analyse quantitative results in a quantitative way, they become meta-analyses. The choice between different review types will have to be made on a case-by-case basis, depending not just on the nature of the material found and the preferences of the target journal(s), but also on the time available to write the review and the number of coauthors [15] .

Rule 5: Keep the Review Focused, but Make It of Broad Interest

Whether your plan is to write a mini- or a full review, it is good advice to keep it focused 16 , 17 . Including material just for the sake of it can easily lead to reviews that are trying to do too many things at once. The need to keep a review focused can be problematic for interdisciplinary reviews, where the aim is to bridge the gap between fields [18] . If you are writing a review on, for example, how epidemiological approaches are used in modelling the spread of ideas, you may be inclined to include material from both parent fields, epidemiology and the study of cultural diffusion. This may be necessary to some extent, but in this case a focused review would only deal in detail with those studies at the interface between epidemiology and the spread of ideas.

While focus is an important feature of a successful review, this requirement has to be balanced with the need to make the review relevant to a broad audience. This square may be circled by discussing the wider implications of the reviewed topic for other disciplines.

Rule 6: Be Critical and Consistent

Reviewing the literature is not stamp collecting. A good review does not just summarize the literature, but discusses it critically, identifies methodological problems, and points out research gaps [19] . After having read a review of the literature, a reader should have a rough idea of:

• the major achievements in the reviewed field,
• the main areas of debate, and
• the outstanding research questions.

It is challenging to achieve a successful review on all these fronts. A solution can be to involve a set of complementary coauthors: some people are excellent at mapping what has been achieved, some others are very good at identifying dark clouds on the horizon, and some have instead a knack at predicting where solutions are going to come from. If your journal club has exactly this sort of team, then you should definitely write a review of the literature! In addition to critical thinking, a literature review needs consistency, for example in the choice of passive vs. active voice and present vs. past tense.

Rule 7: Find a Logical Structure

Like a well-baked cake, a good review has a number of telling features: it is worth the reader's time, timely, systematic, well written, focused, and critical. It also needs a good structure. With reviews, the usual subdivision of research papers into introduction, methods, results, and discussion does not work or is rarely used. However, a general introduction of the context and, toward the end, a recapitulation of the main points covered and take-home messages make sense also in the case of reviews. For systematic reviews, there is a trend towards including information about how the literature was searched (database, keywords, time limits) [20] .

How can you organize the flow of the main body of the review so that the reader will be drawn into and guided through it? It is generally helpful to draw a conceptual scheme of the review, e.g., with mind-mapping techniques. Such diagrams can help recognize a logical way to order and link the various sections of a review [21] . This is the case not just at the writing stage, but also for readers if the diagram is included in the review as a figure. A careful selection of diagrams and figures relevant to the reviewed topic can be very helpful to structure the text too [22] .

Rule 8: Make Use of Feedback

Reviews of the literature are normally peer-reviewed in the same way as research papers, and rightly so [23] . As a rule, incorporating feedback from reviewers greatly helps improve a review draft. Having read the review with a fresh mind, reviewers may spot inaccuracies, inconsistencies, and ambiguities that had not been noticed by the writers due to rereading the typescript too many times. It is however advisable to reread the draft one more time before submission, as a last-minute correction of typos, leaps, and muddled sentences may enable the reviewers to focus on providing advice on the content rather than the form.

Feedback is vital to writing a good review, and should be sought from a variety of colleagues, so as to obtain a diversity of views on the draft. This may lead in some cases to conflicting views on the merits of the paper, and on how to improve it, but such a situation is better than the absence of feedback. A diversity of feedback perspectives on a literature review can help identify where the consensus view stands in the landscape of the current scientific understanding of an issue [24] .

Rule 9: Include Your Own Relevant Research, but Be Objective

In many cases, reviewers of the literature will have published studies relevant to the review they are writing. This could create a conflict of interest: how can reviewers report objectively on their own work [25] ? Some scientists may be overly enthusiastic about what they have published, and thus risk giving too much importance to their own findings in the review. However, bias could also occur in the other direction: some scientists may be unduly dismissive of their own achievements, so that they will tend to downplay their contribution (if any) to a field when reviewing it.

In general, a review of the literature should neither be a public relations brochure nor an exercise in competitive self-denial. If a reviewer is up to the job of producing a well-organized and methodical review, which flows well and provides a service to the readership, then it should be possible to be objective in reviewing one's own relevant findings. In reviews written by multiple authors, this may be achieved by assigning the review of the results of a coauthor to different coauthors.

Rule 10: Be Up-to-Date, but Do Not Forget Older Studies

Given the progressive acceleration in the publication of scientific papers, today's reviews of the literature need awareness not just of the overall direction and achievements of a field of inquiry, but also of the latest studies, so as not to become out-of-date before they have been published. Ideally, a literature review should not identify as a major research gap an issue that has just been addressed in a series of papers in press (the same applies, of course, to older, overlooked studies (“sleeping beauties” [26] )). This implies that literature reviewers would do well to keep an eye on electronic lists of papers in press, given that it can take months before these appear in scientific databases. Some reviews declare that they have scanned the literature up to a certain point in time, but given that peer review can be a rather lengthy process, a full search for newly appeared literature at the revision stage may be worthwhile. Assessing the contribution of papers that have just appeared is particularly challenging, because there is little perspective with which to gauge their significance and impact on further research and society.

Inevitably, new papers on the reviewed topic (including independently written literature reviews) will appear from all quarters after the review has been published, so that there may soon be the need for an updated review. But this is the nature of science [27] – [32] . I wish everybody good luck with writing a review of the literature.

Acknowledgments

Many thanks to M. Barbosa, K. Dehnen-Schmutz, T. Döring, D. Fontaneto, M. Garbelotto, O. Holdenrieder, M. Jeger, D. Lonsdale, A. MacLeod, P. Mills, M. Moslonka-Lefebvre, G. Stancanelli, P. Weisberg, and X. Xu for insights and discussions, and to P. Bourne, T. Matoni, and D. Smith for helpful comments on a previous draft.

Funding Statement

This work was funded by the French Foundation for Research on Biodiversity (FRB) through its Centre for Synthesis and Analysis of Biodiversity data (CESAB), as part of the NETSEED research project. The funders had no role in the preparation of the manuscript.

• Open access
• Published: 13 December 2023

Arts and creativity interventions for improving health and wellbeing in older adults: a systematic literature review of economic evaluation studies

• Grainne Crealey 1 ,
• Laura McQuade 2 ,
• Roger O’Sullivan 2 &
• Ciaran O’Neill 3  

BMC Public Health volume  23 , Article number:  2496 ( 2023 ) Cite this article

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As the population ages, older people account for a larger proportion of the health and social care budget. A significant body of evidence suggests that arts and creativity interventions can improve the physical, mental and social wellbeing of older adults, however the value and/or cost-effectiveness of such interventions remains unclear.

We systematically reviewed the economic evidence relating to such interventions, reporting our findings according to PRISMA guidelines. We searched bibliographic databases (MEDLINE, EMBASE, Econlit and Web of Science and NHSEED), trial registries and grey literature. No language or temporal restrictions were applied. Two screening rounds were conducted independently by health economists experienced in systematic literature review. Methodological quality was assessed, and key information extracted and tabulated to provide an overview of the published literature. A narrative synthesis without meta-analysis was conducted.

Only six studies were identified which provided evidence relating to the value or cost-effectiveness of arts and creativity interventions to improve health and wellbeing in older adults. The evidence which was identified was encouraging, with five out of the six studies reporting an acceptable probability of cost-effectiveness or positive return on investment (ranging from £1.20 to over £8 for every £1 of expenditure). However, considerable heterogeneity was observed with respect to study participants, design, and outcomes assessed. Of particular concern were potential biases inherent in social value analyses.

Conclusions

Despite many studies reporting positive health and wellbeing benefits of arts and creativity interventions in this population, we found meagre evidence on their value or cost-effectiveness. Such evidence is costly and time-consuming to generate, but essential if innovative non-pharmacological interventions are to be introduced to minimise the burden of illness in this population and ensure efficient use of public funds. The findings from this review suggests that capturing data on the value and/or cost-effectiveness of such interventions should be prioritised; furthermore, research effort should be directed to developing evaluative methods which move beyond the confines of current health technology assessment frameworks, to capture a broader picture of ‘value’ more applicable to arts and creativity interventions and public health interventions more generally.

PROSPERO registration

CRD42021267944 (14/07/2021).

Peer Review reports

The number and proportion of older adults in the population has increased in virtually every country in the world over past decades [ 1 ]. In 2015, there were around 901 million people aged 60 years and over worldwide, by 2030, this will have increased to 1.4 billion [ 2 ]. An ageing population is one of the greatest successes of public health but it has implications for economies in numerous ways: slower labour force growth; working-age people will have to make greater provisions in welfare payments for older people who are no longer economically active; provisions for increased long-term care; and, society must adjust to the changing needs, expectations and capabilities of an expanding group of its citizens.

The Covid-19 pandemic shone an uncompromising light on the health and social care sector, highlighting the seriousness of gaps in policies, systems and services. It also focused attention on the physical and mental health consequences of loneliness and social isolation. To foster healthy ageing and improve the lives of older people, their families and communities, sustained and equitable investment in health and wellbeing is required [ 3 ]. The prevailing model of health and social care which is based ostensibly on formal care provision is unlikely to be sustainable over the longer term. New models, which promote healthy ageing and recognise the need for increasing reliance on self-care are required, as will be evidence of their effectiveness, cost-effectiveness and scalability.

