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Research Guides

Ethnographic Case Studies

Jeannette Armstrong; Laura Boyle; Lindsay Herron; Brandon Locke; and Leslie Smith

Description

This research guide discusses ethnographic case study. While there is much debate over what, precisely, delimits a case study , the general consensus seems to be that ethnographic case studies differ from other types of case studies primarily in their focus, methodology, and duration. In essence, ethnographic case studies are case studies “employing ethnographic methods and focused on building arguments about cultural, group, or community formation or examining other sociocultural phenomena” (Schwandt & Gates, 2018, p. 344), typically with a long duration, per the demands of ethnographic work. In essence, ethnographic case studies are case studies “employing ethnographic methods and focused on building arguments about cultural, group, or community formation or examining other sociocultural phenomena” (Schwandt & Gates, 2018, p. 344), typically with a long duration, per the demands of ethnographic work. Indeed, in its very situatedness, ethnography has a “case study character” and is “intimately related” to case studies (Ó Rian, 2009, p. 291); though there is currently a move to extract ethnographic work from overly situated contexts and use extended case methods, “[e]thnographic research has long been synonymous with case studies, typically conceived of as grounded in the local and situated in specific, well-defined and self-contained social contexts” (Ó Rian, 2009, p. 290). Because ethnography, in practice, is often a kind of case study, it’s useful to consider ethnography and case studies each in their own right for a fuller picture of what ethnographic case study entails.

Ethnographic research is one approach under the larger umbrella of qualitative research. Methodologically, it is, “a theoretical, ethical, political, and at times moral orientation to research, which guides the decisions one makes, including choices about research methods” (Harrison, 2014, p. 225), that is at its crux “based upon sharing the time and space of those who one is studying” (Ó Rian, 2009, p. 291)–a situated, nuanced exploration seeking a thick description and drawing on methods such as observation and field notes. According to …an ethnography focuses on an entire culture-sharing group and attempts to develop a complex, complete description of the culture of the group. Creswell and Poth (2018), an ethnography focuses on an entire culture-sharing group and attempts to develop a complex, complete description of the culture of the group. In doing so, ethnographers look for patterns of behavior such as rituals or social behaviors, as well as how their ideas and beliefs are expressed through language, material activities, and actions (Creswell & Poth, 2018). Yin (2016)  suggests that ethnographies seek “to promote embedded research that fuses close-up observation, rigorous theory, and social critique. [Ethnographies foster] work that pays equal attention to the minutiae of experience, the cultural texture of social relations, and to the remote structural forces and power vectors that bear on them” (p. 69).

Case study research, meanwhile, is characterized as an approach “that facilitates exploration of a phenomenon within its context using a variety of data sources” (Baxter & Jack, 2008, p. 544). The aim of case studies is precise description of reconstruction of cases (Flick, 2015). The philosophical background is a qualitative, constructivist paradigm based on the claim that reality is socially constructed and can best be understood by exploring the tacit, i.e., experience-based, knowledge of individuals. There is some debate about how to define a The philosophical background is a qualitative, constructivist paradigm based on the claim that reality is socially constructed and can best be understood by exploring the tacit, i.e., experience-based, knowledge of individuals. “case” (e.g., Ó Rian, 2009), however. As Schwandt and Gates (2018) write, “[A] case is an instance, incident, or unit of something and can be anything–a person, an organization, an event, a decision, an action, a location”; it can be at the micro, meso, or macro level; it can be an empirical unit or a theoretical construct, specific or general; and in fact, “what the research or case object is a case of may not be known until most of the empirical research is completed” (p. 341). The two authors conclude that given the multifarious interpretations of what case study is, “[b]eyond positing that case study methodology has something to do with ‘in-depth’ investigation of a phenomenon . . . , it is a fool’s errand to pursue what is (or should be) truly called ‘case study’” (p. 343, 344).

Baxter, P., & Jack, S. (2008). Qualitative case study methodology: Study design and implementation for novice researchers. The Qualitative Report, 13 (4), 544-559.

Creswell, J. W., & Poth, C. N. (2018). Qualitative inquiry & research design: Choosing among five approaches (4th ed.). Los Angeles, CA: SAGE.

Flick, U. (2015). Introducing research methodology . Los Angeles, CA: SAGE.

Rian, S. (2009). Extending the ethnographic case study. In D. Byrne & C. C. Ragin (Eds.), The SAGE handbook of case-based methods (pp. 289–306). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.

Schwandt, T. A., & Gates, E. F. (2018). Case study methodology. In N. K. Dezin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), The SAGE handbook of qualitative research (5th ed.; pp. 341-358). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.

Yin, R. K. (2016). Qualitative research from start to finish (2nd ed.). New York, NY: The Guilford Press.

Key Research Books and Articles on Ethnographic Case Study Methodology

Fusch, G. E., & Ness, L. R. (2017). How to conduct a mini-ethnographic case study: A guide for novice researchers. The Qualitative Report , 22 (3), 923-941.  Retrieved from https://nsuworks.nova.edu/tqr/vol22/iss3/16

In this how-to article, the authors present an argument for the use of a blended research design, namely the Ethnographic Case Study, for student researchers. To establish their point of view, the authors reiterate recognized research protocols, such as choosing a design that suits the research question to ensure data saturation. Additionally, they remind their reader that one must also consider the feasibility of the project in terms of time, energy, and financial constraints.

Before outlining the benefits and components of the Ethnographic Case Study approach, the authors provide detailed narratives of ethnographic, mini-ethnographic (sometimes referred to as a focused ethnography ), and case study research designs to orient the reader. Next, we are introduced to the term mini-ethnographic case-study design, which is defined as a blended design that is bound in time and space and uses qualitative ethnographic and case study collection methods. The benefits of such an approach permit simultaneous generation of theory and the study of that theory in practice, as it allows for the exploration of causality.

Ethnographic Case Study research shares many characteristics with its parent approaches.  For example, subjectivity and bias are present and must be addressed. Next, data triangulation is necessary to ensure the collected qualitative data and subsequent findings are valid and reliable. Data collection methods include direct observation, fieldwork, reflective journaling, informal or unstructured interviews, and focus groups. Finally, the authors discuss three limitations to the ethnographic case study. First, this design requires the researcher to be embedded, yet the duration of time may not be for as long when compared to full-scale ethnographic studies.  Second, since there are fewer participants, there should be a larger focus on rich data as opposed to thick data, or said differently, quality is valued over quantity. Third, the researcher must be aware that the end-goal is not transferability, but rather the objective is to gain a greater understanding of the culture of a particular group that is bound by space and time.

Gregory, E. & Ruby, M. (2010) The ‘insider/outsider’ dilemma of ethnography: Working with young children and their families in cross-cultural contexts. Journal of Early Childhood Research, 9 (2), 1-13. https://doi.org/10.1177/1476718X10387899

This article focuses on the dilemma of insider and outsider roles in ethnographic work. It challenges the notion that a researcher can be both an insider and an outsider at the same time. There is no insider/outsider status; it is one or the other–not both.

It is easy to make assumptions about one’s status as an insider. It is not uncommon for a researcher to assume that because one is working amongst his/her “own” people sharing a similar background, culture, or faith that she/he is an insider. Likewise, a researcher may assume that it will be easy to build rapport with a community with which he/she has commonalities; however, it is important to keep in mind that the person may be an insider but the researcher may not have this same status. When the person enters into the protective space of family or community as a researcher, it is similar to being an outsider. Being a researcher makes one different, regardless of the commonalities that are shared. It is not the researcher’s presumed status of “insider” or “outsider” that makes the difference; rather, researcher status is determined by the participants or community that is being studied. It is wise for researchers to understand that they are distinctively one of “them” as opposed to one of “us”. This is not to say that researchers cannot become an “insider” to some degree. But to assume insider status, regardless of the rationale, is wrong. Assuming common beliefs across cultures or insider status can lead to difficulties that could impact the scope or nature of the study.

In conclusion, regardless of the ethnographic design (e.g., realist ethnography, ethnographic case study, critical ethnography), it is important for the researcher to approach the study as an “outsider”. Although the outsider status may change over time, it essential to understand that when one enters a community as a researcher or becomes a researcher within a community, insider status must be earned and awarded according to the participants in the community.

Ó Rian, S. (2009). Extending the ethnographic case study. In D. Byrne & C. C. Ragin (Eds.), The SAGE handbook of case-based methods (pp. 289–306). Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.

In this chapter, Ó Rian valorizes the problems and potential hiding within the vagaries of ethnographic “case” boundaries, arguing that “whereas the fluid and multi-faceted aspects of the ethnographic case pose dilemmas for ethnographers, they can also become resources for ethnographers in exploring theoretical and empirical questions” (p. 292). Indeed, he views the idea of firm case boundaries as a weakness, as “definitions of the case will rule in and out certain social processes,” and suggests ethnography’s flexibility can deal with this problem well because it permits researchers to “question the boundaries of the case as the study proceeds,” leading to a “de- and re-construction of the case that . . . places ethnography at the centre of a resurgent contextualist paradigm of social inquiry . . . that is increasingly self-consciously exploring its own theoretical and methodological foundations” (p. 304). Most of the chapter delves into these possibilities for exploration, offering an insightful (if occasionally difficult to follow) perspective on how they have been proceeding.

The chapter offers considerations that might be particularly helpful to researchers undertaking ethnographic case studies who are struggling to connect their cases, so firmly rooted in a particular context and their own personal experiences and observations, to a bigger picture. Ó Rian elucidates the reflexive strategies various ethnographers have adopted as they’ve sought “[t]o achieve a link between context-specific data and meso- or macro-level generalizations,” categorizing these strategies into three “interlocking extensions of case study research” (p. 292): personal extensions (related to “the shaping of the boundaries of the case by the ethnographer’s location within the field and . . . how ethnographers can convey their personalized experiences and tacit learning to readers” [p. 292]), theoretical extensions (which bridge the gap between the situated worlds being explored and “the larger structures and processes that produced and shaped them” [p. 292]), and empirical extensions (“creative efforts to experiment with the empirical boundaries of the ethnographic case” [p. 292] by bringing in, for example, historical context, social networks, etc.). The crux of his argument is that ethnographic researchers have a prime opportunity to push against the boundaries of their context and “extend their cases across space, time and institutional structures and practices” so that the ethnographer is “multiply, if perhaps a bit uncomfortably, situated” (p. 304), and also to include an “emphasis on the ongoing process of theoretical sampling within the process of the ethnographic study, with close attention to be paid to the paths chosen and rejected, and the reasons for these decisions” (p. 304). These kinds of extensions offer an opportunity for theories to “be refined or reconstructed” as the researcher attempts to locate their personal experience within a broader framework, allowing “[t]he case study . . . to challenge and reconstruct the preferred theory” while also connecting the case to a larger body of work, particularly because theory “carries the accumulated knowledge of previous studies” (p. 296).

Ó Rian’s in-depth descriptions of how other researchers have varyingly handled these personal, theoretical, and empirical extensions might be a bit overwhelming to novice researchers but overall can offer a way to “locate their cases within broader social processes and not solely within their own personal trajectories” (p. 294)–while also helping to situate their reflections and extensions within a larger body of literature replete with researchers struggling with similar questions and concerns.

This chapter offers an  in-depth, generally accessible (but occasionally overwhelming) overview of case studies of all sorts and integrates an extensive review of relevant literature. The authors provide an informed perspective on various considerations and debates in the case study field (e.g., varying definitions of what a “case” is construed to be; interpretive vs. critical realist orientations; the relative benefits of and techniques involved in different types of approaches), helping novice researchers locate and better describe their own approach within the context of the field. The information is quite detailed and delves into a wide variety of case study types, suggesting this chapter might best be first skimmed as an initial introduction, followed by more careful readings of relevant sections and perusal of the key texts cited in the chapter. The breadth of this chapter makes it a helpful resource for anyone interested in case-study methodology.

The authors do not specifically explore ethnographic case studies as a separate type of case study. They do, however, briefly touch on this idea, locating ethnography within the interpretive orientation (comprising constructivist approaches offering “phenomenological attention to lived experience” [p. 344]). The authors also cite researchers who distinguish it due to its “[employing] ethnographic methods and focus on building arguments about cultural, group, or community formation or examining other sociocultural phenomena” (p. 344). Ethnographic case study is placed in contrast to case studies that use non-ethnographic methods (e.g., studies “relying perhaps on survey data and document analysis”) or that “are focused on ‘writing culture’” (p. 344).

Two aspects of this chapter are particularly useful for novice researchers. First, it is worth highlighting the authors’ discussion of varying definitions of what a “case” is, as it can provide an interesting reconceptualization of the purpose of the research and the reason for conducting it. The second noteworthy aspect is the authors’ detailed descriptions of the four main case study uses/designs ( descriptive, hypothesis generation or theory development, hypothesis and theory testing , and contributing to normative theory ), which the authors beautifully align with the respective purposes and methods of each type while also offering insight into relevant conversations in the field.

Further Readings

Moss, P. A., & Haertel, E. H. (2016). Engaging methodological pluralism. In D. H. Gitomer & C. A. Bell (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Teaching (pp. 127–247). Washington, DC: American Educational Research Association.

Simons, H. (2014). Case study research: In-depth understanding in context. In P. Leavy (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of qualitative research (pp. 455–470). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.

Recent Dissertations Using Ethnographic Case Study Methodology

Cozzolino, M. (2014). Global education, accountability, and 21st century skills: A case of curriculum innovation . Retrieved from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global. (Order Number 3648007)

This dissertation is self-described as an ethnographic case study of a small, public, suburban high school in Pennsylvania. In this study, the researcher investigates the school’s process of integrating global education into its curriculum by implementing a school-wide initiative (Global Studies Initiative or GSI) as well as a program of study (Global Studies Credential or GSC). Cozzolino asserts that her framework has been shaped by both social constructivism and critical/Freirean pedagogy. From the constructivist view, she views knowledge as constructed through social interaction, and thus she sought to understand the world in which the research participants work, learn, and experience large parts of their lives. It is here that she situates the first three research questions that entail looking at the the GSI and the GSC in terms of their features, rationales, and implementations. The fourth question involves understanding the students’ views and perceptions of the GSC and here the author takes up a critical and Freirean pedagogy to honor and hear the voices of the students themselves.

The study design is therefore an embedded single-case study in that it is bound by the place (Olympus High School) and by its population. Furthermore, it is also a case within a case, as it seeks to understand the students’ perspectives of the global programming. The case study is ethnographically rooted through the multiple ethnographic data sources such as participant-observations and a prolonged engagement at the research site. Cozzolino embedded herself in the research site over a five-year period and became an active and invested member of the school community, thereby establishing a sound rationale for an ethnographic case-study approach.