Arts and creativity interventions (ACIs) can have positive effects on health and well-being, as several reviews have shown [ 4 , 5 ]. For older people, ACI’s can enhance wellbeing [ 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 ], quality of life [ 10 , 11 ] and cognitive function [ 12 , 13 , 14 , 15 , 16 ]. They can also foster social cohesion [ 17 , 18 , 19 ] and reduce social disparities and injustices [ 20 ]; promote healthy behaviour; prevent ill health (including enhancing well-being and mental health) [ 21 , 22 , 23 , 24 , 25 ], reducing cognitive decline [ 26 , 27 ], frailty [ 28 , 29 , 30 , 31 , 32 , 33 ] and premature mortality [ 34 , 35 , 36 , 37 , 38 ]); support people with stroke [ 39 , 40 , 41 , 42 ]; degenerative neurological disorders and dementias and support end of life care [ 43 , 44 ]. Moreover, ACIs can benefit not only individuals, but also others, such as supporting the well-being of formal and informal carers, enriching our knowledge of health, and improving clinical skills [ 4 , 5 ].

The benefits of ACIs have also been acknowledged at a governmental level by those responsible for delivering health and care services: The UK All-Party Parliamentary Special Interest group on Arts, Health and Wellbeing produced a comprehensive review of creative intervention for health and wellbeing [ 45 ]. This report contained three key messages: that the arts can keep us well, aid recovery and support longer better lived lives; they can help meet major challenges facing health and social care; and that the arts can save money for the health service and social care.

Despite robust scientific evidence and governmental support, no systematic literature review has collated the evidence with respect to the value, cost or cost-effectiveness of such interventions. Our objective was to assess the economic impact of ACIs aimed at improving the health and wellbeing of older adults; to determine the range and quality of available studies; identify gaps in the evidence-base; and guide future research, practice and policy.

A protocol for this review was registered at PROSPERO, an international prospective register of systematic reviews (Registration ID CRD42021267944). We used pre-determined criteria for considering studies to include in the review, in terms of types of studies, participant and intervention characteristics.

The review followed the five-step approach on how to prepare a Systematic Review of Economic Evaluations (SR-EE) for informing evidence-based healthcare decisions [ 46 , 47 , 48 ]. Subsequent to developing and registering the protocol, the International Society for Pharmacoeconomic Outcomes and Research (ISPOR) published a good practice task force report for the critical appraisal of systematic reviews with costs and cost-effectiveness outcomes (SR-CCEOs) [ 49 ]. This was also used to inform the conduct of this review.

Eligibility criteria

Full economic evaluations are regarded as the optimal type of evidence for inclusion in a SR-EE [ 46 ], hence cost-minimisation analyses (CMA), cost-effectiveness analyses (CEA), cost-utility analyses (CUA) and cost–benefit analyses (CBA) were included. Social value analyses were also included as they are frequently used to inform decision-making and commissioning of services within local government. Additionally, they represent an important intermediate stage in our understanding of the costs and consequences of public health interventions, where significant challenges exist with regard to performing full evaluations [ 50 , 51 , 52 , 53 ].

Development of search strategies

The population (P), intervention (I), comparator (C) and outcomes (O) (PICO) tool provided a framework for development of the search strategy. Studies were included if participants were aged 50 years or older (or if the average age of the study population was 50 years or over). Interventions could relate to performance art (dance, singing, theatre, drama etc.), creative and visual arts (painting, sculpture, art making and design), or creative writing (writing narratives, poetry, storytelling). The intervention had to be active (for example, creating art as opposed to viewing art; playing an instrument as opposed to listening to music). The objective of the intervention had to be to improve health and wellbeing; it had to be delivered under the guidance of a professional; delivered in a group setting and delivered on more than one occasion. No restrictions were placed on the type of comparator(s) or the type of outcomes captured in the study. We deliberately limited the study to professionally led activities to provide a sharper distinction between social events where arts and creativity may occur and arts and creativity interventions per se. We set no language restriction nor a restriction on the date from which studies were reported.

Search methods

PRESS (peer-review electronic search strategies) guidelines informed the design our search strategy [ 54 , 55 ] and an information specialist adapted the search terms (outlined in Table S 1 ) for the following electronic bibliographic databases: MEDLINE, PubMed, EMBASE, Econlit and Web of Science and NHSEED. We also inspected references of all relevant studies; and searched trials registers (ClinicalTrials.gov). Search terms used included cost, return on investment, economic, arts, music, storytelling, dancing, writing and older adult as well as social return on investment (SROI). The last search was performed on 09/11/2022. As many economic evaluations of ACIs (especially SROIs) are commissioned by government bodies or charitable organisations, a search of the grey literature was undertaken.

Handling searches

A PRISMA (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses) flow chart was used to document study selection, illustrating the numbers of records retrieved and selection flow through the screening rounds [ 56 , 57 , 58 ]; all excluded records (with rationale for exclusion) were documented.

Selection of studies

Two screening rounds were conducted independently by two health economists experienced in undertaking reviews (GC, CO’N). The first round screened the title and abstract of articles based on the eligibility criteria; those selected at this stage entered a second round of full text screening with eligibility based on the inclusion and exclusion criteria. Any disagreements were discussed among the two reviewers, with access to a third reviewer available to resolve disagreements, though this proved unnecessary.

Data extraction and management

Two reviewers extracted relevant information independently using an proforma developed specifically for the purposes of this study, which included all 35 items suggested by Wijnen et al. (2016) [ 48 ]. Information was extracted in relation to the following factors: (1) general information including study title, author, year, funding source, country, setting and study design; (2) recruitment details, sample size, demographic characteristics (age, gender) and baseline health data (diagnosis, comorbidities); (3) interventions, effectiveness and cost data; (4) type of economic evaluation, perspective, payer, beneficiary, time horizon, measure of benefit and scale of intervention; (5) quality assessment, strength of evidence, any other important information; (6) results; (7) analysis of uncertainty and (8) conclusions. The quality assessment/risk of bias checklists were included in the data extraction proforma, and picklists were used to enhance uniformity of responses. The data extraction form was piloted by two reviewers (GC and CON) on one paper and discussion used to ensure consistent application thereafter.

Assessment of study quality

Two reviewers (GC & CON) independently assessed study quality, with recourse to a third reviewer for resolution of differences though this proved unnecessary. Quality assessment was based on the type of economic evaluation undertaken. Full and partial trial-based economic evaluations were assessed using the CHEC-extended checklist [ 59 ]. SROI analyses were assessed using a SROI-specific quality framework developed for the purpose of systematic review [ 60 ].

Data analysis methods

Due to the small number of evaluations detected, possible sources of heterogeneity and a lack of consensus on appropriate methods for pooling cost-effectiveness estimates [ 61 ] a narrative synthesis analysis was undertaken.

Database searches returned 11,619 records; from this, 402 duplicates were removed leaving 11,214 reports. From these 113 reports were assessment against the inclusion and exclusion criteria resulting in 4 studies for inclusion in the review. Over 40 websites were searched for relevant content returning 2 further studies for inclusion. The PRISMA 2020 diagram is presented in Fig.  1 . A high sensitivity search strategy was adopted to ensure all relevant studies were identified, resulting in a large number of studies being excluded at the first stage of screening.

PRISMA 2020 flow diagram for new systematic reviews which include searches of databases, registers and other sources

A total of six studies were identified; key characteristics are presented in Table 1 . Identified studies were published between 2011 and 2020. Two studies used a health technology assessment (HTA) framework alongside clinical trials [ 62 , 63 ] to assess the cost-effectiveness of community singing interventions. Both evaluations scored highly on the CHEC-extended checklist (Table 2 ), with findings reported in line with the CHEERS (Consolidated Health Economic Estimation Reporting Standards) checklist 2022 [ 64 ].

Four further studies employed an SROI framework to assess art and/or craft interventions: two studies were published in the peer-reviewed literature [ 65 , 66 ] and a further two in the grey literature [ 67 , 68 ]. All four adhered closely to the suggested steps for performing an SROI and consequently secured high scores (Table 3 ). No quality differential was discerned between those studies published in the academic literature when compared with those from the grey literature.

Five of the studies were undertaken in the UK [ 63 , 66 , 67 , 68 , 69 ] and one in the US [ 63 ]. Four of the studies were designed for older adults with no cognitive impairment [ 62 , 63 , 67 , 68 ]; one was designed for participants with or without dementia [ 65 ], and another was specifically for older adults with dementia and their caregivers [ 66 ]. Three of the studies were delivered in a community setting [ 62 , 63 , 67 ], two in care homes [ 65 , 68 ] and one across a range of settings (hospital, community and residential) [ 66 ]. The length and duration of the ACIs varied; some lasted 1–2 h (with multiple classes available to participants) [ 65 ], whereas others were structured programmes with sessions lasting 90 min over a 14-week period [ 62 ]. The number of participants included in studies varied; the largest study contained data from 390 participants [ 63 ], whereas other studies measured engagement using numbers of care homes or housing associations included [ 67 , 68 ].

Costs were captured from a narrower perspective (i.e., the payer—health service) for those economic evaluations which followed a health technology assessment (HTA) framework [ 62 , 63 ]. Costs associated with providing the programme and health and social care utilisation costs were captured using cost diaries. Valuation of resource usage was in line with the reference case specified for each jurisdiction.

Social value analyses included in the review [ 65 , 66 , 67 , 68 ] captured a broader picture of cost; programme provision costs included were similar in nature to those identified using an HTA framework, however, the benefits captured went beyond the individual to capture costs to a wide range of stakeholders such as family members, activity co-ordinations and care home personnel. Costs were apportioned using financial proxies from a range of sources including HACT Social Value Bank [ 69 ] and market-based valuation methods.