The author concludes that there were some competing priorities about the overall initiative from stakeholders inside and outside the school district. This resulted in a less than ideal implementation of the program of study across the curriculum. Nonetheless, the students who were enrolled in these courses reported it to be a worthwhile experience. While Cozzolino presents specific recommendations for the improvements at Olympus High, she also offers implications for several other groups. First, she provides advice for implementation to other educational institutions that aim to integrate a global focus into their curriculum. Next, she gives recommendations for local, state, and national policy changes. Finally, she gives suggestions for engaging all parties in fruitful discourse to achieve their ultimate goal of implementing a meaningful and valuable global education curriculum.

Hamman, L. (2018). Reframing the language separation debate: Language, identity, and  ideology in two-way immersion . Retrieved from ProQuest Dissertations & Theses Global. (Order Number 2089463322)

This study explored the issues of surrounding language separation in two-way immersion (TWI) classrooms. The author looked at how classroom language practices and teacher ideologies influenced the student experience and how the students’ understanding of what it means to be bilingual is influenced in a classroom that purports to be equitable in terms of language use.

The study is theoretically grounded in sociocultural, critical, and postcultural theories and adapted Lemke’s ecosocial system to conceptualize TWI classroom. Hamman also drew upon translanguaging theory and dynamic bilingualism to provide a framework for a more modern and nuanced perspective of bilingualism, bilingual learning, and bilingual students.

The author combined a single-case study approach with ethnographic methods to “engage in close analysis of classroom language use and the discursive negotiation of identities and ideologies, while situating these analyses within a rich understanding of the sociolinguistic context of this TWI classroom” (p. 78-79). She employed various ethnographic methods such as taking fieldnotes, conducting participant observations, interviewing, and memoing. The study is “bound” in that it takes place in one 2nd-grade classroom with one teacher and 18 students over the course of one year.

Hamman concludes that student perspectives on language separation should be considered, since this forced separation of language influenced how they thought of their developing bilingualism and identity as bilinguals. Furthermore, the study envisages a linguistic “middle ground” to strict separation that allows for appropriate and meaningful spaces for linguistic negotiation. Finally, this dissertation asserts that the strict separation of languages codifies a monoglossic ideology mindset and limits learners’ possibilities for learning and making connections across languages.

Kim, S. (2015). Korean migrant youth identity work in the transnational social field: A link between identity, transnationalism, and new media literacy . Retrieved from University of Missouri-St. Louis Institutional Repository Library. https://irl.umsl.edu/dissertation/158/

This doctoral dissertation takes an ethnographic case study approach to explore the identity formation of transnational Korean youth. The researcher, herself a Korean immigrant to the U.S. navigating complex identity processes, focuses on these research questions: “1) what are the contexts in which migrant youth negotiate their identities? 2) how do youth understand and negotiate their sense of belonging? 3) how do youth’s [sic] cultural and literacy practices inform and shape their identities? 3i) how do youth make use of transnational new media for their identity work? 3ii) how do literacy practices potentially shape their identities?” (p. 7).

Drawing on Leander and McKim (2013), the author conceptualizes her study as a “connective ethnography” (p. 36) encompassing multiple spaces, both digital and physical, in which “space” comprises a variety of relationships, instead of a more traditional ethnography bounded by physical space. The “case study” aspect, meanwhile, refers to the four specific participants in which she chose to focus. She chose Korean immigrants in St. Louis, in general, due to their mobility between the U.S. and Korea, their high use of digital communication and information technology, and their limited access to the cultural resources of Korea in a Midwestern city. From an initial 32 possible participants purposively selected, the researcher chose four focal participants based on their Korean ethnicity, biliteracy in Korean and English, age (between 11 and 19 years old), residence in the U.S. (for at least 2 years), and their use of digital communication technologies. Data sources included an initial screening survey, an identity map each participant created, informal recorded conversations, recorded interviews in either English or Korean, field notes from the researcher’s interactions with the youth in various settings (home, school, community centers), and “literacy documents” (evidence of literacy practices from participants’ school and home, emails to the researcher, or activities in digital spaces). She used social semiotic multimodal discourse analysis and what she describes as “grounded theory thematic analysis” to analyze the data.

This is a reflective, thoughtful, and interesting dissertation. The author carefully notes the relationship between the data sources and her research questions, specifically addresses steps she took to ensure the validity of the data (e.g., triangulation via multiple data sources and theoretical frameworks, member checks, and feedback from her professors and other researchers), and discloses her own positionalities and biases. Her discussion includes not only a clear thematic exploration of her findings but also offers specific practical suggestions for how her findings can be applied and extended in the classroom.

Internet Resources

Abalos-Gerard Gonzalez , L. (2011). Ethnographic research . Retrieved from https://www.slideshare.net/lanceabalos/ethnographic-research-2?from_action=save

Created by Lance Gerard G. Abalos, teacher at the Department of Education-Philippines, this SlideShare, Ethnographic Research , explains that, regardless of specific design, ethnographic research should be undertaken “without any priori hypothesis to avoid predetermining what is observed or that information is elicited from informants . . .hypotheses evolve out of the fieldwork itself” (slide 4). It is also suggested that researchers refer to individuals from whom information is gathered as ‘informants’ is preferred over the term ‘participants’ (slide 4).

According to Abalos, “It is not the data collection techniques that determine whether the study is ethnographic, but rather the ‘socio-cultural interpretation’ that sets it apart from other forms of qualitative inquiry” (slide 6). A social situation always has three components: a place, actors, and activities (slide 8) and it is the socio-cultural interpretation of the interactions of these three that is the focus of the ethnographic research.

Ethnographic questions should guide what the researcher sees, hears, and collects as data (slide 9). When writing the ethnography, it is essential to ‘bring the culture or group to life’ through the words and descriptions used to describe the place, actors, and activities.

Abalos describes three types of ethnographic designs:

• Realist Ethnographies : an objective account of the situation, written dispassionately from third-person point of view, reporting objectively on information learned from informants, containing closely edited quotations (slide 11-12).
• Ethnographic Case Studies : researchers focus on a program, event, or activity involving individuals rather than a group, looking for shared patterns that develop as a group as a result of the program, event, or activity (slide 13).
• Critical Ethnographies: incorporating a ‘critical’ approach that includes an advocacy perspective, researchers are interested in advocating against inequality and domination (slide 14).

As ethnographic data is analyzed, in any design (e.g., realist, case study, critical), there is a shift away from reporting the facts to making an interpretation of people and activities, determining how things work, and identifying the essential features in themes of the cultural setting (slide 22). “The ethnographer must present the description, themes, and interpretation within the context or setting of the culture-sharing group (slide 23).

Brehm, W. (2016, July 21). FreshEd #13 – Jane Kenway . Retrieved from http://www.freshedpodcast.com/tag/ethnography/ (EDXSymposium: New Frontiers in Comparative Education).

Jane Kenway is with the Australian Research Council and is an emeritus professor at Monash University in Melbourne, Australia. In this podcast, she explains “traditional’ forms of ethnography and multi-sited global ethnography, which are her area of specialization. She considers “traditional” ethnography to have three components: space, time, and mobility.

Insider/outsider stance is explained within the context of spatiality, community, and culture of space specific to ‘traditional” ethnography. Researchers are outsiders who are attempting to enter a space and become insiders, then leave the space once the research is completed. Research is conducted over an extended period of time in one place/space. As a result, researchers will get to know in an extremely intimate manner the ways of life of the community or group. “Work is supposed to be a temporality of slowness. In other words, you don’t rush around like a mad thing in a field, you just quietly and slowly immerse yourself in the field over this extended period of time and get to understand it, get to appreciate it bit by bit.” (minute 7:56).

“Traditional” ethnographers are not necessarily interested in mobility over time or exploring who enters and exits the site. Most ethnographers are only interested in the movement that occurs in the space that is being studied during the time that they are in the field. It is about looking at the roots of the space, not necessarily about looking at the movements into and out of the space.

Multi-sited global ethnography tries to look at the way bounded sites can be studied as unbounded and on the move, as opposed to staying still. It considers how certain things (e.g., things, ideas, people) are  followed as they move. The researcher moves between sites, studying change that is encountered in different sites. From this perspective, the interested lies in the connections between sites. Multiple sites with commonalities can also be studied at the onset, without the need to physically follow.

Paulus, T. M., Lester, J. N., & Dempster, P. G. (2014). Digital Tools for Qualitative Research. Los Angeles, CA: SAGE.

While this text is not solely about ethnographic case studies, it is rich with countless ideas for utilizing digital tools to aid in the multiple facets of qualitative research. In Chapter 5 of their text, entitled Generating Data, the authors dedicate a section to exploring Internet archives and multimedia data. They state that, “in addition to online communities, the Internet is rich with multimedia data such as professionally curated archives, ameteur-created YouTube and Vimeo videos and photo-sharing sites” (p. 81). They provide three specific examples, each explained below: The Internet Archive, CADENSA, and Britain’s BBC Archives.

The Internet Archive ( https://archive.org ) is a non-profit library of millions of free books, movies, software, music, websites, and more. The site also contains a variety of cultural artifacts that are easily available and downloadable. CADENSA ( http://cadensa.bl.uk ) is an online archive of the British Library Sound and Moving Image Catalogue. And finally, the BBC Archives ( http://www.bbc.co.uk/archive/ ) is a particularly useful site for researchers interested in reviewing documentary film and political speeches.

Wang, T. (2016, September). Tricia Wang: The human insights missing from big data. [Video file]. Retrieved from  https://www.ted.com/talks/tricia_wang_the_human_insights_missing_from_big_data

In this TED Talk, Tricia Wang discusses her ethnographic work with technology and advocates for the need to save a place for thick data as opposed to relying only on big data. She argues that while companies invest millions of dollars in generating big data because they assume it will efficiently provide all the answers, it routinely does not provide a good return on investment. Instead, companies are left without answers to the questions about consumer preferences and behaviors, which leaves them unprepared for market changes.

In turn, Wang coins the term thick data, which is described as “precious data from humans, like stories, emotions, and interactions that cannot be quantified” (Minute 11:50). Wang suggests that this thick data may only come from a small group of individuals, but it is an essential component that can provide insights that are different and valuable. As an example, while working for Nokia, her ethnographic experiences in China provided her with new understandings on the future demand for smartphones. However, her employer did not take her findings seriously, and as a result, they lost their foothold in the technology market. She posits that a blended approach to collecting and analyzing data (i.e. combining or integrating thick data analysis with big data analysis) allows for a better grasp on the whole picture and making informed decisions.

Her conclusions for a blended approach to data collection also have implications for blending ethnographic and case-study approaches. While Wang took more of an ethnographic approach to her research, one could envision what her work might have looked like if she had used an Ethnographic Case Study approach. Wang could have clearly defined the time and space boundaries of her various ethnographic experiences (e.g. as a street vendor, living in the slums, hanging out in internet cafés). This would have allowed her to infer causality through the generation of thick data with a small sample size for each location and bound by each group.

Ethnographic Case Studies Copyright © 2019 by Jeannette Armstrong; Laura Boyle; Lindsay Herron; Brandon Locke; and Leslie Smith is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License , except where otherwise noted.

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Article contents

Ethnographic methods for researching innovative education.

• Karen Borgnakke Karen Borgnakke Department of Communication, University of Copenhagen (UCPH)
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190264093.013.542
• Published online: 29 July 2019
• This version: 18 October 2023
• Previous version

Ethnographic research in innovative education settings has shown the practical impact and conditions on both research and professional development of curriculum and teaching strategies.

Following the process of innovation in the educational sector, themes that are high on political and institutional agendas have included “information technology–enhanced learning” and currently show how organizational and pedagogical development also becomes a matter of digitalization. In online learning projects the curriculum development and the process of didactization are already digitalized and refer to the new digital learning culture.

Ethnographic methodology enables ongoing interpretation of educational development as reflected by professionals and teacher teams, thereby facilitating elucidation of changes and consequences. The general question can be expressed as follows: How can innovative education, associated online and/or offline learning processes, embedded digitalization, and the context be understood, described, and explored in a practical sense?

Against this background, ethnographic research is challenged to go beyond the rhetoric to explore the practical implications of the innovative process and associated discourse. The challenge has been approached in terms of research facing the innovative practice and renewing the ethnographic approaches across the spectrum from the policy and organizational levels to practical learning-level investigation. The challenge is also embedded in research contributing to mapping the field of practice or "mapping the paradigm” and cross-case studies covering different learning contexts.

The common highlighted theme is that changes in educational systems and practices are necessitating changes in ethnographic practices.

• innovative full-scale projects
• ethnographic fieldwork
• digital culture
• multisited studies
• authentic complexity
• mapping the field of practice
• institutional ethnography
• ethnography in learning
• ethnographic methodology

Updated in this version

The title of this entry changed from the previous "Ethnographic Methods for Researching Online Learning and E-Pedagogy." The author has updated the text to include the impact of more recent events on the topic.

Facing the Main Challenge, Full Scale

In this article, ethnographic studies of innovative full-scale initiatives exemplify how the challenges for research include navigation in what can be regarded as experiments in the digitalization of educational institutions. In these experiments, all parts of involved organizations, at every level (school leaders, teacher teams, and students), are affected by, and must respond to, digitalization.

The main challenge seems to be posed by the new orders of magnitude. Initiatives range from the establishment of upper secondary information technology (IT) schools crammed with technology from cellar to ceilings ( Borgnakke, 2012 ) to online nursing education programs providing net-based teaching and learning from start to finish ( Borgnakke & Lyngsø, 2014 ). Digitalization affects not just one class, module, or academic subject but whole educational courses, full scale. When addressing the new full-scale magnitude of these experiments, it is necessary to consider not only a school or sector but trends and demands concerning the educational system as a whole. In such innovative and practical applications of the technologies, researchers can observe how the Internet, websites, and learning platforms become everyday tools for professional development of curricula and teaching strategies. Case studies and analyses also show how digital literacy or technacy of leaders and teacher teams is regarded as crucial for development of schools, education in general, and contributions to digitally oriented transformation ( Borgnakke, 2011b , 2017b ). Furthermore, shifts between the positions of educators as “teachers” and students as “learners” are also posing challenges in terms of description and understanding. As shown in close-up analysis ( Borgnakke, 2012 ), the digital literate teachers’ and students’ roles and action repertoires must be described both as innovative IT-based and as conventional school-based. In the IT-based classroom, there is a double logic to be understand before ethnographic research can conceptualize the learning context in a practical sense ( Borgnakke, 2021 ).

As discussed by Biesta (2005) , the political discourse and “new language of learning” prevail in connection with the learning industry the modern educational positions. These positions are by critical analysts regarded as the dominant, but narrow technical and instrumental argument for information communications technology (ICT)–oriented learning ( Haugsbakk & Nordkvelle, 2007 ; Player-Koro, 2012a ). Further, the scale is widening, as broader socio-techno-politico-economic changes are necessitating critical reflections on the pedagogical issues arising from the increasing virtuality of the social world ( Shumar & Madison, 2013 ). This is manifested in reflections on “the digital ages” and a challenge for attempts to understand technology-saturated society and its new media as a digital culture, or set of subcultures ( Coffey et al., 2006 ; Dicks et al., 2005 ). It is also manifested in studies of issues associated with distance learning in medical education ( MacLeod et al., 2015 ; Tummons et al., 2015 ) and development of bachelor’s and master’s degrees in dentistry and nursing ( Gwozdek et al., 2011 ; Lyngsø, 2019 ; Springfield et al., 2012 ).