The range of outcomes captured and valued across HTAs and SROIs was extensive: including, but not limited to, wellbeing, quality of life, physical health, cognitive functioning, communication, control over daily life choices, engagement and empowerment, social isolation, mobility, community inclusion, depressive symptoms, sadness, anxiety, loneliness, positive affect and interest in daily life. In the programmes assessed using an HTA framework, outcomes were captured using standardised and validated instruments, for both control and intervention groups across multiple time points. Statistical methods were used to assess changes in outcomes over time. Programmes assessed using SROI relied primarily on qualitative methods (such as reflective diaries and in-depth interviews) combined with routinely collected administrative data.

The evidence from the singing interventions was encouraging but not conclusive. The ‘Silver Song Club’ programme [ 62 ] reported a 64% probability of being cost-effective at a willingness-to-pay threshold of £30,000. This study was also included in the Public Health England (PHE) decision tool to support local commissioners in designing and implementing services to support older people’s healthy ageing, reporting a positive societal return on investment [ 70 ]. Evidence from the ‘Community of Voices’ trial [ 63 ] suggested that although intervention group members experienced statistically significant improvements in loneliness and interest in life compared to control participants, no significant group differences were observed for cognitive or physical outcomes or for healthcare costs.

A positive return on investment was reported by all social value analyses undertaken. The ‘Imagine Arts’ programme, reported a positive SROI of £1.20 for every £1 of expenditure [ 65 ]. A higher yield of between £3.20-£6.62 for each £1 invested was reported in the ‘Dementia and Imagination’ programme [ 66 ]. The ‘Craft Café’ programme, reported an SROI of £8.27 per £1 invested [ 68 ], and the ‘Creative Caring’ programme predicted a SROI of between £3 to £4 for every £1 spent [ 67 ]. The time period over which return on investment was calculated differed for each evaluation from less than one year to 4 years.

The primary finding from our review concerns the paucity of evidence relating to the value, cost and/or cost-effectiveness of ACIs aimed at improving health and wellbeing in this population. Despite few restrictions being applied to our search, only six studies were found which met our inclusion criteria. This is not indicative of research into ACIs in this population, as evidenced by the identification of ninety-three studies where arts and creativity interventions were found to support better health and wellbeing outcomes in another recent review [ 5 ]. An alternative explanation is that funders do not see the added value of undertaking such evaluations in this area. That is, for funders, the cost of evaluating an ACIs is likely to be deemed unjustified given the relatively small welfare loss a misallocation of resources to them might produce. While at first glance this may seem reasonable, it disadvantages ACIs in competing with other interventions for funding and arguably exposes an implicit prejudice in the treatment of interventions from which it may be difficult to extract profit in general. That is, the paucity of evidence, may reflect inherent biases within our political economy that favour the generation of marketable solutions to health issues from which value can be appropriated as profit. Pharmaceuticals are an obvious example of such solutions, where the literature is replete with examples of evaluations sponsored by pharmaceutical companies or where public funds are used to test the claims made by pharmaceutical companies in respect of the value of their products. If the potential of ACIs to improve health and well-being is to be robustly established, ACIs must effectively compete for funding with other interventions including those from pharma. This requires a larger, more robust evidence base than is currently available and investment in the creation of such an evidence base. As there is currently no ‘for-profit’ industry to generate such an evidence base, public funding of evaluations will be central to its creation.

Our second finding concerns the values reported in the meagre evidence we did find. In five of the six studies we identified, evidence indicated that ACIs targeted at older people offered value for money [ 62 , 65 , 66 , 67 , 68 ]. One study provided mixed evidence [ 63 ], however, in this study a ‘payer’ perspective was adopted when applying an HTA framework which, by virtue of the perspective adopted, excluded a range of benefits attributable to ACIs and public health interventions more generally. Among the four studies that adopted a SROI approach, estimated returns per £1 invested ranged from £1.20 to £8.27. Given the evident heterogeneity among studies in terms of context and methods, care is warranted in comparing estimates with each other or with other SROIs. Care is also required in accepting at face value the estimates reported given methodological issues that pertain to the current state of the art with respect to SROI. With these caveats in mind noted, the values reported for ACIs using the SROI approach are comparable with those from other SROI studies in other contexts including those as diverse as a first aid intervention [ 71 ], investment in urban greenways [ 72 ] and the provision of refuge services to those experiencing domestic violence [ 73 ] (a return on investment of £3.50-£4, £2.88-£5.81 and £4.94 respectively). Similarly, with respect to the study that adopted a cost-effectiveness approach, Coulton and colleagues (2015) reported a 64% probability of the intervention being cost-effective at a threshold of £30,000 [ 62 ]. Again, it is difficult to compare studies directly, but this is similar to that reported for interventions as diverse as a falls prevention initiative [ 74 ] and the treatment of depression using a collaborative approach [ 75 ] both in the UK. That the evidence base is meagre notwithstanding, there is, in other words, a prima facie case that ACIs are capable of offering value for money when targeted at older persons.

Our third finding relates to the state of the art with respect to SROIs in this area. Over the past 40 years, considerable time, effort and resources have been expended in the development of cost-effectiveness techniques in health and social care. While considerable heterogeneity can exist around their conduct, national guidance exists in many jurisdictions on the conduct of cost-effectiveness analyses (CEA) – such as the NICE reference case in the UK [ 76 ]– as well as in the reporting of these as set out in the CHEERS 2022 guidance [ 64 ]. This has helped raise the quality of published evaluations and the consistency with which they are reported. Despite the existence of a step-by-step guidance document on how to perform SROIs [ 77 ] which outlines how displacement effects, double counting, effect attribution and drop-off should be addressed, a significant body of work still remains to ensure that the methodology addresses a range of known biases in a robust manner. Where there is no comparator to the intervention being evaluated (as was the case in the SROIs reported here) it may be difficult to convince funders that the implicit incremental costs and benefits reported are indeed incremental and attributable to the intervention. Equally, where a comparator is present, greater consensus and standardisation is required regarding the identification, generation and application of, for example, financial proxies. Currently, SROI ratios combine value across a wide range of stakeholders, which is understandable if the objective is to capture all aspects of social benefit generated. This ratio, however, may not reflect the priorities and statutory responsibilities of healthcare funders. Whist all of the aforementioned issues can be addressed, investment is required to develop the SROI methodology further to more closely meet the needs of commissioning bodies.

Notwithstanding these challenges, social value analyses play a pivotal role within the procurement processes employed by government, local authorities and other non-departmental public bodies and should not be dismissed simply because the ‘burden of proof’ falls short of that required to secure remuneration within the health sector. As most SROIs are published in the grey literature, this means they often avoid peer scrutiny prior to publication and the potential quality assurance this can offer. It is noteworthy however that two of the SROIs included in this review [ 65 , 66 ] were published in the academic literature, suggesting that the academic community are engaging with this method which is to be applauded.

Moving forward, it is unlikely we will be able to meet all of the health and wellbeing needs of our ageing population solely in a primary or secondary care setting. New models of care are required, as are new models of funding to support interventions which can be delivered in non-healthcare settings. New hybrid models of evaluation will be required to provide robust economic evidence to assist in the allocation of scarce resources across health and non-healthcare settings; such evaluative frameworks must have robust theoretical underpinnings and be capable of delivering evidence from a non-clinical setting in a timely and cost-effective manner.

In the absence of a definitive evaluation framework for ACIs being currently available, we have a number of recommendations. First, and most importantly, all impact assessments should have a control group or credible counterfactual. This is currently not required when performing an SROI making it difficult to determine if all of the benefits ascribed to an intervention are in fact attributable. This recommendation is in line with the conclusion of a report by the London School of Economics [ 78 ] for the National Audit Office (NAO) which concluded that ‘any impact evaluation (and subsequent value for money calculation) requires construction of a counterfactual’. Second, a detailed technical appendix should accompany all impact assessments to allow independent review by a subject specialist. While this would assist peer review, it would allow providing greater transparency where peer review was not undertaken prior to publication. Furthermore, it would enable recalculation of SROI ratios to exclude ‘value’ attributable to stakeholders which are not relevant to a particular funder. Third, equity considerations should be addressed explicitly in all evaluations (this is currently not required in HTAs). Fourth, both costs and outcomes should be captured from a ‘broad’ perspective (adopting a ‘narrow’ healthcare perspective may underestimate the full economic impact), with non-healthcare sector costs being detailed as part of the analysis. Finally, data should be collected post-implementation to ensure that resources continue to be allocated efficiently.

As with any review, there are limitations which should be noted. A search of the grey literature was included as evaluations of applied public health interventions are not always reported in the academic literature. Systematically identifying grey literature and grey data can be problematic [ 79 , 80 , 81 , 82 , 83 ] as it is not collected, organised or stored in a consistent manner. Hence it is possible that we have not identified all relevant studies. Furthermore, as applied public health interventions can be performed in a non-healthcare setting we included SROIs in our review of economic evaluations. Current guidance on the systematic review of economic evaluations has been developed primarily for review of HTA as opposed to public health interventions and hence SROIs would be excluded, or if included would score poorly due to the inherent biases arising from no comparator or counterfactual being included.

This systematic review found that participation in group-based arts and creativity programmes was generally cost-effective and/or produced a positive return on investment whilst having a positive impact on older people’s physical, psychological, and social health and wellbeing outcomes. Unfortunately, the small number of studies identified, coupled with differences in methods used to assess economic impact hinders our ability to conclusively determine which types of art and creativity-based activities are more cost-effective or represent best value for money.

As well as the need for a greater focus on prevention of poor health as we age, new hybrid models of healthcare delivery are necessary to meet the needs of our ageing population. These models will integrate traditional medical care with other services such as home health aides (some of which may include artificial intelligence), telemedicine and social support networks. Alongside these, ACIs have the potential to provide a low cost, scalable, easily implementable and cost-effective solution to reduce the burden of illness in this age group and support healthy ageing.