This background highlights the necessity of coping with both digital learning culture in a broader sense and digital technologies as learning tools in a narrow sense. At the same time, educational ethnographic researchers are challenged to go beyond the political and educational rhetoric to explore the practical implications and associated discourses ( Borgnakke, 2015b ).

When ethnographic researchers try to meet the challenge, the basic concepts of “the field, the context and the space” ( Borgnakke, 1996a , 1996b ; Marcus, 1995 ) have to be renewed without losing the classically ethnographic approach to fieldwork ( Hammersley, 2006 ; Hernández et al., 2013 ; Webster & Marques da Silva, 2013 ). However, at the same time, in this article I also stress the necessity of moving beyond place-based ethnography. Leander and McKim (2003) identified this need and developed ethnographic methodologies for following the “moving, traveling practices of adolescents on- and off-line” (p. 211). The cited authors questioned not only conventional ethnographic approaches to issues such as place, identity, and participant observation, but also what they called “a common misconception of the Internet” as being radically separate from everyday life. Methodologies are underlined as ways of following connections and circulations in research “that travel across online- and offline spaces,” “tracing the flows of objects” and the multiple contexts. Tracing the flows of objects embedded in multiple contexts is important but not new.Indeed it is already integrated in the basic ethnographic framework (e.g., Borgnakke, 1996a , 1996b ; Marcus, 1995 ).

Accelerating e-pedagogical developments have made Leander and McKim’s observations, published in 2003 , increasingly salient. Ongoing projects mapping academic and profession-oriented learning contexts, have clearly confirmed that the Internet is no longer radically separate from everyday life, but a highly integrated element of everyday life at school, work, and home ( Borgnakke, 2015a ). For example, fieldwork in a project called NET education, designed to develop full-scale, innovative digital education in nursing (at VIA University College in Denmark) has shown that students are using the NET educational platform on a daily basis, integrated in both school settings and their own homes. They are also adding their own daily routines, using resources including combinations of the Internet, digital platforms, and mobile phones, for both working on their own assignments and networking with fellow students ( Lyngsø, 2019 ).

In a broader sense, the daily routine for teaching and learning is confirmed as a mix of media used in situations that can be conceptualized as “mediated” ( Hjarvard, 2008 ) and as a mix of online and offline situations where the flows of texts and multimodalities are in use ( Borgnakke, 2015a , p. 14). If daily situations are highly technologized, as shown by fieldwork in Danish IT-upper secondary schools, digitization permeated all didactical teaching and learning phases, from curriculum planning to course monitoring and evaluation ( Borgnakke, 2011b , 2012 ). In these cases, daily school routines are performed like living digital school life. . In other cases , the technologization is only high in specific professional training activities as observed, for example, in studies of cases in the healthcare sector. ( Borgnakke, 2016a ). In such cases, a physical space is set aside for mixed-media suites of “simulation-based learning” and the wide spectrum of IT-enhanced learning situations can be observed and related to the participative integration of students in healthcare teams and clinical practice. Borgnakke (2016a) analyzes this as an example of a mixed-media professional learning platform in a case study, called Case Canada.

Descriptions of the observed mixed-media situations as blended learning provide a needed overview of learning situations. Next, portraying the serial use of technological tools and platforms are important for rigorous ethnographic fieldwork and analysis. However, analysts of IT-enhanced platforms for either teaching or professional training in higher education face the same challenge: how can we conceptualize the platforms in practical use and contextualize the learning situation in terms of its authentic complexity?

I use the term “authentic complexity” in both general and specific senses. Generally, I suggest that we conceptualize learning as suchas learning processes situated in a practical (educational/work/professional) context. In an ethnographic study, the authentic complexity of this practical context is described in terms of (for example) “an ordinary day in the clinic,” by observing nursing students (and/or other participants) in their clinical practice ( Noer, 2016 ). “An ordinary day in the clinic” is filled with use of various healthcare technologies, procedures and interactions with other professionals and patients. It is, of course, also filled with different professional demands and positions as well as with emotional reactions. However, whatever the actors (or fieldworkers) choose to describe as embedded in “an ordinary day in the clinic,” it is still a part of “the authentic complexity” of the everyday context.

For example, a key element of the educational program at The Art Institute in San Francisco was “learning by participation in authentic artistic communities,” as highlighted by the program leader in an interview ( Borgnakke, 2013b , pp. 40–42). Another example is related to the previously mentioned Case Canada, where the claimed “necessity of authentic complexity” was encapsulated by Dierdre Jackman in an interview regarding the Rural Medical Care project ( Borgnakke, 2016b ). 1 She stated that you can have the best simulation technology, but “Unless you give them [healthcare students] the lived experience [of clinical practice] it makes no sense” ( Borgnakke, 2016b , p. 7). From an ethnographic perspective, this provides a crucial reminder of the need to consider what IT-enhanced profession-oriented learning means in the practical context.

In relation to case studies in which IT-enhanced organizational frameworks are investigated, we are confronted with a mixed-media blended strategy already integrated in the organizational development of online learning. This means that both the group of teachers, students and researchers worked within thecommon framework, coping with innovations as digital everyday conditions ( Innovation og Uddannelse, 2016 ). These are characteristics of the current innovative context, but as Hammersley (2006 , 2018) points out, ethnography follow processes of developmental changes in response to (blends with and follows) developments. Thus, developments in their investigated contexts become characteristics of ethnography too.

From an organizational perspective, the ethnographic framework encompasses the complex sets and interactions of policy, innovation, and e-pedagogical practical issues. Hence, ethnographic methodology must cope with the aforementioned double logic between IT-based and conventional school-based teaching and cope with embedded new conditions that teaching as a process of didactization also is a process of digitalization ( Borgnakke, 2021 ). In addition, it must cope with different political and institutional agendas and, as stressed in field studies of national and sectorial educational programs, with multiple interacting micro- to macro-level implications ( Borgnakke, 2010a , 2010b ). Policy and educational developments are no longer aimed at single schools or innovative interventions but rather at whole sectors across institutions, schools, and professionals. Thus, there are full-scale practical consequences (across the spectra of levels), and corresponding adjustments of ethnographic approaches are clearly required (as discussed in the special issues Seminar.net, 2015 ; Innovation og Uddannelse, 2016 )

Summarizing the main challenge for ethnographic methodology, there is a need to clarify and to understand the double logic and the full spectrum of developments, their interactions, and the meaning of full scale in late modern educational terms. In terms of analytical strategies, empirical overview and detailed close-up analysis are required. In general this means thatethnographic methodology capable of responding to “the new orders of magnitude” is required, sharpening thick descriptions of the field with critical discourse analysis and analysis of the learning practices. Let me therefore start the clarification by reiterating that the basic aims and traditions of ethnographic educational research are oriented toward practice, as manifested by action research, ethnographic education research, micro-ethnography, and classroom research (see, e.g., Beach et al., 2003 ; Borgnakke, 2013a ; Greenwood, 2009 ; Greenwood & Levin, 2007 ; Hiim, 2007 ; Klette, 1998 , 2007 ; Larson, 2006; Lindblad & Sahlström, 2003 ; Nielsen & Nielsen, 2005 , 2006 ).

Returning to Research Traditions Oriented Toward Practice

To understand practice orientation as a common feature, it can be emphasized thatresearch background and referenceshad interdisciplinary origins and practice-oriented aims. For example, in action research, rooted in Kurt Lewin’s thoughts and sociopsychological concepts, the American pragmatism propounded by Collier and Dewey, or the anthroposociological approaches pioneered by Foote Whyte, both the research strategy and object are strongly practice oriented ( Nielsen, 2012 ). This also applies to Scandinavian “critical classroom research,” where research is linked with strategies for experimental and development work, maintaining constant focus on practice and exploration of “what is happening in the inner world of classrooms” ( Borgnakke, 2013a ).

Tradition-rich lines of Scandinavian contributions to ethnographic methodology and theory have also been informed by critical theory and the research strategy propounded by Habermas (1968 , 1981 , pp. 548–593). Subsequent extensions include the critical constructive action research strategy described by Klafki (1977 , 2002) , a major aim of which was to remain “close to the school practice”.. The objective of this practice-oriented strategy was D evelopment of a critical constructive didactic , as stated in the title of a seminal article ( Klafki, 1977 ). In Klafki’s research, the classroom research tradition was maintained side by side with the Habermas-inspired tradition of ideology-critical strategies for empirical analysis. This strategy has also been applied in critical communications analysis ( Borgnakke, 1996a , 1996b ; Mortensen, 1972 , 1976 ) and can be considered a precursor to critical discourse analysis ( Fairclough, 1995 , 2005 ). Another seminal theoretical contribution, by Engeström (1996) , focused on corporate development work and was strongly inspired by works of Lev Vygoytsky. Engeström’s work has informed action research addressing not only the education system but also business organizations, and organizational development more generally.

The cited research programs are not recalled simply to confirm the orientation toward practice and treatment of practical issues in previous decades. Rather, they are recalled to emphasize the need to broaden current orientations in empirical, methodological, and analytical senses. Klafki´s conceptualization of research challenges the narrow foci of current political agendas, such as “ICT and learning,” “learning styles,” and “class management.” Further, it reinforces the requirement to reestablish critical basic empirical research, encompassing the whole school environment and organizational development.

To renew Klafki’s critical constructivism in empirical research, the new broader spectrum of ethnographic methods and field studies must be applied. Furthermore, in educational ethnographic environments, interest in participating in the production of knowledge of “what works,” a key concern in political circles, can also be traced. In this context, interest is seen in efforts to develop so-called meta-ethnography in the form of empirical cross-case analyses, with results and practice-oriented contributions of practical value for politicians, administrators, and policymakers ( Borgnakke, 2017a , 2021 ; Noblit & Hara, 1988 ; Uny et al., 2017 ; Hughes & Noblit, 2017 ).

Against this background, interest in research-based evaluation has been expanded, but methodical needs have arisen to implement case studies and empirical analyses at both the educational policy (macro-) level and practical, pedagogical meso-/micro-levels. Moreover, innovation and implementation of the new technologies are already important parts of the educational system’s “own experiments”. That range from the emergence of new learning resources to full-scale innovative institutions, like the Danish upper secondary IT schools and online learning–based professional bachelor’s degree programs.

The full-scale development efforts have a characteristic implementation process. Involving school leaders, faculties, teacher teams, and students, the common orientation toward practice is matched by an orientation toward practical implementation by different parties at different stages of work on curriculum design, teaching, and learning strategies. This reveals complexities that often can be missed in narrow analysisof specific issues or components . In the process of implementation all are part of the authentic complexity (to use the previously mentioned formulation), which cannot be properly grasped without considering the broader contexts.

Research being “oriented toward practice” is no longer sufficient, as there is a clear need to explore the practical processes, and different organizational levels and multiple actors simultaneously. Hence, there is a move from orientation toward practice to being consistent with the aim of exploring the field of practice , recognizing that “practice” and “practical actions” are continual processes at multiple organizational levels.

With such examples, the field of practice recalls the need for what has been characterized as multimethods and called multisited ethnography in research literature since the 1990s. However, regardless of the focus, the basic phrase “oriented toward practice” still requires clarification in terms of concepts, combination of methods, and framework. This clarification represents a new (or perhaps, more strictly, ongoing) challenge for ethnography. In attempts to meet it all, the fundamental ethnographic principles and methods are still applied, but they need to be (and are being) renewed and broadened as underlined in an overview by Beach (2017) . Therefore, let me follow this section on lines of traditions with examples of how ethnographic researchers have responded to the renewal of traditions and conditions.

Ethnographic Methodology Renewed, but Still Focused on Field and Practical Context

In the process of methodological development, ethnographic methods in recent decades were expanded but still closely related to the classical approaches. For example, although the Malinowskian tradition was criticized and renewed, it was still commonly referenced in the research literature, both in anthropology, social science, and cultural sociology generally (e.g., Marcus, 1995 ; Willis, 2000 ) and in specific research areas like education (e.g., Borgnakke, 1996a , 1996b ; Hammersley & Atkinson, 1983 ; Spindler, 1987 ; Walford, 2008 ; Woods, 1996 ). Looking back at these examples, despite differences in cited research, ethnographers engaged in a continuous dialogue about the basic methodological principles. These were highlighted as the principle of contextualization, exploration of the field, and the tradition of “long-term fieldwork.” These authors described and/or cited both new interpretations and new clarifications. For example, smaller formats of long-term fieldwork were specified, such as “intensive field work” ( Woods, 1996 ), and new clarifications were linked to data and the question of validity. Notably, criteria such as a need for data to have “ecological validity” were highlighted ( Borgnakke, 1996a , pp. 147–149; Hammersley & Atkinson, 1983 ) and data collection processes were clarified in connection with an extension of concepts of what constitutes “a field” and what “a field” means for the ethnographic framework.

In these examples, an empirical-analytical reflection and extension of what “a field” means for the ethnographic framework could be discerned. In addition, examples of a theoretical reflection and extension could include Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of “field” (French: champ ), Michel Foucault’s discourse concept, and Thomas Kuhn’s paradigm concept ( Bourdieu, 1994 ; Foucault, 1966 ; Kuhn, 1970 ). These contributions enable comprehensible reference to areas of research like “the medical field,” “the Western European Union discourse,” or pedagogical paradigms, like the “problem-Project based paradigm.”

Such extensions renew the tradition and broaden field research, while keeping classical fieldwork alive. In contrast, a new interpretation developed during the 2000s, so-called virtual ethnography or NET ethnography, tends to reject the contextualization principle and field concept ( Hine, 2000 ; Landri et al., 2014 ; Webster & Marques da Silva, 2013 ). Focusing on the virtual, the contextual anchor is jettisoned, and the field concept becomes infinite and partially redundant. As in the previously mentioned statement by Leander and McKim, when moving beyond place-based ethnography, I follow the NET-ethnographic argument. However, I still maintain, with online education serving as an example, that for ethnographic education research neither requirements for contextualization nor the validity of the field concept have been revoked. Both are still essential. Indeed, an online education platform like the worldwide Coursera has a market-based economic context, an academic context and university site (e.g., Stanford), and practical contexts (e.g., students’ own homes, libraries, cafés, or trains). Thus, the Coursera platform, the Internet, work in front of the computer, and associated interactions are all elements of the learning context, which is virtual, physical, manual, and social ( Borgnakke, 2015a ).

Ethnographic studies in the previously mentioned online NET education project (Nursing Education) show how ethnographic fieldwork has to consistently perceive and follow these changing online/offline contexts, including observations of students studying at home. However, confirmation of the ethnographic contextualization principle is accompanied by a need to extend and sharpen the framework, in relation to both the broader field and the whole sector, in order to address the changes and diversity of contexts. For example, in large-scale Scandinavian educational research projects, the classical fieldwork approach has been developed to cover school communities, multiple educational sites, and intensively studied development projects in specific selected schools or educational projects (e.g., Beach & Dovemark, 2007 ; Innovation og Uddannelse, 2016 ; Ôhrn & Holm, 2014 ; Player-Koro, 2012b ; Søndergard & Hasse, 2012 ).

In associated development of fieldwork methodology, participant observation, material/product collection, spontaneous conversations, and systematic interviews have been coupled, focusing on specific cases, innovative projects, or issues. In addition, empirical data and material related to the institutional or organizational levels involved have been collected, with explicit reference to:

Management level (policy materials, action strategy documents);

Employee/colleague level, teacher/teacher relations (curricula delivery plans, or innovative projects); and

Teaching and learning practice level, teacher/student-groups (courses and series of activities) ( Borgnakke, 1996a , 1996b , 2013a ).

The methodological challenge for ethnographic research is to cope with these levels and allocated activities while resisting fragmentation by maintaining a holistic view of the educational context and school life. This also applies to incorporation of specialized elements of ethnographic research, for example, organizational ethnography ( Ybema et al., 2009 ) or institutional ethnography ( Smith, 2005 ). Various inspiring methods to apply, and aspects to consider, in explorations of organizational contexts and leader/management-level phenomena have been published. For example, Tummons (2017) applied Dorothy Smith’s ideas on institutional ethnography, recognizing the value of document analysis in a study on information communications technology–based medical education. My previous fieldwork confirms the need to construct what I have conceptualized, in line with Smith (2005) , as “the institutional text-corpus” and integrate “the authoritative texts”in ethnographic analyses covering the levels outlined here ( Borgnakke, 1996b ).

In case studies of higher education that started with fieldwork at IT schools between 2000 and 2007 , the institutional text-corpus was even more important for the ethnographic process. Described in line with Darnton (1982) and Van der Weel (2001) in relation to the digital communications circuit, the text corpus and circuit was a multimodal digital version, including home pages with documents, pictures, and movies produced by the schools “about the schools” and learning platforms used in the classrooms. However, despite the importance of these text (and media) collections it should be stressed that the ethnographic principle of contextualization still encompasses a need to understand the embedded textualized and mediated interactions and relations between the involved institutional actors, such as professionals, leadership teams, teachers, and/or students ( Borgnakke, 2015a , pp. 13–14).

The ethnographic tradition and renewed aim of “being there—among professionals and learners” requires further clarification of consequences. But, most of all, clarification of the relationships between the ethnographic “field,” “place,” and “time” is required. In addition, as discussed in the next section, renewed reflection on “time” in relation to the classic ideal-type “long-term fieldwork” is needed.

Long-term Fieldwork and the Renewed Reflection on “Time”

The phrase “long-term fieldwork” recalls the Malinowskian tradition of the field researcher spending years in the field and acting as sole researcher ( Malinowski, 1922 ). Besides “being there,” the main demand is “time.” The potential of fieldwork is realized by staying “in” the field, collecting materials “from” the field “about” the field, with the objective of acquiring a holistic understanding of social and cultural practices. The classic recognition of the importance of time is also applicable to the new broad field research, as I have previously shown ( Borgnakke, 1996a , 1996b , 2012 , 2013a ).

Long-term fieldwork offers unique potential for exploration of processes, such as exploration of the process of innovation or exploration of the ongoing teaching and learning processes (e.g., Borgnakke, 1996b , pp. 465–638). In addition, the field researcher’s large empirical collections mean that the researcher is in empirical surplus. With this, the ethnographic potentials as a background, the possibilities of short-term fieldwork can be considered. In a framework with observations spanning only weeks or months, an intensive field study can be focused on a school or an education project, or different learning contexts can be explored (e.g., Borgnakke, 2013a , pp. 31–33). In such cases, cross-class or cross-context fieldwork may boost the potentials to acquire holistic understanding and the “empirical surplus” may confirm that even short periods of intensive fieldwork can meet the key traditional Malinowskian time criterion.

However, a larger time frame is required for fieldwork on processes such as implementation of major reforms in compulsory and secondary schools, which may take as long as five to ten years. For example, the 2000s have been labeled “the Decade of Reform” for all levels in Danish upper secondary schools. To navigate in this process one has to distinguish between the official time and milestones of the reform decade and the time references of the teachers involved. For example you can hear professionally involved refering to ‘the pioneer years,’ meaning the first year of the reform or ‘the trouble maker decade,’ meaning the whole period of the reform , followed by a reference to the ‘busy scheduling’ limitating curriculum plans for that year, month, and so on. The ethnographic point is that if there is ‘a decade of reform’ there is also a world of schooling, teaching and learning already labeled and institutionalized. This, the institutionalized school-life and time frame provide the social cultural foundation ( Borgnakke, 2006 , 2011b ).

Therefore, from an ethnographic perspective, the schools’ “own interpretations, labeling, time and timing” is the starting point. Next, and in terms of the pragmatic decision, the time spectrum of fieldwork can range from “just a visit” through “a normal school week (Monday–Friday)” and monthly stay to long-term contact with the field, covering the case full scale. In all these cases the classic Malinowskian rationale can be maintained, at least in the sense of basing fieldwork and observation on the field’s practical holistic terms and timing. This holistic timing has consequences for research, as also stressed by Hammersley (2006) and Jeffrey and Troman (2004) . If long-term fieldwork is maintained as a methodological reflection and characteristic element of the ethnographic practice, in addition to intensive field studies, it can provide extensive, valuable archives of empirical material and analyses. Conversely, archives from such research bear testimony to the value of long-term fieldwork. Particularly production of large quantities of empirical data, enable multiple analyses , including explorations of issues that were not considered during planning and data collection phases (e.g., Borgnakke, 1996b , pp. 643–712).

Maintaining the basic features of classical fieldwork ensures maintenance of contextualization and appropriate time frames of researchers’ contact with the field. However, it also raises needs for new interpretations and innovatory adjustments of principles and tools to address new themes and categories of ethnographic educational research. Along with a Marcus-inspired reinterpretation of multisited ethnography, these types of themes and categories are on the current agenda for the ethnographic project as a whole.

The Current Multisited Agenda

In 2001 and 2017 , Margaret Eisenhart presented overviews of the current state of the educational ethnographic project, primarily with references to American research. In “Educational Ethnography Past, Present and Future: Ideas to Think With” ( Eisenhart, 2001 ), she criticized current ethnography, and asked researchers to reconsider old views and basic categories such as “culture, gender, class, ethnicity” in relation to late modern conditions and their consequences. The demand by Eisenhart was important, but perhaps already met—at least in the Nordic critical tradition. Since the 1990s, rethinking of these basic categories has been a vivid element of educational gender, youth, and media research, which has generated various ethnographic methods and studies, based on a new generation of, for example, gender questions ( Öhrn & Holm, 2014 ). In this respect, ethnographic researchers have updated the research agenda. Against the updated background, basic categories in different generations can be examined in relation to both educational research and relevant aspects of media, IT, and youth culture. This has triggered reappraisals of concepts of youth culture, school culture, and formal and nonformal learning across a spectrum from classic studies and cases ( Hebdige, 1979 ; Willis, 1977 ) to late modern examples, such as The Digital Youth ( Buckingham, 2008 ; Drotner & Duud, 2009 ; Erstad, 2012 ; Ito et al., 2008 ). Recent studies focusing on the young generation’s use of social media have furthermore demonstrated the importance of having issues associated with digital literacy on the agenda, combining a sociocultural approach with an educational “bildungs-approach.” This is important for encouraging researchers and schools to participate in pedagogical developments focusing on social cultural dimensions rather than merely technical dimensions.

In this manner, ethnographic educational researchers not only update the research agenda from the 1970s but also construct a new platform and add new practical issues, as discussed by Webster and Marques da Silva (2013) . These efforts have opened paths for extensions and explorations of broad themes and contexts, in multisited ethnographic, meta-ethnographic, and comparative case study approaches, as described by Eisenhart in her later state-of-the-art review ( Eisenhart, 2017 ). In this review, she characterizes Marcus-inspired ethnography with illustrative references to multisited research projects and frameworks. For example, investigations of (school) political and cultural production, involving observations of politicians, school administrators, teachers, parents, and students. Researchers follow an innovative discourse or reform as it is transported away from the original source into new places, and educational reforms as they are formulated by decision-makers, implemented by teachers, and experienced by students and parents.

The ethnographic point is that multisited studies of cultural production provide means to understand how educational activities, values, and results of a group at a specific time are designed, limited, and changed by connections or processes across groups, places, and times. Such studies may encompass (for example) activities and settings of policymakers who design a education reform, teachers involved in its implementation, young people directly affected by it, and parents hoping to observe beneficial effects ( Eisenhart, 2017 , p. 137). The influence of Marcus on such approaches is summarized by the following quotation:

“The past habit of Malinowskian ethnography has been to take subjects as you find them in natural units of difference. . . . [T]he habit or impulse of multi-sited research is to see subjects as differently constituted, as not products of essential units of difference only, but to see them in development—displaced, recombined, hybrid . . ., alternatively imagined. Such research pushes beyond the situated subject of [traditional] ethnography toward the system of relations that defines them” ( Marcus, 2009 , p. 184).

This quotation not only outlines multisited investigation as a context-sensitive strategy enabling ethnographic follow-up research but also enables a Nordic-German, rather than American, exemplification. In many ways, the strategy presented by Eisenhart through Marcus has strong elements of the critical constructivism propounded by Klafki (1977 , 2002) , and the qualitative research methodologies inspired by critical theory and social constructivism (see Borgnakke, 1996a , 1996b ; Kvale, 1997 ; Nielsen & Nielsen, 2005 ).

Against this broader background, I confirm the validity and value of Eisenhart’s presentation of current ethnography but suggest a further step, using experiences of multisited ethnography gained to date. These experiences can be used to refine the foundations in several respects. First, they can help to clarify the relationship between field research and discourse analysis. Second, they can help development of a strategy for cross-case studies crossing learning contexts, including both online and offline settings. Third, they can highlight common foci or themes for ethnographic studies. Finally, they can reinforce experimental methodological frameworks for ethnographic research. In the following examples, I review these contributions (actual and potential) in relation to what is characterized as “mapping the field of practice/mapping the paradigm,” and “case studies crossing learning contexts,” with the broader objective of sharpening the focus on the educational system in change.

Mapping the Field of Practice/Mapping the Paradigm

Clarification of the term “mapping the field of practice/paradigm” and what it may entail can be exemplified by my own research. My extensive fieldwork from the 1980s was done at Aalborg University (AUC), one of the Danish “reform universities,” offering full-scale bachelor and master programs based on problem-oriented project work. My approach to the long-term fieldwork was simple and consistent: I followed one of AUC’s basic programs, participating from start to finish. In this version of the practice, long-term fieldwork refers to observations of activities associated with the entire program, from the teacher teams’ preliminary planning of “next year” and the first welcoming of new students to the actual project and course periods.Empirical data were mainly collected by following a group of 50 students and seven project groups through three periods of project work, including close-up studies during the period with final examinations.

The book Educational Field Research ( Borgnakke, 1996a ) presents and discusses the fieldwork and results in detail, while the article “Cardinal Writing: Following the Observed Process” ( Borgnakke, 2018 ) describes and exemplifies the practice-analytical framework and close-up analyses in detail. Therefore, in this section, I skip details and concentrate on the status of long-term fieldwork as “a type” with distinct potentials.

First and foremost, fieldwork following full-scale education in real time and authentic complexity is a strong concept for mapping the field of practice. Since all institutional levels, parties, and pedagogical phases are included, the overview and empirical collections provide detailed background for practice analysis. The empirical data collection also provides important background for analyses of the learning processes at a micro-level, with close-up analyses of milestones and learning strategies ( Borgnakke, 1996b ). Hence, classic long-term ethnographic fieldwork provides foundations for developing an overview of what it means to explore the field of practice and exploit the empirical material in analyses of practices and learning processes.

In methodological terms, such full-scale studies can sharpen both requirements and opportunities to develop interplay between classical fieldwork and methodological renewal. Classical fieldwork’s combination of participant observation, spontaneous conversations, and interviews is crucial for grasping authentic complexity, through following courses, activities, and ever-changing contexts of study-life chronologies.. Being among professionals and learners, and engaging in conversations and interviews with groups and key informants in the field, provides access to the participants´ own interpretations of the process and teaching and learning practices. In this regard, the perspectives of participants and references to their life world ( Kvale, 1997 ) are integrated in the ethnographic approach. With the classical ethnographic design as a background,ethnographic fieldwork show the possibilities of incorporating use of new digital technologies in the processfor instance, to augment data collection via key informants’ video diaries ( Noer, 2014 , 2016 ). In addition, micro-ethnographic studies have already shown the potentials of video recordings as background for close-up analysis of teaching and learning situations, focusing on interactive and communicative patterns ( Alrø & Dircink-Holmfeld, 1997 ; Sahlström, 1999 ). Last but not least, full-scale studies addressing the entire field have generated digitized archives of empirical material, including references to focal institutions’ websites and learning platforms. For example, in case studies on innovative projects in higher education conducted by the INNOVA research group, the e-pedagogical profile is embedded in such platforms and the online education. 2 Hereby the digital communications circuit is the starting point for everyone involved.

In these cases, the methodological renewal is IT-based, but the research interest in the next step, transforming “the observed field of practice” to empirical analysis, is still related to principles known from long-term fieldwork. That said, it is still fruitful to return to the practical context to recall how the same classical framework for mapping the field of practice is also a strong concept for mapping the educational or pedagogical paradigm. Further, it is fruitful to focus on different levels and the interplay between macro-, meso-, and micro-levels.

Clarifying strategies for the empirical analysis, the main point here is to develop an ethnographic analysis by using inspiration from Thomas Kuhn’s concept of paradigm. Kuhn’s descriptions of components are used to map the paradigms and characterize them in terms of their relative dominance in the field and relative strength in scientific grounding, educational framing, and curriculum. 3 Against this background, mapping the field of modern university pedagogy ( 1970–2010 ) was described as the main task and the paradigm maps, as I called them, captured the results ( Borgnakke, 2011a ). The results showed the relative functional strengths of the paradigmatic traits and identified transformations of rules, norms, and values of the educational community in the learning context. In addition, examples of best practice were identified.

The paradigm maps showed that Danish higher education was dominated by two strong and shifting paradigms during the period 1970–2010 . The “Project Pedagogical Paradigm,” dominated most strongly during the 1970s, while the “Learning Paradigm,” which was related to the Bologna process and is now defined as “The Learning Outcome Paradigm,” was dominant from 2000 to 2010 ( Borgnakke, 2011a , pp. 14–21). The new learning and goal-oriented paradigm even turned to be the powerful paradigm dominating the educational system as a whole not only for one but two decades.