Evidence on the cost-effectiveness of a range of ACIs is of utmost importance for policy and decision makers as it can both inform the development of policies that support the provision of ACIs in the context of ageing, but also identify the most cost-effective approaches for delivering such interventions. The development of hybrid models of evaluation, capable of capturing cost-effectiveness and social value, is becoming increasingly necessary as healthcare delivery for this age group moves beyond the realms of primary and secondary care and into the community. The development and refinement of such models will ensure a more comprehensive assessment of the impact of a diverse range of interventions providing a more nuanced understanding of the impact of an intervention. This will help inform decision making and ensure interventions are implemented in a cost-effective and socially beneficial manner.

Availability of data and materials

All data generated or analysed during this study are included in the published article and its supplementary information files.

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Acknowledgements

We would like to thank Ms. Louise Bradley (Information Resource Officer, Institute of Public Health) for her assistance in refining search strategies and literature search.

This study was supported by the Institute of Public Health (IPH), 200 South Circular Road, Dublin 8, Ireland, D08 NH90. This study was a collaboration between two health economists (GC, CO’N) and two members of staff from the funding organisation (LM, RO’S). Input from IPH staff was fundamental in defining the scope of work and research question, refining search terms and review and editing of the manuscript. Staff from IPH were not involved in quality assurance or review of papers included in the manuscript.

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LMcQ and ROS were involved in defining the scope of work, refining the research question, provision of subject specific (public health) context, review of search strategy, review & editing of manuscript. CON and GC were involved in refining the research question and search strategy, provision of health economics and systematic reviewing expertise, review of returned reports, original draft preparation, review, editing and submission of manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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: Table S1. Search strategy for electronic databases and grey literature.

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Mechanical stimulation devices for mechanobiology studies: a market, literature, and patents review

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• Volume 6 , pages 340–371, ( 2023 )

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Significant advancements in various research and technological fields have contributed to remarkable findings on the physiological dynamics of the human body. To more closely mimic the complex physiological environment, research has moved from two-dimensional (2D) culture systems to more sophisticated three-dimensional (3D) dynamic cultures. Unlike bioreactors or microfluidic-based culture models, cells are typically seeded on polymeric substrates or incorporated into 3D constructs which are mechanically stimulated to investigate cell response to mechanical stresses, such as tensile or compressive. This review focuses on the working principles of mechanical stimulation devices currently available on the market or custom-built by research groups or protected by patents and highlights the main features still open to improvement. These are the features which could be focused on to perform, in the future, more reliable and accurate mechanobiology studies.

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Contextualization

The adult human body is composed of approximately 37 trillion cells, all synchronized to maintain equilibrium [ 1 ]. Cells reside in a complex and dynamic microenvironment containing biological, chemical, physical, and mechanical cues which often regulate cell proliferation, migration, differentiation, and function, and ultimately, may be responsible for the development of disease [ 2 ]. To study and understand how cells respond to mechanical stimuli or how host cells will behave upon the implantation of biomaterials, researchers use mechanical stimulation devices. These devices subject biomaterials to a particular mechanical stress with the aim of stimulating cells through deformation of the biomaterials. Devices which are currently commercially available offer limited customization and restricted force measurement capabilities [ 3 , 4 ]. As a consequence, a wide variety of apparatuses, with varying levels of sophistication, design, functionality, and precision, have been custom-built by research groups to meet particular needs, while others are protected by patents. This review focuses on the working principles, functionality, and main operational features of a number of mechanical stimulation devices developed over the past years, and highlights the main features still open to improvement.

The cellular microenvironment

All cells are in permanent interaction with the surrounding microenvironment, including the extracellular matrix (ECM) and neighbouring cells. That interaction is based on a combination of multiple cues, including biological and physical cues able to influence cell behaviour [ 5 , 6 ]. Cells are constantly and cyclically subjected to external forces whose type and magnitude are highly variable and dependent on location [ 7 ]. These forces are crucial from the beginning of cell life: throughout the development of embryos, and in everyday activities, in which cells experience shear stress during breathing and blood flow, or tensile and compressive stresses from skeletal muscle contraction, joint loading, and tendon/ligament stretching [ 8 , 9 , 10 , 11 ]. Their ability to sense externally imposed forces and mechanical properties of the surrounding ECM is denominated “cell mechanosensing” [ 12 ]. These signals are later converted into changes in intracellular biochemistry and gene expression, a process often referred to as “mechanotransduction” [ 13 ]. Mechanical stimuli include not only externally imposed forces (namely tensile, compressive, and shear forces), but also intrinsic cellular tensions generated by active cell contraction [ 7 ]. In fact, besides the intracellular response to dynamic modifications of the ECM, cells are also able to influence the environment, leading to a reciprocal interaction [ 7 , 11 ]. Both outside-in and inside-out pathways exist in mechanotransduction processes, and are able to trigger signalling cascades [ 14 , 15 ]. In this sense, the environment plays an important role in many cellular processes, such as cellular adhesion, migration, proliferation, differentiation, and apoptosis [ 15 ]. Given the importance of mechanical interactions in cellular behaviour, mechanobiology has emerged as a novel interdisciplinary field combining biology, mechanics, and engineering, which aims to understand how cells sense and behave in response to mechanical stimuli [ 7 , 11 , 16 , 17 ]. Over the past few decades, researchers have developed systems to control the cellular microenvironment and, while some focus on improving cell culture conditions, others aim to study the effects of a particular mechanical stimulus on cells by using unique cells or biomaterial-based constructs.

Moving from 2D to 3D models

Biological systems are organized into several levels of structural organization, becoming more complex as the length scale increases. Beginning at the micrometre scale, cells assemble to form tissues, which are organized into organs, which together form the organism, the highest level of organization, on the metre scale. Biological model systems range from simplified two-dimensional (2D) cell cultures to more complex three-dimensional (3D) cell cultures, organoids, tissue explants, and model organisms, such as the mouse [ 2 ]. As the complexity rises, the associated cost and physiological relevance increase, while experimental accessibility decreases [ 2 ].

The 2D and 3D cell culture systems discussed below are illustrated in Fig.  1 , in both static and dynamic modes. In conventional and static cell cultures, the nutrient supply is maintained by frequently changing the culture medium. Primary cells or established cell lines may be cultured as a 2D monolayer, in the case of an adherent culture, or as a cell suspension known as a “suspension culture”. Although monolayer cultures are easily manipulated, used worldwide in life-science research, and still accepted as the gold standard, cells are highly anisotropic. This is why it has been experimentally observed that even within a particular cell line, cellular responses may differ for an identical mechanical input [ 18 ]. Moreover, it has been reported that cells may lose some differentiated characteristics [ 19 ] and that conventional 2D culture models, whether in Petri dishes or culture flasks, do not replicate the dynamic in vivo 3D microenvironment [ 2 ]. As a consequence, over the past decades, researchers have focused on more complex cell culture models which include cell seeding on prefabricated scaffolds or incorporate cells into 3D scaffolds (usually hydrogels made of synthetic polymers). These materials allow cellular spatial organization into functional cell-based constructs. In order to keep up with continuously more complex and demanding research, bioreactor systems were developed for numerous applications, for example, in the context of cell biology research and regenerative medicine therapies. While the absence of media mixing or circulation in a static aqueous environment leads to limited diffusion of fluids or gases and contributes to cell-waste accumulation and nutrition depletion [ 5 , 20 ], 3D models with continuously mixed media in a dynamic culture allow homogeneous media and cell dispersion, better reproducing the in vivo spatial and biomechanical complexity [ 19 ]. Three-dimensional culture systems, particularly bioreactors, are not the scope of this review, but extensive works on this topic may be easily found in the literature [ 2 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 ]. Briefly, fluid-flow-induced bioreactors are designed to enhance nutrient supply to cell cultures and replicate tissue-specific conditions [ 24 ]. They are often grouped into fed-batch [ 25 ], spinner-flask [ 26 ], rotating [ 24 , 27 ], and perfusion bioreactors [ 21 , 28 ]. Despite the continuous media agitation in bioreactors, an efficient supply of gases and nutrients is not always assured and sample handling and maintenance of sterility are challenging. Because of the constraints related to bioreactor size, cost, and time consumption when running parallel multiple experiments, the reactor volumes in microfluidic systems can be reduced down to picolitres, while assuring a laminal-flow pattern [ 29 , 30 ]. In addition to the decrease in reagent consumption, the culture environment is particularly controlled, because cell shape, dimensionality, and density are tightly regulated in 10–100 μm channels [ 31 , 32 ]. In the category of micro-engineered devices, lab-on-a-chip-based devices are commonly used for point-of-care diagnostics and are characterized by easy handling and high performance of body fluid analyses [ 33 ]. Organ-on-a-chip devices can be used for culturing cells, spheroids, organoids, and tissue biopsies and, among their final applications, can be used for drug screening and development, disease modelling, and the study of human physiology, due to their capability of closely replicating the dynamic microenvironment of living organs [ 30 , 34 ]. However, the resultant fluid-flow-induced shear stresses may induce cell damage, and current devices lack automation and well-defined protocols [ 34 ]. In contrast to bioreactors, microfluidic-based culture models (or bioreactors on a chip) offer optimized culture conditions and precise control over the chemical and physical cellular environment through the integration of sensors [ 29 ].