The Learning Outcome Paradigm has therefore had a huge impact, not manifested (unlike effects of the former Project Pedagogical Paradigm) in new campuses, buildings, or educational centers, but embedded in universities, higher education, and the educational system as a whole. In this sense, mapping the paradigm refers to identification of all relevant political and educational processes, participants and associated programs, documents, and requirements interactively involved at macro-, meso-, and micro-levels. It refers also to the possibilities to focus on specific issues going across the paradigm. As an example, the article Cross-Case Analysis of Changes in Teacher Role and Didactic Function in Denmark, 1980–2020 ( Borgnakke, 2021 ) combines results from the broader field research with focused close-up analysis of paradigmatic teaching situations. The cross-case analysis shows how the project-based pedagogical paradigm from the 1970s generated alternative concepts of the professional teacher and bottom-up strategies for teacher collaboration. During the 2000s and 2010s, the new powerful learning paradigm marked the shift to top-down directed demands for “high professionalism.” The shift, shown in close-up analysis, led to an accumulation of functions and functional overheating rather than alternative practices. At the same time, demands for multifunctionality in the classroom were politically highlighted as a professional readiness for change and innovation.Against this background, the ethnographic analysis, both in broader and focused sense, refers to the paradigm and the paradigm shift over time as a political discourse and an educational practice with programs, demands, and documents in circulation between levels and parties. Hereby the communicative circuit in total is of interest. And hereby the ethnographic analytic framework refers to the empirical collection and the archive, similar in total as illustrated in Figure 1 .

Figure 1. Mapping the paradigm. The ethnographic analytical framework exemplified in a Danish version of the Learning paradigm shows the potential for coping with the archive and characteristic “three-level text collection.”

The Archive and the Ethnographic Analytical Framework

Referring to the figure, the ethnographic analytical framework can be exemplified in a Danish version of the powerful Learning Outcome Paradigm showing the potential for coping with the archive and characteristic “three-level text collection.” Overall analysis and close-up analysis will focus on (a) collected documents, literature, and archives regarding the background theory and concepts, (b) documents regarding the educational policy and institutional arrangements, and (c) data collected from fieldwork and case studies with (d) materials and tools from the process of didactization and the process of digitalization.

Analysis of collections and documents enables the basic learning concept to be positioned in relation to the background theory with traditions of English-American-Australian educational research as dominant representatives of the paradigm. Here, works by Paul Ramsden and John Biggs in particular are in focus as theoretical and conceptual background.

Through their research environments, research, books, and dissemination Ramsden (1991) , Biggs (1999) , and Biggs and Tang (2007) can be used to refer both to Kuhn’s four components (to conceptual development, textbooks, development work) and link to what in the paradigm is regarded as “best practices” and have been reproduced in the profile of universities’ education courses and centers. Ramsden and Biggs formed, in this sense, a tradition in the Learning Outcome Paradigm matching the current political demands, but with origins in the conceptual development of surface and deep learning that can be traced back to the 1970s research environment at Gothenburg University ( Marton & Saljö, 1976 , 1984 ) and studies done together with Noel Entwistle (1997) and Entwistle et al. (2001) . At the same time conceptual developments presented in Teaching for Quality Learning at University ( Biggs, 1999 ) provided the foundation for the center for university pedagogical development at the University of Aarhus and University of Southern Denmark, as well as at the University of Copenhagen’s Department of Natural Sciences Didactics (IND).

Ramsden’s and Biggs’s books are in this sense already included as a matrix for course development, as illustrated by the IND-book Improving University Science Teaching and Learning ( Christiansen et al., 2010 ). Ramsden’s main concept, with presentations of the two learning strategies, deep and surface strategies, as well as the conceptual development of what Biggs called “constructive alignment,” has also been reproduced in the profile of the university education centers and courses for associate professors, doctoral students, and heads of departments. Finally, the Biggs tradition was brought to life in an award-winning video production ( Brabrand, 2006 ), in which his basic concepts are dramatized and personified, in a story about two students: Susan, representing deep learning strategies, and Robert, representing surface strategies. The expressed, visualized, and personified version of the Learning Outcome Paradigm can therefore also be seen on YouTube.

Considering the paradigms in terms of their origins and effects, political and institutional, the currently dominant Learning Outcome Paradigm have had extraordinary structural impacts on the academic learning context. Not only curriculum and teaching strategies are affected but also organizational development, teacher-student relations, and the learning process. Further, e thnographic analysis has shown that practical consequences observed in profession-oriented higher education include structural enhancement of schoolification and conventional teaching and learning strategies, rather than innovative and student-oriented strategies ( Kirketerp Nielsen, 2018 ; Lyngsø & Kirketerp Nielsen, 2016 ).

The framework described corresponds to exploiting the combined potential of classical fieldwork and critical discourse analysis. As illustrated by full-scale studies (as examples of broad field research) this provides potency by imbuing empirical analysis with ecological validity, rooted in authentic complexity and synergistic application of multiple methods in a practice-oriented strategy. Mapping the educational programprovides the required overview and evidence of main trends. However, for the empirical analysis, it is essential to observe and characterize relative strengths of paradigmatic traits and identify transformations of rules, norms, and values of the educational community. It is also crucial to identify these features in the full range of regulations, curricula, teacher functions, and textbooks, as well as examples of best practice.

Currently following the paradigm, as illustrated in Figure 1 , will yield an almost identical archive in digitized form, including empirically collected data, references to the institutions’ websites and learning platforms, material from sources such as YouTube, and self-directed groups on Facebook as objects for the analysis. This means that almost “all” material linked to the practical management of the Learning Outcomes paradigm or to the implementation of Danish reforms is on the Internet or on the institutions’ intranet. This is digitization full scale!

It could be added that in 2018 , the Ministry of Education realized that the cultural transformation of the learning outcomes paradigm into curricula, teaching, and testing strategies had gone too far. Despite critiques, and even deletion of goal-oriented material and models from the Ministry of Education’s homepage, the learning outcome–based curricula are still deeply embedded in the Danish educational system both in formal regulations and in living educational systems.

Hence, full-scale studies are clearly forced by digitalization to be renewed but still inspired by a classical fieldwork framework and challenges in terms of developing a critical analytical strategy to cope with the digitized processes and phenomena. That said, another important type of full-scale research needs to be elaborated, rooted in what was called intensive fieldwork and cross-case studies focusing on curriculum development in different learning contexts. As exemplified in the next section, intensive cross-case studies can be characterized in connection within the spectra of practice-oriented research, in which research teams were involved in quality development and evaluative research in higher education.

Cross-Case Studies Crossing Learning Contexts

The type of evaluative research involving intensive field study and comparative cross-case studies can be exemplified by the Danish “Project Quality Development of Teaching” from the 1990s. Education projects focused on the mechanical engineering program at the Technical University of Denmark (DTU), the English program at the University of Copenhagen (UCPH), and the marketing economics program at the Copenhagen Business School (CBS) were all included ( Borgnakke, 2004 , 2005 , pp. 156–216).

During the case studies, I followed the development efforts, exploring the academic context and the teaching and learning strategies. Through observationand interviews with teachers and students, I followed the varied teaching forms and learning strategies from classic lectures in modern classroom settings to late modern project work in business- and profession-oriented project work. Furthermore, I observed the characteristic settings and situations from one scientific area to the next, starting with the technical area (DTU), continuing with the humanistic area (UCPH), and ending with the social and business science area (CBS).

Armed with material, text collections, and fieldnotes from observations in the different academic areas, I could grasp the issues connected to the institutional traditions for teaching and learning and compare the radically different academic cultures and learning contexts. At the same time, a common issue became clearly expressed as the dilemma of the movement from elite university to mass university. This refers to the difficulty of reconciling strong influences of conventional school tradition and teacher/pupil relations with attempts to meet demands and expectations for the survival of classic university traditions and research-based teaching for “the future professional.” The dilemma posed major conflicts of interest and orientation for the late modern university ( Borgnakke, 2005 , pp. 157–167).

The observations, spontaneous conversations, and interviews revealed strong identifications of the teachers' and the learners' own representations (and interpretations) of these conflicts. Furthermore, the comparative case study approach proved to have potent capacity for identification and documentation of (a) the diversity in learning strategies; (b) the educational cultures’ impact on teaching and learning; and (c) the learning contexts’ influence on learning subjects, knowledge, and learning interests.

Interestingly, the dilemma and pedagogical issues were divided into three sets. Grounded in the humanistic-, technical-, and business-oriented approaches to education three different scientific cultures and learning strategies could be identified.. Against this background the case analysis provided documentation and references to the old maxim “learning by doing” ( Dewey, 1910 ). Further, referring to the academic context as ‘a learning context’ ( Borgnakke, 2004 ), concepts formulated by Lave and Wenger (1991) could shape examples of situated learning and communities of practice. .

Thus, a clear empirical conclusion from the comparative case analysis was that ‘the common pedagogical issues and reflections on academic learning’ were expressed in three versions closely related to the three different learning contexts. On a deeper level, we need to express the point in a Habermasian manner. The pedagogical reflections and goals set for the developmental work, or courses, were influenced by the technical, humanistic, and social scientific knowledge interests, or “erkenntnisinteresse” in German ( Habermas, 1968 ). In each observed learning process, I recognized the tendencies to highlight the learning interests in either ‘to master a technique,’ ‘to understand’ or to ‘act and change.’ That expressed in Habermas’ wording makes the learners perspective clearer. From the learner’s viewpoint confronting a specific academic subject area seem to be driven by the strongest dimension in the learning context.

However, as learners, the students also shift between aims ‘to master,understand or to change.’ As observations and conversations with the students show, the learners themselves typically signaled how, when, and which dimensions were too strong (see Borgnakke, 2004 , 2005 , pp. 177–216).

Following learning processes in different academic learning contexts, as in the above example, adds deeper layers of learning as an ongoing life matter and a matter of crossing contexts physically and mentally. With references to case studies in profession-oriented learning process, shifting between scholastic practice and professional (e.g., clinical, for nurses) practice is a basic principle. In this respect, focusing on the learner’s “erkenntnisinteresse” implies focusing on a fundamental contrast between the scholastic and professional contexts as well as the contrast between theory and practice (Borgnakke, 2014; Noer, 2016 ). Research focusing on profession-oriented learning is methodologically challenged by this contrast as well as by the fact that the two contexts are experienced as two separate forms of learning. Field research carried out in online learning programs is challenged in additional ways ( Lyngsø, 2019 ). First, the shifts from formal learning strategies (e.g., lessons in school and through textbooks) to informal learning (e.g., self-directed learning strategies, at home, and peer-oriented use of social media) are a challenge. Second, the e-pedagogical settings and shifting online/offline learning situations, pose further challenges.

Following the learner through these different phases of scholastic and professional learning demands observation and empirical data fromthe ongoing process. With this as an addition to the methodological background, the summarized reflections—the next section—are related to a research trend rather than single research projects. This is the increasing involvement of fieldwork and case studies in the political process of innovation andorganizational development.. As research teams, we are confronted directly with the new order of magnitudes related to the common theme “the educational system in change” as well as the common demands associated with professionalization and digitization.

Meeting Challenges From the Educational System in Change

A requirement for reinforcing an ethno-methodologic experimental framework is reinforcement of the interdisciplinary scientific background to meet challenges by bridging methods and traditions from learning research, profession- and organizational research. In addition, ethnographic research already has links to research in media, IT, and youth culture and can benefit from experience of diverse methods. Moreover, current ethnographic studies by interdisciplinary research groups emphasize the necessity of developing qualitative in-depth studies producing alternatives to the work of the evidence movement. In such studies, practice-oriented research crossing learning contexts meets the new challenges but confirms the strength of classical fieldwork.

Ethnographic case studies develop combinations of methods based on classic traditions but renewed by relations to innovative cases. This sharpening the analytical framework for focusing on interplays between the political (macro-) and the institutional and practical (meso- and micro-) levels. Hence, the empirical results can inform both overall analyses of innovative processes and detailed aspects of cases, educational cultures and learning situations..

Currently, in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, educational institutions are expected to master the shifting offline/online culture. Moreover, professional teacher teams are expected to be ready to transform any didactic action to an innovative digital learning culture. But these processes of didactization and digitalization demand that not only teachers but also the organization be able to manage the complexity.

Against this background, ethnographic research is challenged to go beyond demands and expectations facing the practical implications in the complex process. The starting point for ethnographic analysis is that the practical process is rooted in an “authentic mix” of IT-based strategies, demands, and expectations positioned at multiple organizational levels and parties. The “authentic mix” will have ecological validity through reference to relevant policy documents, programs, curricular material, and plans for pedagogic processes. However, the “authentic mix” will also have a reference to dilemmas and problems in the process having an impact on the flows of learning tools and objects.

Tracing the flows of objects therefore challenge ethnographic research to explore the practical use of technology across different situations and contexts. In an analytical sense this crossing contexts is both a starting point and a driver to clarify how the ethnographic methods can delve deeper into the ongoing process of innovation. But going deeper into the process is also a wakeup call, that implies a concrete critique of technology in use as basic learning tools. Where the paradigmatic slogan in recent decades has been ‘IT-enhanced learning,’ both trade unions and professionals (school leaders and teachers) are now more skeptical and demand genuine research into the practical benefits and possible costs of learning technology. This means that the challenges to ethnographic method development must not only provide a technology-critical, but a paradigm-critical contribution to the practice-oriented research.

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• Lindblad, S. , & Sahlström, F. (2003). Klasserumsforskning: En oversigt med fokus på interaktion og elever. In J. Bjerg (red.), Pædagogik—En grundbog til et fag . Hans Reitzels Forlag.
• Lyngsø, A. (2019). Etnografisk forløbsstudie i netbaseret sygeplejerskeuddannelse—Mellem skolen, hjemmet og klinikken [Doctoral thesis]. The Faculty of Humanities, University of Copenhagen.
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1. Jackman was the leader of a project on the value of preceptorship for health profession students (mainly medical and nursing students); see Jackman et al. (2012) .

2. The research group Ethnographic Studies in Innovative Learning Context conducts fieldwork and case studies in scholastic, profession-oriented, and academic learning contexts. Full scale case studies are related to teacher and nursing programs, inter-professionalism (in the InterTværs project), online learning (in the NETeducation project), and game-based profession learning (in the Innovation project in veterinarian study). Overviews see Special Issues, Seminar.net. (2015) , Innovation og Uddannelse (2016) , Borgnakke (2016c) , and Borgnakke et al. (2017) . The research is continuingly expanding, recently with doctoral projects focusing on professional Bildung and ethnographic based curriculum development. .

3. See Kuhn (1970) . The four components are (a) nature-like symbolic generalizations, (b) metaphysical beliefs about the real structure, (c) standards of scientific activity, and (d) role models and examples. See also Figure 1 ( Borgnakke, 2011a , p. 98). On the use of Kuhn to develop the critical analysis of the current learning outcomes paradigm, see Borgnakke (2011a , pp. 14–39).

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Using ethnographic research to improve students’ qualitative literacy

October 15, 2018

This post is republished from   Into Practice ,  a biweekly communication of Harvard’s  Office of the Vice Provost for Advances in Learning

The benefits:  As the emphasis on quantitative data increases, especially within the journalism industry, Small believes challenging students to analyze data through the lens of ethnographic cases improves their qualitative literacy.

The challenges:  While students have ample opportunities to analyze quantitative data in their other courses, Small believes they find it more difficult to distinguish an empirically sound qualitative social science piece from one that is merely well-written.

Takeaways and best practices:

• Emphasize the nature and power of evidence . Small wants his students to see the power of persuasiveness and urges them to distinguish qualitative data in social science from evidence found within literary contexts. Evidence always matters, but to varying degrees. “We may disagree over your reading of Shakespeare, but it’s not as if at the end of the day we’re going to be arguing that your interpretation or opinion is factually incorrect.”
• Assign projects applying theory to lived experience.  To deepen undergraduate students’ understanding of qualitative evidence, Small engages them in ethnographic research by writing short case studies. Students select a theory discussed in the course and identify an aspect of the world to which the theorist speaks, describing the case—for example, from a book, scene, or movie—and to what degree it supports the theory.
• Challenge preconceptions on quantity and quality.  To push students to think more deeply about criteria distinguishing high- and low-quality research, Small often asks, “are two cases better than one?” In response, students typically say “’two, of course,’ but cannot articulate why.” He then challenges them to think about potential constraints researchers face when conducting multiple case studies, and explains that “working professionally in a context with limited resources means half as much research can be done on two cases as on one.” Small makes the same point when discussing case study assignments, helping students “see more clearly that while you can’t do a deep analysis of 30 movies, you can do a thorough analysis of  Mean Girls .”

Bottom line:  “The field of social network analysis is technical and quantitative, but also based upon a fundamental set of perspectives on the social world that should be understood conceptually. My courses are almost always designed around conceptually understanding this work.”

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In This Article Expand or collapse the "in this article" section Using Ethnography in Educational Research

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Using Ethnography in Educational Research by David Mills LAST REVIEWED: 15 January 2019 LAST MODIFIED: 15 January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/obo/9780199756810-0208

The ethnographic study of education combines participatory research methodologies, theoretical engagement, and a richly descriptive genre of writing to depict the lived, everyday complexities of learning in all its forms. The etymological roots of ethnography—“writing the people”—underscore the field’s commitment to writing and to analytical holism. An ethnographic sensibility is key to understanding the power-laden subjectivities created in both formal education and informal learning practices. Education is ubiquitous, and there are many approaches to its ethnographic study. Participant observation is integral to many—but not all—ethnographers. Researchers use a range of qualitative methods (including sensory, visual, and creative approaches) to immerse themselves in, and make sense of, educational cultures. Ethnographic approaches have diffused from their early roots in anthropology and sociology across the social sciences. This bibliography suggests some general overviews of this diverse field, and highlights a range of relevant work. The most insightful ethnographies are book-length monographs, providing authors the opportunity to link together the empirical with broader questions of power and difference. Working across a range of learning fields, ethnographers are united by their careful attention to the everyday, the unexpected and the implicit. They highlight education’s role in generating and reproducing inequalities, at the same time as offering emancipatory possibilities. Any review is inevitably partial. Rather than using theoretical categories, the bibliography is roughly sorted by educational type, with sections on parenting, classrooms, schooling, and students. Further sections highlight innovative ethnographic work on informal learning and educational policies.

Given the diverse range of ways in which ethnographic research is deployed to understand learning, the best overviews are edited collections, bringing together a range of voices and perspectives. Delamont 2011 is a four-volume selection of published journal articles, and complements the earlier handbook, Atkinson, et al. 2007 . Delamont 2014 reviews recent methodological developments. Yon 2003 offers an overview of the history of the field. Levinson, et al. 1996 and Levinson, et al. 2000 are useful readers in the anthropology of education. Anthropological approaches dominate much ethnographic work on education, and the US focus of contributions to Levinson and Pollock 2011 is balanced by the internationalism of Anderson-Levitt 2011 . Educational ethnographers increasingly study policy fields, and McCarty and Castagno 2018 brings together a range of recent work

Anderson-Levitt, K. M., ed. 2011. Anthropologies of education: A global guide to ethnographic studies of learning and schooling . Oxford: Berghahn.

Chapter-by-chapter review of different national histories of ethnographic research of education, highlighting traditions beyond the anglophone world.

Atkinson, P., A. Coffey, S. Delamont, J. Lofland, and L. Lofland, eds. 2007. Handbook of ethnography . London: SAGE.

An authoritative five-hundred-page handbook. Thirty-three chapters on different US and UK ethnographic traditions, some with a focus on education; plus advice on the practicalities of ethnographic research and analysis. Each chapter comes with an extensive bibliography.

Delamont, S., ed. 2011. Ethnographic methods in education . 4 vols. London: SAGE.

A four-volume collection of journal articles. Spanning fifty years, the first volume republishes work by Margaret Mead, George Spindler, Douglas Foley, and Harry Wolcott. The second includes ethnographies of a wide range of learning environments, from kindergartens to skateboarding parks; the third addresses power relations within education; and the fourth explores the perspectives of teachers and students.

Delamont, S. 2014. Key themes in the ethnography of education: Achievements and agendas . London: SAGE.

DOI: 10.4135/9781526401700

An account of developments in the field, celebrating the strengths of ethnographic research. It includes chapters on movement, memorials, time, bodies, performativity, multisensory research, and narratives, to name a few, and encourages further methodological innovation and creativity.

Levinson, B. A., K. M. Borman, M. Eisenhart, M. Foster, A. Fox, and M. Sutton, eds. 2000. Schooling the symbolic animal: Social and cultural dimensions of education . Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.

Classic reflections by Émile Durkheim, Margaret Mead, Raymond Williams, and Clifford Geertz. Contemporary contributions from scholars such as Deborah Reed-Danahy, Dorothy Holland, Margaret Eisenhart, Jan Nespor, and Sherry Ortner.

Levinson, B. A., D. Foley, and D. Holland, eds. 1996. The cultural production of the educated person: Critical ethnographies of schooling and local practice . Albany: State Univ. of New York Press.

Influential collection of ethnographic cases showing how the concept of the “educated” person takes different meanings in a range of learning cultures.

Levinson, Bradley A. U., and M. Pollock, eds. A companion to the anthropology of education . Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011.

Thirty leading US and Latin American anthropologists of education review the rich Pan-American ethnographic literature on schooling, language, the state, and reform. It introduces a range of different approaches taken by ethnographers and anthropologists working on education.

McCarty, T. L., and A. Castagno, eds. 2018. The anthropology of education policy . London: Routledge.

Work illustrating the range of approaches to the study of policy.

Yon, D. 2003. Highlights and overview of the history of educational ethnography. Annual Review of Anthropology 32:411–429.

DOI: 10.1146/annurev.anthro.32.061002.093449

This article offers a concise but comprehensive review of the emergence of the field in the United States and Britain, from the early work of Mead on socialization to the first critical ethnographies of schooling.

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Ethnographic case study of a high school science classroom: Strategies in stem education

• Sohn, Lucinda N.

Historically, science education research has promoted that learning science occurs through direct physical experiences. In recent years, the need for best practices and student motivation have been highlighted in STEM research findings. In response to the instructional challenges in STEM education, the National Research Council has provided guidelines for improving STEM literacy through best practices in science and mathematics instruction. A baseline qualitative ethnographic case study of the effect of instructional practices on a science classroom was an opportunity to understand how a teacher and students work together to learn in an International Baccalaureate life science course. This study was approached through an interpretivist lens with the assumption that learning science is socially constructed. The following were the research questions: 1.) How does the teacher implement science instruction strategies in the classroom? 2.) In what ways are students engaged in the classroom? 3.) How are science concepts communicated in the classroom? The total 35 participants included a high school science teacher and two classes of 11th grade students in the International Baccalaureate program. Using exploratory qualitative methods of research, data was collected from field notes and transcripts from a series of classroom observations, a single one-on-one interview with the teacher and two focus groups with students from each of the two classes. Three themes emerged from text coded using initial and process coding with the computer assisted qualitative data analysis software, MAXQDA. The themes were: 1.) Physical Forms of Communication Play Key Role in Instructional Strategy, 2.) Science Learning Occurs in Casual Environment Full of Distractions, and 3.) Teacher Persona Plays Vital Role in Classroom Culture. The findings provided insight into the teacher's role on students' motivation to learn science. The recommendation for STEM programs and new curriculum is a holistic and sustainable model for development and implementation. This approach brings together the researcher and practitioner to design effective and specific programs tailored to student needs. The implication of using an effective team model to plan and coordinate individualized STEM initiatives is a long-term commitment to overall STEM literacy, thereby fostering increased access to STEM careers for all learners.

• Curriculum development;Science education;Teacher education

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Methodology

• What Is Ethnography? | Definition, Guide & Examples

What Is Ethnography? | Definition, Guide & Examples

Published on March 13, 2020 by Jack Caulfield . Revised on June 22, 2023.

Ethnography is a type of qualitative research that involves immersing yourself in a particular community or organization to observe their behavior and interactions up close. The word “ethnography” also refers to the written report of the research that the ethnographer produces afterwards.

Ethnography is a flexible research method that allows you to gain a deep understanding of a group’s shared culture, conventions, and social dynamics. However, it also involves some practical and ethical challenges.

Table of contents

What is ethnography used for, different approaches to ethnographic research, gaining access to a community, working with informants, observing the group and taking field notes, writing up an ethnography, other interesting articles.

Ethnographic research originated in the field of anthropology, and it often involved an anthropologist living with an isolated tribal community for an extended period of time in order to understand their culture.

This type of research could sometimes last for years. For example, Colin M. Turnbull lived with the Mbuti people for three years in order to write the classic ethnography The Forest People .

Today, ethnography is a common approach in various social science fields, not just anthropology. It is used not only to study distant or unfamiliar cultures, but also to study specific communities within the researcher’s own society.

For example, ethnographic research (sometimes called participant observation ) has been used to investigate  football fans , call center workers , and police officers .

Advantages of ethnography

The main advantage of ethnography is that it gives the researcher direct access to the culture and practices of a group. It is a useful approach for learning first-hand about the behavior and interactions of people within a particular context.

By becoming immersed in a social environment, you may have access to more authentic information and spontaneously observe dynamics that you could not have found out about simply by asking.

Ethnography is also an open and flexible method. Rather than aiming to verify a general theory or test a hypothesis , it aims to offer a rich narrative account of a specific culture, allowing you to explore many different aspects of the group and setting.

Disadvantages of ethnography

Ethnography is a time-consuming method. In order to embed yourself in the setting and gather enough observations to build up a representative picture, you can expect to spend at least a few weeks, but more likely several months. This long-term immersion can be challenging, and requires careful planning.

Ethnographic research can run the risk of observer bias . Writing an ethnography involves subjective interpretation, and it can be difficult to maintain the necessary distance to analyze a group that you are embedded in.

There are often also ethical considerations to take into account: for example, about how your role is disclosed to members of the group, or about observing and reporting sensitive information.

Should you use ethnography in your research?

If you’re a student who wants to use ethnographic research in your thesis or dissertation , it’s worth asking yourself whether it’s the right approach:

• Could the information you need be collected in another way (e.g. a survey , interviews)?
• How difficult will it be to gain access to the community you want to study?
• How exactly will you conduct your research, and over what timespan?
• What ethical issues might arise?

If you do decide to do ethnography, it’s generally best to choose a relatively small and easily accessible group, to ensure that the research is feasible within a limited timeframe.

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There are a few key distinctions in ethnography which help to inform the researcher’s approach: open vs. closed settings, overt vs. covert ethnography, and active vs. passive observation. Each approach has its own advantages and disadvantages.

Open vs. closed settings

The setting of your ethnography—the environment in which you will observe your chosen community in action—may be open or closed.

An open or public setting is one with no formal barriers to entry. For example, you might consider a community of people living in a certain neighborhood, or the fans of a particular baseball team.

• Gaining initial access to open groups is not too difficult…
• …but it may be harder to become immersed in a less clearly defined group.

A closed or private setting is harder to access. This may be for example a business, a school, or a cult.

• A closed group’s boundaries are clearly defined and the ethnographer can become fully immersed in the setting…
• …but gaining access is tougher; the ethnographer may have to negotiate their way in or acquire some role in the organization.

Overt vs. covert ethnography

Most ethnography is overt . In an overt approach, the ethnographer openly states their intentions and acknowledges their role as a researcher to the members of the group being studied.

• Overt ethnography is typically preferred for ethical reasons, as participants can provide informed consent…
• …but people may behave differently with the awareness that they are being studied.

Sometimes ethnography can be covert . This means that the researcher does not tell participants about their research, and comes up with some other pretense for being there.

• Covert ethnography allows access to environments where the group would not welcome a researcher…
• …but hiding the researcher’s role can be considered deceptive and thus unethical.

Active vs. passive observation

Different levels of immersion in the community may be appropriate in different contexts. The ethnographer may be a more active or passive participant depending on the demands of their research and the nature of the setting.

An active role involves trying to fully integrate, carrying out tasks and participating in activities like any other member of the community.

• Active participation may encourage the group to feel more comfortable with the ethnographer’s presence…
• …but runs the risk of disrupting the regular functioning of the community.

A passive role is one in which the ethnographer stands back from the activities of others, behaving as a more distant observer and not involving themselves in the community’s activities.

• Passive observation allows more space for careful observation and note-taking…
• …but group members may behave unnaturally due to feeling they are being observed by an outsider.

While ethnographers usually have a preference, they also have to be flexible about their level of participation. For example, access to the community might depend upon engaging in certain activities, or there might be certain practices in which outsiders cannot participate.

An important consideration for ethnographers is the question of access. The difficulty of gaining access to the setting of a particular ethnography varies greatly:

• To gain access to the fans of a particular sports team, you might start by simply attending the team’s games and speaking with the fans.
• To access the employees of a particular business, you might contact the management and ask for permission to perform a study there.
• Alternatively, you might perform a covert ethnography of a community or organization you are already personally involved in or employed by.

Flexibility is important here too: where it’s impossible to access the desired setting, the ethnographer must consider alternatives that could provide comparable information.

For example, if you had the idea of observing the staff within a particular finance company but could not get permission, you might look into other companies of the same kind as alternatives. Ethnography is a sensitive research method, and it may take multiple attempts to find a feasible approach.

All ethnographies involve the use of informants . These are people involved in the group in question who function as the researcher’s primary points of contact, facilitating access and assisting their understanding of the group.