Cell culture models may be in a static or dynamic mode. In 2D monolayer cultures, adherent cells are in contact with the culture vessel, neighbouring cells, and the culture medium. In non-adherent plates, 3D spheroids are grown in suspension, either without or with medium agitation (fed-batch bioreactor). In spinner-flask bioreactors, cell dispersion or cell-based constructs attached to a needle are in contact with a homogeneous medium due to agitation and medium perfusion. Rotating wall vessels enable cell culture mixing without an internal stirring mechanism by definition of a proper rotation speed. Perfusion bioreactors use continuous and fresh medium perfusion through cell-based constructs, provided by peristaltic pumps. Microfluidic systems are used for culturing and monitoring of both adherent and non-adherent cells. The fluid dynamics is represented by the red arrow

Two-dimensional culture models are based on a cell monolayer in which cells are forced to adapt to an artificial, flat, and rigid surface [ 27 ], and thus do not provide meaningful information regarding the real dynamics that living cells and tissues experience. Therefore, 3D culture models have greatly increased in number and sophistication, and have the capability of more closely replicating the dynamic microenvironment. They are also more experimentally tractable than model organisms. Despite the fact that bioreactors and microfluidic-based platforms are attractive devices for transporting nutrients and thus improving overall cell culture conditions [ 2 , 35 ], fluid-flow-induced shear stresses cannot be measured in this setting; thus, although this shear stress is considered an important contribution to cell metabolism, it cannot be considered as a mechanical input for mechanotransduction studies.

In the context of mechanobiology, external force can be applied through direct methods such as micropipette aspiration [ 36 , 37 , 38 ], atomic-force microscopy [ 38 , 39 , 40 , 41 ], and substrate deformation [ 32 , 42 , 43 , 44 ]. Indirect methods can also be used, in which cells are, for example, subjected to optical or magnetic fields [ 45 , 46 , 47 ]. In direct methods, a generated and controlled force is applied directly on cells, leading, in some cases, to a large global cell strain. On the other hand, indirect methods allow researchers to monitor deformation in different regions of a cell, but not to precisely control or measure the applied stress [ 32 , 47 ].

Mechanical stimulation devices have been developed to study cellular response to an externally applied mechanical stimulus or to mimic physiological dynamics to perform more reliable studies. For example, one can apply compressive or tensile forces on cells in a controlled way via biomaterials, as illustrated in Fig.  2 . Typically, these devices consist of a culture medium vessel, a specific space for the cell-based construct/substrate, and clamping parts to apply tensile or compressive loading in a controlled computed way [ 21 ]. Furthermore, some devices allow real-time monitoring by the use of chambers composed of light-transparent materials and multi-chamber configurations for parallel experiments [ 21 ]. Individual components, such as biomaterials, ECM, and soluble and mechanical cues, may be integrated in these systems to closely mimic the in vivo environment and study physiology and screen therapeutics.

Examples of mechanical stimulation devices used for mechanobiology studies. The commonly studied mechanical stresses are compressive and tensile stresses, either applied to cells incorporated inside 3D constructs (left) or cells seeded on a flexible substrate (right). The movement imposed on the biomaterials is represented by the red arrow

Emerging mechanical stimulation devices

Mechanical stimulation devices have gained interest due to their potential for replicating mechanical cues observed in the in vivo microenvironment, controlling mechanical and physical properties with precision, and in some cases, allowing simultaneous analysis [ 48 , 49 ]. Mechanical strains in a given material obtained by applying either tensile or compressive stresses in any direction and at controlled loading features, such as strain magnitude and frequency, create a mechanical strain environment around the cultured cells. The strain profile obtained by such substrate deformation may occur in one of the three different modes illustrated in Fig.  3 .

The substrate on which cells (represented by green circles) are cultured may be subjected to different strain modes: uniaxial, biaxial, or equiaxial, as a consequence of substrate movement imposed by the load

Novel and more complex devices have been developed to assure optimal cellular conditions during manipulation (e.g., application of a particular mechanical stimulus) and analyse the corresponding cellular behaviour in small-scale volumes. Some of the operational features of these mechanical stimulation devices are summarized in Table 1 .

Depending on the goal of a particular study and consequently of the experimental design, cells may be seeded directly on the substrate or incorporated in functional constructs. Scaffolds or cell-based constructs are 3D structures often used to regulate the environment of cells, and in this sense, cells can be manipulated by controlling the mechanical properties of the scaffold, such as elasticity, rigidity, and strain. Natural scaffolds are made of naturally derived materials, namely collagen, fibrin, and components of decellularized tissues, whereas fully synthetic matrices are often composed of poly(dimethylsiloxane) (PDMS) and poly(L-lactide-co-glycolide) (PLGA) [ 27 ]. One of the most common materials used in mechanobiology research is PDMS, because it is non-cytotoxic, autoclavable, and flexible. Furthermore, it has high optical transparency and low auto-fluorescence, which allows cell analysis by fluorescence and optical imaging techniques [ 7 , 50 ]. Hydrogels are biocompatible and biomimetic 3D structures which, once again, facilitate imaging because the cellular behaviour in their interior can be monitored. Moreover, hydrogels are typically used to apply mechanical stimuli on cells because they allow a uniform distribution of stresses throughout the structure [ 21 ].

One of the most important concerns in mechanobiology studies is to ensure aseptic conditions during experiments. Therefore, all parts of the mechanical stimulation device are assembled inside a laminal-flow biosafety cabinet and then the complete and mounted device along with its electronic components is placed in a typical culture incubator, allowing maximally sterile conditions and, when required, a long-term experiment. As already mentioned, confocal imaging is often preferable to upright microscopy techniques, mainly to overcome issues related to device size constraints. Therefore, the design of some devices considers the overall device dimensions to ensure that it fits in the microscope chamber, and the incorporation of a glass coverslip or other materials with similar optical properties to allow high-magnification imaging of the cultured or encapsulated cells, for example, for performing live imaging studies [ 32 , 42 , 51 , 52 ]. Other developments are intended to produce high-throughput capabilities, such as by increasing the number of wells/chambers which can be loaded simultaneously [ 51 , 53 , 54 , 55 , 56 , 57 ].

Commercially available cell-stimulation devices

In vitro mechanical stimulation devices have been developed to apply specific mechanical stimuli to biomaterials and, in this way, stimulate cells, for example, as they would be stimulated by external cues typically observed in physiological conditions. Some tension and compression devices are available on the market, and the most well-known companies are FLEXCELL International Corporation, TA Instruments, CellScale, IonOptix, BISS, and Strex. Some features of their commercially available products, including the type of mechanical stimulus and the maximum strain and frequency that can be applied, are summarized in Table 2 . Figure  4 is a graphical representation of the maximum strain/displacement and frequency provided by the device models.

Graphical arrangement of the commercially available mechanical stimulation devices according to their maximum strain/displacement and frequency

Some of the commercialized devices may be used to evaluate a variety of specimens, including cells seeded in monolayers, 3D cell-seeded constructs (e.g. hydrogels), natural tissues, or bioartificial tissue samples. Stretching devices commercialized by FLEXCELL use regulated vacuum pressure and positive air pressure to deform flexible-bottomed culture plates. Depending on the type of culture plate, equibiaxial or uniaxial tension may be applied. Flexcell FX-2000 and FX-4000 created by FLEXCELL International Corporation, and recently upgraded to FX-6000 T, were used to promote tensile loading [ 58 , 59 , 60 , 61 ].

The Flexcell FX-2000 cell-strain unit is composed of a circular silicone rubber membrane at the bottom of each well of the culture plate, in which biaxial strain is regulated by applying vacuum, promoting a multi-radial uniform stretch. One group exposed flexor tendon cells to biaxial tensile strain of 0.0075% at 1 Hz and analysed the formation and organization of the actin stress-fibre network and cell–cell adherent junctions under loading [ 58 ]. In another study, the same Flexcell unit was used to apply an equibiaxial cyclic strain of 3% at 0.25 Hz (2 s on, 2 s off) to human mesenchymal stem cells (hMSCs) for 16 days, which decreased proliferation and stimulated matrix mineralization over unstrained cells (Figs. 5 a– 5 c) [ 59 ]. Human embryonic stem cells (hESCs) were cultured on BioFlex culture plates coated with Matrigel and exposed to a biaxial 10% membrane strain for 10 cycles/min using the FX-4000 device [ 61 ]. The mechanical strain inhibited hESC differentiation, but self-renewal was promoted compared to an unstrained control [ 61 ]. Porcine valve interstitial cells and bone-marrow-derived hMSCs (bm-hMSCs) were cultured on BioFlex culture plates and exposed to a biaxial (radial and circumferential) tensile strain of 7%, 10%, 14%, and 20% respectively at 0.6 Hz for 4 days [ 62 ]. The strain magnitudes, which were homogenously distributed throughout the membrane, had an impact on collagen production [ 62 ]. More recently, the FX-6000 T Tension System was used on vascular smooth muscle cells derived from human-induced pluripotent stem cells (hiPSCs-VSMCs) [ 63 ]. Uniaxial cyclic tensile strain of 2.5% at 2.75 Hz applied for a period of 48 h enhanced the expression of VSMC and ECM markers and also the formation of phalloidin, mostly in a perpendicular direction to the tensile loading direction [ 63 ]. A Flexcell FX-4000 strain unit was used by Sumanasinghe et al. to apply an uniaxial cyclic tensile strain to bm-hMSCs seeded on linear 3D type I collagen matrices [ 60 ]. Cyclic tensile strains of 10% and 12% at 1 Hz induced osteogenic differentiation compared to unstrained controls after 1 and 2 weeks, without osteogenic supplements [ 60 ].