This might be someone in a high position at an organization allowing you access to their employees, or a member of a community sponsoring your entry into that community and giving advice on how to fit in.

However,  i f you come to rely too much on a single informant, you may be influenced by their perspective on the community, which might be unrepresentative of the group as a whole.

In addition, an informant may not provide the kind of spontaneous information which is most useful to ethnographers, instead trying to show what they believe you want to see. For this reason, it’s good to have a variety of contacts within the group.

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The core of ethnography is observation of the group from the inside. Field notes are taken to record these observations while immersed in the setting; they form the basis of the final written ethnography. They are usually written by hand, but other solutions such as voice recordings can be useful alternatives.

Field notes record any and all important data: phenomena observed, conversations had, preliminary analysis. For example, if you’re researching how service staff interact with customers, you should write down anything you notice about these interactions—body language, phrases used repeatedly, differences and similarities between staff, customer reactions.

Don’t be afraid to also note down things you notice that fall outside the pre-formulated scope of your research; anything may prove relevant, and it’s better to have extra notes you might discard later than to end up with missing data.

Field notes should be as detailed and clear as possible. It’s important to take time to go over your notes, expand on them with further detail, and keep them organized (including information such as dates and locations).

After observations are concluded, there’s still the task of writing them up into an ethnography. This entails going through the field notes and formulating a convincing account of the behaviors and dynamics observed.

The structure of an ethnography

An ethnography can take many different forms: It may be an article, a thesis, or an entire book, for example.

Ethnographies often do not follow the standard structure of a scientific paper, though like most academic texts, they should have an introduction and conclusion. For example, this paper begins by describing the historical background of the research, then focuses on various themes in turn before concluding.

An ethnography may still use a more traditional structure, however, especially when used in combination with other research methods. For example, this paper follows the standard structure for empirical research: introduction, methods, results, discussion, and conclusion.

The content of an ethnography

The goal of a written ethnography is to provide a rich, authoritative account of the social setting in which you were embedded—to convince the reader that your observations and interpretations are representative of reality.

Ethnography tends to take a less impersonal approach than other research methods. Due to the embedded nature of the work, an ethnography often necessarily involves discussion of your personal experiences and feelings during the research.

Ethnography is not limited to making observations; it also attempts to explain the phenomena observed in a structured, narrative way. For this, you may draw on theory, but also on your direct experience and intuitions, which may well contradict the assumptions that you brought into the research.

If you want to know more about statistics , methodology , or research bias , make sure to check out some of our other articles with explanations and examples.

• Normal distribution
• Degrees of freedom
• Null hypothesis
• Discourse analysis
• Control groups
• Mixed methods research
• Non-probability sampling
• Quantitative research
• Ecological validity

Research bias

• Rosenthal effect
• Implicit bias
• Cognitive bias
• Selection bias
• Negativity bias
• Status quo bias

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Home > Theses and Dissertations > 4438

Theses and Dissertations

The relationship between gender stereotypes and academic performance for rural eighth grade students: a mixed methods ethnographic case study.

Elizabeth Anne Royal Witte , University of South Carolina

Date of Award

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Open Access Dissertation

Educational Studies

Sub-Department

College of Education

First Advisor

Rhonda Jeffries

Through this mixed methods ethnographic case study, the subject of gender stereotypes for middle school students, and its relationship to academic performance was investigated. Specifically, the research focused on Albert Bandura’s (1977) Social Learning Theory, gender stereotypes, and how educational institutions, peer relationships, and parental influences may dictate gender norms as they relate to academic success. It also attempted to evaluate the relationship between the issue of gender stereotypes and current experiences in a rural American middle school that led to the recurring issue of the educational gender gap and the underperformance of male students. The purpose of the study sought to examine how gender stereotypes develop for students at Small-town Middle School, to describe what specific factors have the strongest influence on how these students see themselves, and to examine the relationship between these stereotypes and academic success in school. Using a mixed methods survey design, the researcher gathered data from a cohort of eighth grade students in order to examine the formation and propagation of gender stereotypes that led to differing academic outcomes for male and female students.

© 2017, Elizabeth Anne Royal Witte

Recommended Citation

Witte, E. A.(2017). The Relationship between Gender Stereotypes and Academic Performance for Rural Eighth Grade Students: A Mixed Methods Ethnographic Case Study. (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/4438

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ORIGINAL RESEARCH article

Secondary school students’ perspectives on supports for overcoming school attendance problems: a qualitative case study in germany.

• 1 Faculty of Education, Institute of Special and Inclusive Education, Leipzig University, Leipzig, Germany
• 2 Department of Education, Faculty of Social Sciences, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden
• 3 Department of Social Work, Faculty of Social Sciences, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden

Introduction: School attendance problems (SAPs) affect both the education and development of young learners. There is a need to better understand what supports are needed to overcome and prevent SAPs from students’ perspectives. The aim of the current study is to explore students’ perspectives on what challenges they faced, and what they perceived as helpful in overcoming attendance challenges on their pathways towards completing their education.

Method: We conducted interviews with students ( n  = 9) in a local comprehensive school (Stadtteilschule) in the city-state Hamburg in Germany. Students were in their final year before obtaining a certificate that qualifies them for possible admission to post-secondary education. Data was analyzed using qualitative content analysis.

Results: Findings show that students experienced complex challenges to school attendance that were associated with emotional distress, negative school experiences, and reduced well-being. Our findings point to common protective mechanisms in students’ perceptions of what helped them overcome SAPs. The key drivers of school attendance are located within students and their social contexts, including personal resilience, supportive relationships at school, and the social environment.

Discussion: Based on students’ views, we present a model that illustrates the interconnectedness of perceived challenges and supports in the function of risk and protective factors moving across ecological systems in the development of SAPs. We highlight how these areas can guide prevention and intervention to support students in successfully completing their education and transitioning into multiple post-secondary pathways.

1 Introduction

While schools have a responsibility to provide a safe environment in which children and youth can develop positive relationships and competencies to master challenges in life ( Lehmann et al., 2021 ), the school environment may also contain stressors related to emotional and mental health issues, further impacting students’ ability to attend ( Hamilton, 2024 ). In a world characterized by constant change and growing complexity, school attendance for young individuals becomes a crucial foundation for their future prospects, academic achievement, well-being and wider development ( Allison et al., 2019 ; Heyne et al., 2022 ; Kearney et al., 2022a ; Hinze et al., 2023 ). Attendance at school prepares young people for successful transition to adulthood, and support their educational trajectories. In light of this, attendance may be a predictor of school success ( Heyne et al., 2024 ).

Unfortunately, there are still many young people facing difficulties that prevent them from remaining or going to school regularly ( Dee, 2024 ). This vulnerable group may struggle with personal challenges, emotional or behavioral problems ( Wilkins and Bost, 2014 ; Askeland et al., 2020 ), and/or face risk factors in the family, social or school environment ( Kearney et al., 2022b ). These factors may moderate psychosocial and educational outcomes in young people, which in turn affects their ability to attend school and graduate as well ( Melvin et al., 2019 ; Gren Landell, 2023 ). When young people stop being in school, it has significant consequences, particularly in relation to mental health and well-being, academic performance and acquirement of qualifications to access post-secondary education ( Ansari et al., 2020 ; Epstein et al., 2020 ; Liu et al., 2021 ; Kearney et al., 2023 ; Keppens, 2023 ). For these and other reasons, the support of school attendance is highly important. In Germany, young learners can obtain a secondary school certificate after nine or 10 school years. This qualifies learners to continue in either general education or vocational education and training (VET) at upper secondary or post-secondary level ( Cedefop, 2020 ). However, School Attendance Problems (SAPs) may impede youth at this stage from graduating and progressing towards post-secondary education pathways. Particularly, viewpoints from German students who experience SAPs and who are in the specific situation of transitioning to a post-secondary path offer interesting insights into what ensures that their “education is not cancelled.” Exploring student voices could enrich our understanding of both stressful events as risk markers to SAPs and protective dimensions that promote and prevent SAPs in the transition to post-secondary education ( Sundelin et al., 2023 ).

In light of this observation, the purpose of the current study is to explore secondary school students’ perspectives in Hamburg on what factors and supports have helped (and will continue to help) them overcome various school attendance challenges and facilitate their transition to post-secondary education despite facing adversities.

2 Background: the German education system

Germany is a federal republic with 16 more or less different education systems. The legal conditions of school attendance as well as the consequences of school absences are the subject of school legislation in the federal states of Germany. Since our study was conducted in the state of Hamburg, we restrict our focus to the system and regulations of Hamburg.

Compulsory schooling is a fundamental aspect of the German education system, requiring all individuals to attend school for a specified period ( Pischke and von Wachter, 2008 ). Hamburg’s Education Act (HmbSG; §§ 37 to §41a) provides the legislation with effect for attendance and school actions in the context of compulsory schooling at state level. In Hamburg, compulsory schooling lasts for a total of 11 school years. Full-time compulsory schooling covers all children and young people aged 6 to 15 years. Part-time compulsory schooling for young people aged 15–18 is fulfilled after the end of lower secondary school, or in a non-school setting (for example, as part of VET). The school and parents/legal guardians are defined as responsible for assuring compulsory schooling. The responsibility for monitoring lies within the respective school. Days of absence are registered in the class register and individual school reports ( Ricking, 2023a ).

The German school system portrays the separation model because it sorts students into different educational paths early on ( Keppens and Spruyt, 2019 ). Students are enrolled in different types of secondary schools after attending primary school (“Grundschule”). In Hamburg, there are two types of secondary schools: the eight-year long grammar school (“Gymnasium”) and the comprehensive school (“Stadtteilschule”). Grammar schools provide extended education where young people achieve an advanced level school leaving certificate (“Abitur”).

The local comprehensive school is unique of the school system in Hamburg. That means, students can achieve three types of school-leaving qualifications: general certificate of secondary of secondary education (“Erster Bildungsabschluss”), intermediate level certificate of secondary education (“Mittlerer Bildungsabschluss”), and the advanced level school leaving certificate at comprehensive school (“Abitur auf der Stadtteilschule”) at the end of year 13 ( Ministry of Labour, Social, Family Affairs and Integration, n.d. ) (see Figure 1 ).

Figure 1 . Hamburg’s school structure and school-leaving qualifications.

Meanwhile, students’ performances are constantly graded throughout the school year and summed up in reports to determine further educational options and appropriate school-leaving qualification tracks ( Falkenberg and Ringarp, 2021 ). The general or intermediate leaving certificates are a prerequisite for two potential routes. Graduates have either the option to choose vocational education or training (VET) courses or progress to grammar school to obtain a higher education entrance qualification. Both routes offer possibilities to progress to post-secondary levels ( Cedefop, 2020 ). Vocational education and training have a positive reputation in Germany, as it provides young people opportunities to advance in industry ( Beutner and Medvedev, 2016 ). In summary, the local comprehensive school ( Stadtteilschule ) provided an interesting context for our study to examine supports that successfully guide young learners toward attendance, successful graduation, and multiple routes into the post-secondary world.

In Hamburg, the Guidebook published by the Hamburg Education Authority provides measures to be taken to address violations of compulsory schooling ( Hamburg Authority for Schools and Vocational Training, 2013 ). In the approach to supporting school attendance in Hamburg, different professional actors are involved: class teachers, counselling or special teachers, and school social workers. Social workers from the Regional Education and Guidance Centre (ReBBz) serve as additional contact point ( Beutner and Medvedev, 2016 ). Absenteeism as a matter of “permanent school attendance violation” may also lead to legal measures in Germany. This involves the local school authority which has the option of imposing fines on parents or youth concerned ( Ricking and Rothenburg, 2020 ; Enderle et al., 2023 ).

3 Understandings, classifications, and qualitative research of school attendance problems

Numerous efforts have been made to conceptualize and address patterns of SAPs across a spectrum of categories and functional dimensions, including sub-phenomena such as school refusal, truancy, withdrawal and exclusion ( Heyne et al., 2018 ). While this has resulted in a substantial body of literature, it has resulted in a fragmented, narrow perspective on the phenomenon ( Kearney et al., 2019 ). Much of the focus has been on why students have been absent from school, often pointing to punitive, student-centered approaches ( Enderle et al., 2023 ). Researchers have pushed for a semantic shift in the field from absenteeism or school refusal to school attendance. This has also led to a focus on the complex dynamics within and around school environments and students that contribute to experiences of attendance issues ( Heyne et al., 2019 ; Gentle-Genitty et al., 2020 ; Walther-Hansen et al., 2024 ). Rather than referring to a single sub-phenomenon, this article uses the term of SAPs in its more flexible definition, applying it to encompass a broader, multi-faceted understanding ( Heyne et al., 2022 ). SAPs feature a continuum of active engagement or disengagement in teaching and learning practices ( Kearney, 2021 ), e.g., mental absence during lessons, tardiness, periodic absences, skipping classes, and complete absence from school for an extended period ( Kearney, 2016 ).

SAPs are believed to be a complex phenomenon with no singular identified cause. Research indicates that attendance and absenteeism are influenced by a variety of risk and protective factors, located in different domains, including the individual, family, school environment, and wider community (e.g., Lenzen et al., 2016 ; Gubbels et al., 2019 ; Kearney and Gonzálvez, 2022 ; Ricking, 2023b ). In the approach to understanding complexities and mechanisms of SAPs, Heyne et al. (2024 , p. 12) advocate for “exploring associated with school attendance and absenteeism, considering both proximal and distal factors”. Ecological systems theory moves beyond limited views of understanding SAPs and provides a holistic framework to analyze and understand the complex and dynamic interplay of factors contributing to SAPs ( Melvin et al., 2019 ; El Zaatari and Maalouf, 2022 ).

3.1 School attendance problems through ecological systems theory

Ecological systems theory informs educational research about how proximal processes and environmental contexts as well as the complex person-environment interactions ( Richman et al., 2004 ; El Zaatari and Maalouf, 2022 ) shape developmental outcomes, such as attendance patterns ( Bronfenbrenner, 2005 ; Woolley and Grogan-Kaylor, 2006 ). Informed by an ecological understanding, Melvin et al. (2019) developed a comprehensive framework called Kids and Teens at School (KiTeS) that is related to attendance. Specifically, the framework structures the contributing factors across micro-, meso-, exo-, macro-, and chrono systems, while the individual is situated within the systems.

Building on this framework, we can categorize risk and protective influences on attendance and absenteeism from previous quantitative research, reviews and meta-analyses into these levels or ecological systems ( Ingul et al., 2012 ; Rasasingham, 2015 ; Balkis et al., 2016 ; Gubbels et al., 2019 ; Malika et al., 2021 ; Leduc et al., 2022 ). The following list is not intended to be exhaustive, but rather to provide an overview to contextualize the findings and insights from the quantitative research presented here.