Cellular results of studies which made use of commercially available devices. Von Kossa staining of cell layers after 16 days in culture showed that compared to the unstrained condition ( a ), hMSCs that underwent mechanical strain imposed by Flexcell FX-2000 had greater matrix mineralization ( b ), as corroborated by measurement of matrix-deposited calcium ( c ) (reproduced from [ 59 ], Copyright 2003, with permission from Elsevier). d Sarcomere length analysis by actin (ACTN, red) and nuclei (DAPI, cyan) staining of samples: non-conditioned (NC), electrically conditioned (E), mechanically conditioned by an IonOptix C-stretch (M), and electromechanically conditioned (EM) (scale bar: 25 mm). Results for different conditioning procedures (1 Hz 3 d, 2 Hz 3 d, and 1 Hz 7 d) are shown in a boxplot ( e ) (reproduced from [ 64 ], Copyright 2017, with permission from Elsevier). Empty and non-loaded scaffolds were loaded by a TA Instruments BioDynamic device coupled with an Electroforce testing machine, then cut into cross sections and stained with Sirius red (for collagen) ( f ) and alizarin red (for calcium) ( g ). Absorbance of MTS (for cell-viability assessment), alizarin red, and Sirius red per loaded scaffold at day 20 was normalized to a paired non-loaded scaffold (mean±SD) ( h ), and showed an increase of matrix mineralization after loading (reproduced from [ 66 ], Copyright 2009, with permission from Elsevier). i Expression of gremlin-1 (Grem1) protein (green) in mouse primary chondrocytes increased 24 h after tensile stress loading (stress+) was applied with the Strex STB-140 system, compared to the unloading condition (stress−) (scale bar: 50 μm). j An acceleration of mouse osteoarthritis development after surgical induction was observed through safranin O staining and gremlin-1 immunofluorescence. Scale bars: 100 μm and 50 μm, respectively (reproduced from [ 69 ] authored by Chang et al. under the Creative Commons license CC BY 4.0). hMSCs: human mesenchymal stem cells

Commercialized by IonOptix, C-Pace EM is a multi-mode electromechanical stimulator which can be coupled to the C-Stretch system. This stimulator was used to apply electrical, mechanical, and combined electromechanical stimulation to human-induced pluripotent stem-cell-derived cardiomyocytes (hiPSC-CMs) cultured on fibronectin-coated PDMS [ 64 ]. A uniaxial cyclic tensile strain of 5% was applied at 1 Hz for 3 or 7 days and, with regard to electromechanical stimulation, cells were also stimulated with an electrical field of 3 V/cm and 4 ms biphasic pulse duration at the end of the mechanical stimulus hold phase to mimic the isovolumetric contraction. All three stimulus modes resulted in stress-fibre formation and sarcomeric length shortening, but upon electromechanical stimulus the transmembrane calcium current significantly decreased (Figs. 5 d and 5 e) [ 64 ].

A BioDynamic™ chamber mounted on an ELF3200 mechanical testing machine from the TA Instruments group was used in compressive loading studies [ 65 , 66 ]. Five per cent global strain was applied by cyclic compressive loading (for 2 h on day 9 and then every 5 days up to and including day 19) to hMSCs cultured in 3D polyurethane (PU) scaffolds, and was found to promote osteogenic differentiation and mineralized matrix production [ 65 ]. MLO-A5 osteoblastic cells cultured on PU open-cell foam scaffolds were exposed to a compressive strain of 5% at 1 Hz (for 2 h per day on days 5, 10, and 15 of culture), which promoted the production of mineralized matrix (Figs. 5 f– 5 h) [ 66 ]. Endothelial progenitor cells (EPCs) isolated from rat bone-marrow were seeded in demineralized bone matrix (DBM) scaffolds under cyclic compressive loading. Cell-based constructs were placed in a BioDynamic ELF5110 device, and after being subjected to 5% strain at 1 Hz for 4 h/day for 7 days, proliferation of EPCs increased [ 67 ].

Cell tensile loading systems from Strex are reported in the literature for diverse purposes, including the evaluation of cell adhesion and mechanotransduction studies. Meniscal root and horn cells were cultured on rat tail COL1-coated polydimethylsiloxane and subjected to 2 h and 4 h treatment with 5% and 10% uniaxial cyclic tensile strain at 0.5 Hz, using a STB-140 system. The density of both root and horn cells was reduced after mechanical treatment, whereas expression of the chondrocyte-associated genes SOX9 and COL2A1 was significantly enhanced [ 68 ]. Using the same loading system, mouse primary chondrocytes were seeded into silicon stretch chambers coated with fibronectin, and after 48 h were subjected to cyclic tensile loading (0.5 Hz, 10% elongation) for 30 min in a CO 2 incubator. The excessive loading accelerated osteoarthritis development by inducing gremlin-1 (Figs. 5 i and 5 j) [ 69 ]. In a different study, Murali et al. seeded hMSCs onto silicone chambers coated with COL1 and subjected them to tensile loading at 1 Hz frequency and 8% strain for 6, 24, 48, and 72 h, using the ST-140 model. They suggested that when subjected to uniaxial loading, hMSCs underwent tenogenic differentiation through activation of epithelial sodium channels [ 70 ]. Takahashi et al. seeded normal human lung fibroblasts onto silicon chambers coated with COL1, and a uniaxial sinusoidal cyclic tensile loading of 30 cycles/min was applied for 10 min using the ST-140 model. The concentrations of ATP in the supernatant were significantly elevated by 20% strain, but not by 4% strain. The researchers also visualized ATP release during cell stretch in real time, using the NS-600 W model. Following a single uniaxial tensile strain of 22% for 1 s duration, the release of ATP continued and increased in intensity [ 71 ].

Besides application of tensile or compressive stresses, all models of TA Instruments presented in Table 2 include pulsatile stimulation. For example, the BioDynamic 5170 and BioDynamic 5270 test instruments permit a flow range of 17–1760 mL/min. These devices are computer-controlled, allowing a static, cyclic, or intermittent deformation in a range of frequencies, amplitudes, and waveforms. The substrates used for culture plates of commercialized mechanical stimulation devices are typically flexible and light-transparent materials that enable phase-contrast, fluorescence, or scanning confocal microscopy analysis. The design and material choices allow, in some cases, simultaneous and real-time visualization using inverted microscopes. While these are often preferred to upright microscopes because they do not limit the total height of the device, it is mandatory to ensure that the focal length is not compromised. Despite the notorious progress on the tensile and compressive loading devices available on the market, the main motivation for research groups to design and fabricate their own devices is related to these device-associated costs. The cost of these devices ranges from thousands to tens of thousands of dollars, and the total price may increase when considering maintenance and the need to purchase additional device-specific accessories (such as culture well plates) in order to maximize the number of samples that can be tested at the same time [ 3 ]. Moreover, the macroscopic dimensions of some devices limit their throughput, and it is usually difficult or impossible to adapt to particular experiments such as, for example, using other substrate materials than polymers, which restricts the utility of these devices in a research context [ 3 , 51 , 52 , 72 ].

Custom-built cell-stimulation devices

Despite the focus on continuous innovation, mechanical stimulation systems available on the market present critical challenges. Consequently, numerous research groups have designed and developed custom-built devices to study the effects of tensile and compressive loading conditions on cellular behaviour.

Tensile loading devices

Several tensile loading devices with different designs and working principles have been developed in recent years. Table 3 lists uniaxial tensile loading studies in which devices were custom fabricated to meet research groups’ needs. The tensile loading working principles were divided into four major groups: four-point bending apparatuses, linear sliding rake systems, clamped samples connected to a tensile device, and vacuum-actuated tensile devices, as represented in Fig.  6 . The tensile loading devices designed by research groups are graphically arranged in Fig.  7 , according to the maximum strain/displacement and frequency under study.

Representation of four tensile working principles. In the four-point bending apparatus, the cell-based construct is supported by stationary supports and strain is distributed in the perpendicular plane to the applied load. However, the strain magnitude is not distributed uniformly between these horizontal planes because it increases from the central horizontal axis to the external medial and lateral faces (which are subjected to maximum tensile and compressive strains, respectively) [ 73 ]. Constructs can also be placed in cages and fixed at two opposite ends: one rigidly and the other to the rake attachment. The linear sliding rake is then controlled at the desired frequency and amplitude. Cell-based samples can also be clamped and connected to a tensile device (one end of the rectangular membrane is fixed while the other is connected to a computer-controlled movable frame). Finally, polymeric substrates may be exposed to uniaxial tensile loading with a vacuum-actuated tensile device. The movement imposed by the tensile loading device is represented by the red arrow

The majority of tensile loading devices involve cell culture on a circular flexible membrane (fixed along its periphery) or rectangular flexible membrane (fixed at opposite ends) (Fig.  7 ). Some of the results obtained by the studies mentioned in Table 3 are summarized in Fig.  8 .

Graphical arrangement of the devices designed and produced by research groups according to the maximum tensile strain/displacement studied at a particular frequency. Observation: despite the fact that Subramanian et al. [ 57 ] applied 2% uniaxial tensile strain to cells encapsulated in collagen constructs, the device used in this study may operate at a loading strain up to 12% at cyclic frequencies of 0.01–1 Hz

Results of studies performed with customized tensile loading devices. ALP staining at 24 h was higher for cells subjected to mechanical loading by a four-point bending device ( a ) compared to unstretched cells ( b ) and control cells ( c ) (reproduced from [ 43 ], Copyright 2008, with permission from Elsevier). d Scanning electron micrographs of 3D collagen constructs encapsulated with OB6, C2C12, or AC10 cells at day 3 either loaded by a linear sliding rake system or non-loaded (scale bar: 100 μm) indicated that the fibre orientation of loaded cells was parallel to the axis of load application (reproduced from [ 57 ], Copyright 2017, with permission from Wiley). e Staining of actin (green), sarcomeric z-lines (red), and nuclei (blue) of cardiomyocytes cultured on clamped samples connected to a tensile device revealed that after being subjected to 6 h of cyclic uniaxial tensile loading, the cells aligned in the direction of loading (white arrow) (reproduced from [ 3 ], Copyright 2018, with permission from ASME). f No significant differences in the average normalized total fluorescence of nuclei were found between non-stretched (control) and stretched groups, but F-actin fluorescence significantly increased with loading performed with a vacuum-actuated tensile device. The spatial distribution of per cent change between stretched and control average nuclei ( g ) and F-actin fluorescence ( h ) showed that expression of F-actin increased after tensile loading (reproduced from [ 52 ], Copyright 2018, with permission from Springer Science Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature)

Application of cyclic uniaxial (one direction) tensile strains sometimes leads to a heterogeneous biaxial strain profile, due to the Poisson effect. Therefore, custom-designed devices were developed to modulate equiaxial strains and generate a homogeneous strain environment [ 32 , 44 , 78 , 79 ]. Other groups focused on reproducing a more complex physiological environment by applying biaxial strains [ 80 , 81 ]. Tensile loading was also performed using piezoelectrically actuated pins of a Braille display [ 72 ]. Briefly, an elastomeric membrane of PDMS containing microwells was placed on top of an actuated pins array and deformed by the Braille pin movement. Each pin was independently computer-controlled and responsible for applying a cyclically radial strain (maximal 20%–25% radial and 12% tangential). Mouse myogenic C2C12 cells and human dermal microvascular endothelial cells (HDMECs) aligned to the loading direction at increasing frequencies of 0.2, 1, and 5 Hz, after 2, 4, and 12 h, in contrast to human lung adenocarcinoma epithelial A549 cells, which did not respond to tensile loading (Fig.  9 ) [ 72 ].

Schematic representation of the cross section of cells (represented in green) cultured on flexible membranes ( a ) and the deformation of the latter as the pin moves upwards ( b ). The alignment of C2C12 and HDMECs in response to loading is illustrated by fluorescent images of HDMECs ( c , d ), C2C12 myoblast cells ( e , f ), and A549 alveolar epithelial cells ( g , h ) stained with Calcein AM before loading (left column) and after being subjected to cyclical tensile loading (5 Hz for 12 h) (right column) (reproduced from [ 72 ], Copyright 2008, with permission from Elsevier). HDMECs: human dermal microvascular endothelial cells

Compressive loading devices

Microfabricated devices have been developed to apply compressive strain to cell-encapsulated constructs. Typically, the compression is achieved by loading pistons actuated by a pneumatic system. This type of compressive device can generate three types of compression: unconfined, semi-confined, and confined, all of which are illustrated in Fig.  10 .

Illustration of compression models: unconfined compression, confined compression, and semi-confined compression. The three-dimensional cell-based construct is compressed by the movement of a piston, in this case as a result of pressurized air (represented by the red arrow)

Unconfined compression was studied in the majority of compressive loading studies, as it represents the simplest microfabrication technique. One device was designed to study the influence of dynamic 10% compressive strain at 1 Hz for up to 3 weeks on chondrogenesis of goat bm-MSCs encapsulated in poly(ethylene glycol) diacrylate (PEGDA) hydrogels, as well as human embryonic body-derived (hEBd) cells encapsulated in tyrosine-glycine-aspartate-serine (YRGDS)-PEG-acrylate hydrogels [ 82 ]. The expression and synthesis of chondrocyte-specific matrix molecules were also studied, under the same loading conditions, with bovine bm-stromal cells encapsulated in agarose gels for 8 and 16 days [ 83 ]. Another group investigated the role of cyclical unconfined compression on osteogenesis by applying 10% and 20% compressive strains at 0.5 Hz for 4 h on rat pre-osteoblasts seeded into electrospun polycaprolactone (PCL) scaffolds [ 84 ]. Only the 10%-magnitude strain induced expression of osteogenic-related proteins and transcription factors, showing that elevated magnitudes may inhibit bone formation [ 84 ]. Ravichandran et al. designed a custom-fabricated device to apply a range of compressive strains to four independent chambers. hMSCs were seeded on polycaprolactone-β tricalcium phosphate (PCL-TCP) scaffolds using fibrin gel and then exposed to 0.22%, 0.88%, and 1.1% compressive strain at 1 Hz, 4 h/day for 4 weeks [ 85 ]. Cyclic physiological compression of 0.22% resulted in higher ALP activity compared to supra-physiological strains; it also up-regulated osteogenic markers and generated high mineralization levels [ 85 ]. C3H10T1/2 mouse MSCs were encapsulated in PEG hydrogels and exposed to 6%, 11%, 14%, and 26% compressive strains. Regardless of the strain magnitude, there was no significant difference in nuclear deformation, whereas cellular deformation only changed significantly at the highest strain levels [ 86 ]. The device proposed by Moraes et al. [ 86 ] consisted on an array of loading posts suspended over actuation cavities and was adopted and altered by Lee et al. to subject alginate-chondrocyte constructs to compressive strain [ 87 ]. These constructs were placed on PDMS balloons with different diameters and by varying only the cavity diameter (with the applied pressure remaining the same), it was possible to create a range of compressive strains. Because the balloons were inflated with pressurized air, compression on constructs was studied either in a static (14 kPa, 1 h) or dynamic (14 kPa, 1 Hz, 1 h) mode. Lee et al. found that the mean strain of chondrocytes was approximately 50% of the gel strain, with a permanent deformation of 9%–30% for static compression, and 0.5%–6% for dynamic compression. Finally, cell viability was found to be higher in dynamically loaded constructs, perhaps due to better nutrient transport [ 87 ]. Despite these findings, unconfined compression generates a heterogeneous strain distribution within the 3D construct. In contrast, confined compression generates a uniform strain, but challenges arise concerning its microfabrication. Semi-confined compression offers easier microfabrication, but uniform strains are only achieved in the central region of the biomaterial. These findings were obtained from the finite-element simulations (represented in Fig.  11 ), and the obtained strain fields for the three compression modes were compared [ 88 ].

Finite-element simulations of three compression modes all involved application of 10% compressive strain on PEG hydrogel (adapted from [ 88 ], Copyright 2011, with permission from IOP Publishing Ltd). Strain field within the hydrogel was generated for unconfined ( a ), confined ( b ), and semi-confined ( c ) compression modes and the radial, circumferential, and axial strains (mean and standard deviation) were plotted for the total axial thickness of the hydrogel

The same group fabricated a semi-confined compression device, which was used to generate nominal strains of 20%, 30%, 40%, and 45% on PEG and collagen hydrogels. The authors concluded that this compression model enables the study of cellular responses to precisely applied strains on a range of polymerizable biomaterials, improving the applicability and versatility of the device [ 88 ]. Zhang et al. [ 89 ] used a custom-designed dynamic-compression loading system with a stepper motor to apply a 10% compressive strain on PCL scaffolds encapsulated with hMSCs. PCL-based constructs subjected to both mechanical and biochemical stimulation supported a chondroprotective effect [ 89 ].

Review of patents

Given the promising outcomes from engineered mechanical stimulation devices in mechanobiology studies like those described above, many patent applications have been filed in the past few decades. We looked at both granted patents and patent applications, and conducted our research through the Derwent Innovation Index [ 90 ] and Google Patents [ 91 ] databases, which include European, USA, and World Patents (WIPO—World Intellectual Property Organization). The keywords were related to mechanical cell stimulation and resulted in a total of 369 records. We excluded inventions whose descriptions could not be automatically translated to English, those with unclear abstracts, and those not within the scope of this review.

A total of 44 patents of devices able to create different stimuli (tensile, compressive, shear stresses, and vibration) were comprehensively studied and selected, taking into account their in vitro cellular purposes. Table 4 summarizes the selected inventions. They are organized first by frequency level (low to moderate vs. high frequency), then by actuator type, as schematically illustrated in Fig.  12 , and finally by the imposed stress state. Inventions that obey non-conventional actuation principles are in a separate category.

Actuation principles of various mechanical cell-stimulation devices, divided by frequency level: low to high for values up to 200 Hz and extremely high frequency for values up to 100 MHz

To better organize the resulting inventions, we grouped them according to their actuation principle. From low to high frequencies, the actuation may be pneumatic (either positive or negative pressure), motor-driven, or magnetic. However, some inventors disclosed more than one functionality principle. The invention of Sittampalam et al. [ 96 ] is a drug-screening device and system that attempts to impart strain to cells in a similar manner to physiological motion and rest. According to their description, different mechanical drive systems can be adopted to move the pins and thus exert mechanical strain on cells, including a linear actuator (Fig.  13 a), an electromagnetic system, or a pneumatic system (Fig.  13 b).

The device of invention number US 2013/0059324 AI may be operated ( a ) by a mechanical drive mechanism, in which the rotation of a non-circular shaft (218) moves the movable support (216), thereby pushing the push members (214) in respect to the pins (118); or ( b ) by a pressurized mechanism (220), in which the change of fluid volume moves the support (216), imparting mechanical strain to the cells located in the wells (112). Illustrations from [ 96 ]

The device invented by Shapiro et al. [ 118 ], defined in Table 3 as belonging to the motor-driven category has, in fact, more than one approach to achieving membrane mechanical displacement (Fig.  14 ). The elastic membrane upon which the cell culture is placed is securely held in place and moved by a displacement applicator located, for example, on the bottom surface. Then, it is cyclically moved upward and downward by a force generator, deforming the membrane. This membrane deformation imparts biaxial forces (either tensile or compressive) to the cells mounted thereon, and the strain profile may be either uniform or non-uniform. The electric motor drives an actuating apparatus, such as a cam (Fig.  14 a), which revolves eccentrically about an axis, contacting the bottom surface of the rod and forcing the rod and displacement applicator to move upward to contact and deform the membrane. At the end of the upward stroke, the applicator moves to a lowered position out of contact with the membrane. The invention may also correspond to a mechanical actuated tensile apparatus which applies biaxial strain (Fig.  14 b) or simultaneously applies tensile loading to several cell cultures (Fig.  14 c). The removable and disposable wells are mounted above each available displacement applicator.

Illustrations of invention number US 5,348,879 of Shapiro et al., with three different displacement applicators (represented in the drawing by 24). In ( a ), a cam deforms the membrane, in ( b ), the membrane is secured by plates and is deformed by the displacement applicator moving upward, and in ( c ), each well is mounted above the displacement applicator. Schematics from [ 118 ]

Substrate deformation through the pneumatic actuation principle may be achieved by pressure [ 92 , 98 ] or vacuum [ 93 , 94 , 95 , 96 , 97 ], and by pulling a portion of the flexible membrane upward or downward, respectively. Despite the simple set-up, in both modes the stimulus frequency is low and may not even be capable of creating dynamic cycles. However, vacuum pumps are slower than pressure inlet. Other inventions aim to deform the membrane through pressurization of the fluid (e.g., culture medium) [ 99 , 102 ], or by creating hydrostatic pressure using a piston [ 100 ]. If not carefully designed, moving the flexible membrane upward through a displacement applicator, by pressure or manually (e.g. with a piston), may cause friction between the membrane of interest and the loading post of the device, as represented in Fig.  15 .

The displacement applicator moves up and down, which may create friction between the flexible membrane and the loading post

Hydraulic actuators are comprised of a hollow cylinder with a piston, and due to unbalanced pressure applied to the piston, a force is generated that deforms the membrane equiaxially. Although these actuators are often limited in terms of frequency, invention number DE102009057698A1 of Kiesow et al. [ 98 ] allows cyclic testing in a frequency range of 0.001 to 200 Hz.

Still, either in low- or high-frequency mode, the culture liquid in contact with the cells may be pressurized and the generated hydrostatic pressure then exerts a compressive mechanical force on cells.

The motor-driven mechanism involves the conversion of a rotary motion of an electric motor into linear displacement. The selected motor may be a stepper motor [ 103 , 104 , 106 , 107 , 108 , 109 , 110 , 111 , 117 ], a linear DC motor [ 105 , 113 , 114 , 119 , 128 ], a servo motor [ 126 ], or a voice-coil motor [ 105 , 115 ]. Stepper motors, which are composed of multiple toothed electromagnets, were preferred for some of these inventions. Despite the possibility of miniaturization, precise rotation (ranging from step angles through full 360° rotation), easy set-up and control, this type of motor is frequently slow due to a low transmission ratio (from rotational to linear movement). Moreover, it may cause small vibrations, which will act as an external disturbance to the system and thus should be considered separately from the substrate’s deformation. Linear DC motors are two-wire continuous rotation motors with each pulse being so fast that the motor seems to be rotating constantly with no stuttering. Servo motors are also fast, with high torque, and can be precisely controlled because of their accurate rotation within a limited angle. This actuation principle is particularly suitable for uniaxial tensile loading and for larger engineered constructs. In addition, it allows multiple loading modes and precise control over the strain features, such as amplitude and frequency. On the other hand, some potential disadvantages are the risk of contamination and limitation of high-throughput capabilities [ 134 ].

The linear actuation principle may be preferable because it allows for automation, requires less maintenance, and offers a broader range of strain magnitudes, frequencies, and durations of mechanical stimulus. Invention number US10,421,955B2, assigned to IonOptix LLC in 2019 (Fig.  16 ), applies a tensile strain up to 50% (at 0.01–10 Hz) on a deformable rectangular culture dish made, for example, from silicone rubber [ 111 ]. A plurality of viewing ports are provided to enable cell culture observation by microscope and exchange of the culture medium, permitting long-term experiments to be performed.

Illustrations of invention number US10,421,955B2, assigned to IonOptix LLC. ( a ) is a side view of the electromechanical stage (28a) composed by a fixed support (32) and a moving support (36) connected to a stepper motor (42). ( b ) is a perspective view illustrating six culture dishes and supporting parts of the electromechanical stage. Figures from [ 111 ]

Muthiah et al. [ 115 ] developed a mechanical tensile device, invention number US 2012/0219981Al, with dimensions of 408 mm×150 mm (much larger than a 24-well plate). It is composed of two engagement areas located at opposite ends of a flexible substrate; each one connected to a movable element and a motor to promote opposite movements, as shown in Fig.  17 . The device may include a temperature-control unit, such as a heating unit and/or a fan, to assure uniform distribution of heat and to maintain the temperature, a humidity reservoir unit, and a gas-control unit to control the gas parameters and supply. During or after tensile loading, the materials may also be imaged using a microscope base plate.

Schematics of invention number US 2012/0219981Al, assigned to Muthiah and Lane [ 115 ], in which each motor (denoted by 504 and 506) is connected to an opposite end of the cell culture device (502). The embodiment includes a water reservoir (512), an electric heating unit (508) and cooling fans (510), and computer interface connections (514). Figures from [ 115 ]

The magnetic actuation principle is an indirect method used to apply mechanical stresses on the substrate of interest. The actuating part is never in contact with the moveable one, which decreases the risk of contamination, but it is hard to control the strain and velocity. In addition, there is a potential unwanted magnetic effect on cells.

Looking further at low- to high-frequency range, some inventions apply fluid-flow-induced shear stress to cells. Despite the fact that this stimulus cannot be considered a mechanical cue for mechanotransduction studies given that it cannot be measured, Jiang et al.’s invention number CN10314657A also provides, according to the inventors, tensile stresses on cells [ 127 ], and Boronyak et al.’s invention number US 8,852,923 B2 may be adapted to impose cyclic flexural and/or tensile stresses [ 128 ].

The aforementioned inventions apply tensile, compressive, or shear stresses to cells, and some allow simultaneous electric stimulation. When cells are stimulated by deformation of the substrate on which they are cultured, those forces generate uniaxial, biaxial, or equiaxial strains (previously described in Fig.  3 ). In-plane substrate distension through frictionless platen displacement (by vacuum, pressure, or another means) creates biaxial strain traction on a flexible culture membrane and produces a uniform strain field [ 119 ]. This strain-profile output may be required for more accurate and controlled mechanotransduction studies, given that all cells cultured on the substrate are subjected to the same strain.

Actuation using piezoelectric or ultrasound elements was used to create vibration/oscillation. The main advantage is easy set-up, but the deformation created exhibits low amplitude and high frequency. In addition, the deformation of the piezo elements is not equal to the deformation of the substrate, and consequently of the cells, because losses are always present and, as the whole device vibrates, the vibrations can be even more attenuated.

Potential and future perspectives

Significant progress in research and technological fields has contributed to remarkable findings on the physiological dynamics of the human body. Basic life science research has moved from 2D culture systems to more complex 3D dynamic cultures, not only to improve cell culture conditions by promoting nutrient and oxygen flow to cells, but also to more closely mimic the complex physiological environment. Unlike bioreactors or microfluidic-based culture models, for the purpose of mechanobiology studies, cells are usually seeded on polymeric substrates or incorporated into 3D constructs and stimulated in mechanical force devices in order to investigate cell adaptation to different mechanical stresses, such as tensile or compressive stresses.

Regenerative medicine strategies involve the use of biomaterials whose mechanical properties and behaviour upon implantation may be studied in vitro by closely mimicking physiological conditions of, for example, bone [ 43 , 74 , 75 , 76 ], heart muscle [ 42 , 135 ], tendon [ 56 ], and lung [ 77 ]. By reproducing the physiological conditions to which the implants or biomaterials would be subjected, the need to perform in vivo animal testing would decrease. This would be in line with the European Directive 2010/63/EC which follows the “3Rs: reduction, refinement, and replacement” strategy to reinforce the importance of using alternative in vitro and in silico methods to obtain the maximal information from the intended product prior to clinical trials [ 136 , 137 , 138 ]. Despite more reliable studies conducted over the past years for multiple tissue-specific applications, there are still opportunities for further improvement. Mechanical stimulation devices should be designed (or integrated with other systems) to allow multiple and real-time assessment and evaluation of cell behaviour and responses at a microscale. One possibility is performing real-time imaging using non-invasive imaging techniques, fluorescence, or μCT. In order to assure optimal experimental conditions, mechanical stimulation devices could be coupled and assembled with sensors for monitor-based and cell-specific parameters, such as pH, temperature, oxygen, and secretion of small molecules and proteins.

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Acknowledgements

This work was supported by FCT (Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia) through the grant SFRH/BD/141056/2018, the project PTDC/EME-EME/1442/2020 and under the national support to R&D units grant, through the reference projects UIDB/04436/2020 and UIDP/04436/2020. In addition, this work was developed within the scope of the project CICECO-Aveiro Institute of Materials, UIDB/50011/2020, UIDP/50011/2020 & LA/P/0006/2020, financed by national funds through the FCT/MEC (PIDDAC).

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Conceptualization: FMF, MG, GM and FSS; Methodology: FMF; Investigation: FMF; Writing – original draft: FMF; Writing – review & editing: all authors; Funding acquisition: FMF, GM and FSS; Supervision: OC, MG, GM and FSS.

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Melo-Fonseca, F., Carvalho, O., Gasik, M. et al. Mechanical stimulation devices for mechanobiology studies: a market, literature, and patents review. Bio-des. Manuf. 6 , 340–371 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s42242-023-00232-8

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Received : 02 April 2022

Accepted : 08 January 2023

Published : 01 April 2023

Issue Date : May 2023

DOI : https://doi.org/10.1007/s42242-023-00232-8

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