3.1.1 Factors at student level

At the level of student, a range of mental health and/or somatic challenges are associated with SAPs: these include academic issues, interpersonal concerns, high stress levels, behavior problems, performance anxiety, sleep problems, emotional disorders related to internalizing problems like general anxiety, social phobia, depression, somatic complaints ( Finning et al., 2019 ; Askeland et al., 2020 ; Leduc et al., 2022 ). Conversely, good performance, self-efficacy and positive mindsets are examples of protective influences ( Henry and Huizinga, 2007 ; Ingul and Nordahl, 2013 ; Maric et al., 2013 ; Malika et al., 2021 ; Benoit et al., 2024 ). The ecological model also highlights individuals’ sense of agency - the capacity to act and exercise choices - ( Sadownik, 2023 ), which may empower students to have the tenacity to pursue a goal despite any attendance challenges that occur.

3.1.2 Micro- and mesosystem peers, school, and family

The microsystem entails settings, activities, and interpersonal relationships that directly influence an individual’s attendance or absenteeism, including both peers, school, family, and other close entities ( Bronfenbrenner, 2005 ; Bronfenbrenner and Morris, 2007 ).

Examples of peer-related factors associated with SAPs are social conflicts, for example bullying experiences and victimization ( Malcolm et al., 2003 ; Malika et al., 2021 ; Leduc et al., 2022 ; Schlesier et al., 2023 ). Further, levels of care, respect and peer support and friendships are inversely related to absenteeism ( De Wit et al., 2010 ; Hendron and Kearney, 2016 ).

Research suggests that factors in the microsystem school as key social context are both strong predictors to SAPs and serve a protective function for youth at risk of SAPs. This entails the quality of teacher-student relationships, the perceived teacher support and caring behavior for the student ( Pellegrini, 2007 ; Ingul et al., 2012 ; Rasasingham, 2015 ; Geiser Werren and Isaak, 2016 ; Brouwer-Borghuis et al., 2019 ; Malika et al., 2021 ; Lee et al., 2023 ). Further studies show that a positive school climate is related to a decreased risk of developing SAPs ( Price, 2015 ; Rasasingham, 2015 ; Hendron and Kearney, 2016 ; Van Eck et al., 2017 ; Brouwer-Borghuis et al., 2019 ; Karlberg et al., 2020 ; Ricking, 2023b ). Positive school climates exist when students feel comfortable, accepted and safe in an environment where they can interact with people they trust ( Naff et al., 2023 ). A sense of connectedness to peers, teachers and school is associated with higher motivation and engagement, and thus school attendance ( Van Eck et al., 2017 ; Korpershoek et al., 2020 ). Essentially, supportive social environments are foundational to positive school behavior, which influence students’ perceptions of school as enjoyable and meaningful and ultimately lead to school attendance and achievement ( Woolley and Grogan-Kaylor, 2006 ). Studies of SAPs in vulnerable populations demonstrate the complex interactions between student and teacher behaviors, highlighting the dynamics in the microsystem school that contribute to SAPs. For instance, teachers’ misconceptions about students with SAPs from transcultural, ethnic backgrounds may lead to inadequate support and influence student-teacher-relationships ( Martin et al., 2020 ).

Family-related risk factors are low parental involvement or lack of interest in school work, and parent pathology ( Hendron and Kearney, 2016 ; Gubbels et al., 2019 ; Leduc et al., 2022 ) while parents’ educational expectations and support are associated with high school completion ( Ross, 2016 ). Recent literature highlights that children from families with low income, low socioeconomic status, or immigrant background are at higher risk of developing SAPs ( Kearney and Benoit, 2022 ).

The mesosystem involves the interrelations between the individual’s different microsystems. Like school’s partnership with families and other stakeholders ( Sundelin et al., 2023 ) that have been shown effective to improve attendance rates ( Gren Landell, 2021 ).

3.1.3 Exosystem

The exosystem includes external settings that do not involve the student directly but affect their microsystem. As such, structural aspects like curricula ( Leduc et al., 2022 ) and negative classroom management ( Havik et al., 2015 ), teaching practices ( Henry and Huizinga, 2007 ), or the approach to intervention ( Keppens and Spruyt, 2020 ) are associated with SAPs. Ultimately, systemic school-based approaches as well as tiered systems of support characterized by a proactive, responsive system can be included in both the microsystems and the exosystem because they direct support to the individual student, but are also part of the immediate community ( Kearney and Graczyk, 2020 ; Boaler and Bond, 2023 ).

3.1.4 Macrosystem

The macrosystem encompasses broader societal and cultural influences on attendance, mainly programs or initiatives, but also the education (and welfare) system or state/government policies ( Freeman and Simonsen, 2015 ; Keppens and Spruyt, 2019 ; Childs and Scanlon, 2022 ).

3.1.5 Chronosystem

Changes over time affect development and can influence school attendance. The chronosystem refers to aspects of time ( Rosa and Tudge, 2013 ). Broadly understood, it implies an individual’s own developmental life course, such as transitions from primary to secondary school ( Melvin et al., 2019 ), and events occurring during the period through which the person lives, such as the COVID-19 pandemic ( Naff et al., 2023 ).

3.2 School attendance problems through resilience theory

Risk/resilience theory provides a valuable lens through which to view SAPs. Resilience is defined as individuals’ “capacity for constructive adaptation to adversity” ( Olsson et al., 2003 , p. 6). In the context of SAPs, resilience can be viewed as a reflection of how individuals cope with risks that negatively impact their school attendance behaviors. To date, the majority of research has had a focus on understanding risk factors contributing to adolescent absenteeism and attendance ( Melvin et al., 2019 ). The adoption of resilience theory encourages a balanced view of risk and resilience factors to take into account both the vulnerabilities and the strengths of the students that lead to the development of school attendance (problems). Attention to protective factors proves beneficial to identify processes that promote positive adaptation while protecting against threats to well-being ( Ungar, 2013 ).

An example demonstrating the relation of the concept of resilience and SAPs can be evidenced in the alignment and intersection of resilience research with studies on absenteeism. Supportive relationships have been shown repeatedly as resilience factor that mitigate the impact of risk factors in youth development ( Richardson, 2008 ; Ungar, 2011 ). Consistent, supportive interactions with adults in school and at home can enable students’ ability to overcome barriers to regular attendance ( Woolley and Bowen, 2007 ; Tomaszewska-Pękała et al., 2020 ).

However, this observation suggests that resilience is not merely an individual trait but results from a complex interplay between individuals and their multiple environments. This implicates an ecological understanding of resilience-related processes with interacting protective and risk factors across levels shaping the development of SAPs.

3.3 Ecological theory of resilience: an integrated perspective on school attendance problems

The current study is mainly guided by an ecological model approach as overarching theoretical framework, whilst combining it with a resilience perspective to focus on what can lead to a positive development for the individual in the presence of difficult life experiences ( Luthar et al., 2000 ; Acle-Tomasini et al., 2016 ; Cotton et al., 2017 ; Devenney and O’Toole, 2021 ).

Resilience within the ecological model can be defined as capacity of individuals to navigate to psychological, social, cultural, and physical resources that sustain their well-being. The personal agency of individuals to negotiate “for what they need is dependent upon the capacity and willingness of people’s social ecologies to meet those needs” ( Ungar, 2013 , p. 256). This definition highlights the dynamic and interactive process of resilience within the social ecology, where multiple systems contribute to resilient outcomes ( Ungar et al., 2013 ). According to Fergus and Zimmerman (2005) , resilience factors can be divided into resources (environmental factors) and assets (personal factors). In other words, resources may be conditions and interactions within and between eco-systemic levels, such as school experiences, family interactions and social support ( Richardson, 2008 ). Resources interact with personal assets, such as young learners’ self-regulation and sense of efficacy ( Thun-Hohenstein et al., 2020 ). In turn, both resources and assets are critical elements of resilience, which in turn can promote attendance or prevent attendance difficulties.

Applying this integrated perspective forms a comprehensive view on the interplay of individual and environmental factors that facilitate or hinder the development of young learners’ connection to school ( Heyne et al., 2024 ) and their attendance behaviors.

Given the impact of the social environment on adolescents’ health and well-being, social elements can provide protection against the risk of non-attendance ( Warne et al., 2020 ; Kearney et al., 2022b ). In light of this, student engagement theories can contribute to valuable insights into school attendance, covering various facets of school engagement, such as behavioral, cognitive, and emotional investment in academic achievement, as described by Kearney and Gonzálvez (2022) . As we aim to explore elements and support measures that may mitigate the risk and enhance attendance and successful transitions to post-secondary education, we consider it a useful starting point to identify patterns of engagement ( Kearney and Gonzálvez, 2022 ) as resilient routes at individual and broader level. Student engagement concepts can be linked to socio-emotional, behavioral and academic support available in individuals’ environment (e.g., Clycq et al., 2017 ). By highlighting support sources, we can emphasize the dynamic interaction between risk and resilience elements associated with SAPs in youths’ stories. As described by Clycq et al. (2014 , 2017) , we connect a wider macro-structural context with individual resilience, as demonstrated by the encounters of a student within the family, peer group, and community.

3.4 Youth voices regarding attendance problems and support

As we experience rapid changes in educational and social landscapes, listening to voices of stakeholders are important ( Keppens and Spruyt, 2020 ; Johnsen et al., 2021 ). Research on absenteeism interventions shows mixed results, with many programs only achieving small to moderate improvements ( Keppens and Spruyt, 2020 ; Eklund et al., 2022 ). This variability can be attributed to the complex, individualized nature of the factors affecting attendance, such as personal, familial, and contextual influences. Given these mixed outcomes, incorporating student perspectives is crucial for developing more effective interventions.

In this regard, qualitative studies aimed at capturing students’ unique perceptions, experiences, and views in this area can help to design tailored attendance strategies that are contextually relevant and supportive of their specific needs ( Tarabini et al., 2019 ; Corcoran and Kelly, 2023 ). Previous qualitative research into youths’ experiences of SAPs highlight areas of hindering or supportive factors to attendance that are connected to the person and their social environments. In what follows, we summarize studies focusing on youths’ perceptions of SAPs and support, making reference to eco-systemic levels.

3.4.1 Youth characteristics as protective factor

At individual level, a qualitative study of children’s perceptions of reasons for being absent highlights themes such as anxiety and depression ( Baker and Bishop, 2015 ). Oehme (2007) has studied school refusers’ subjective theories for their absence in Germany. The study revealed participants’ complex argumentation structures for explaining their absence from school associated with academic difficulties, depression, or negative self-perception. A qualitative study on youth’s perceptions of anxiety-related absenteeism ( Dannow et al., 2020 ) found that academic aspirations were related to motivation for returning to school. Another study of enrolling German youth with emotional and behavioral difficulties highlights motivation, wish for participation and self-efficacy as areas of resilience to overcome the risk of SAPs ( Heckner, 2013 ). Additionally, an increase in self-confidence appeared to be important to youths experiencing school refusal ( Heyne et al., 2021 ). Most recently, research from Wright (2023) explored perceptions of primary school children in England. Children share the experience of receiving support that may have helped them to self-regulate their emotions, particularly anxiety.

3.4.2 Direct social interactions in microsystems

Gregory and Purcell (2014) were able to show that, from the adolescents’ perspective, bullying was a reason for absenteeism. In contrast, adolescents experienced friendship as a motivator to attend school and a support in coping with stress ( How, 2015 ), they value social contact with peers ( Heyne et al., 2021 ). The perception of peer relationships was interconnected with a sense of belonging, school experience and personal wellbeing ( Richards and Clark-Howard, 2023 ).

Although qualitative studies mostly report school-level factors as having negative effects on absenteeism from youth’s perspective ( Dannow et al., 2020 ), some studies have identified school-related factors and resilience domains as important in supporting attendance ( Heckner, 2013 ).

Several studies into youth voices have highlighted the significance of positive relationships between students and teachers within the school environment. How (2015) identified positive relationships with teachers as a protective factor, emphasizing the importance of teachers demonstrating care, respect, and providing individualized support to students. Wright (2023) further explored this theme by emphasizing that access to a key trusted adult who listened and met youth’s social, emotional wellbeing as well as learning needs was important. A common theme in young people’s accounts regarding intervention, particularly in the context of school refusal, were supportive relationships with at least one adult – characterized by kindness, caring behavior and availability (e.g., Gabrielsen and Havik, 2021 ; Heyne et al., 2021 ; Kljakovic et al., 2021 ). The importance of being understood and heard was frequently highlighted by youth (e.g., Nuttall and Woods, 2013 ; Baker and Bishop, 2015 ; Heyne et al., 2021 ). Additionally, Sundelin et al. (2023) show the importance of listening, showing empathy, and caring for students’ concerns as essential components of experienced supportive adult-student interactions. Findings from studies of the experiences of students with school refusal involved in an Australian re-engagement program and Canadian alternative settings highlight the need of being recognized, understood and feeling a sense of belonging. Students also expressed the need for “compassionate and caring educators, who were aware of the mental health difficulties” ( McKay-Brown and Birioukov, 2021 , p. 95) their students are experiencing.

In Oehme’s (2007) research, youth also report on family-related reasons that hindered their attendance, such as family conflicts, parental problems and lack of interest in school. Similarly, students in the study of Dannow et al. (2020) talk about their parents’ limited understanding and knowledge concerning school absenteeism. Young adults with a history of school refusal from immigrant and ethnic minority backgrounds express a sense of obligation to live up to their parents’ dreams of academic success as well as parental misunderstanding ( Brault et al., 2022 ). Studies included in a systematic review of qualitative research in New Zealand identify illness and death in family as experienced barrier to attendance while also mentioning the importance of “family supporting them to attend school and helping them re-engage after a period of absenteeism “( Richards and Clark-Howard, 2023 , p. 85). Another aspect as reported by students to be important is regular home-school communication ( Nuttall and Woods, 2013 ).

3.4.3 Impact of extended community and society

Related to experiences of the exosystem, structure and quiet surroundings in school are viewed as helpful in supporting school attendance ( Heyne et al., 2021 ; Havik and Ingul, 2022 ). At structural level, participants disliked lessons “which were academically challenging, repetitive and boring” ( Wright, 2023 , p. 87). The quality of the pedagogical approach, curriculum and having a choice over subjects appeared as a theme in Richards and Clark-Howard (2023) , while the need for adjustments to learning was another supportive factor to attendance according to youth ( Wright, 2023 ).

3.4.4 School as key facilitative environment

The above findings corroborate existing reviews of qualitative studies. Among the identified themes by Richards and Clark-Howard (2023) , students’ relationships with teachers and peers emerged as the most prevalent topic. Students discussed the need of teacher support and their non-attendance as a response to negative interactions causing them to disengage. In a systematic review of existing UK-based literature on lived experiences of persistently non-attending youth, Corcoran and Kelly (2023) generated seven themes: difficult relationships with peer group, inconsistent relationships with and support from adults, negative experiences of school transition, negative experiences of learning in school, emotional wellbeing and mental health needs, others’ negative perceptions of the individual’s needs, personal beliefs about attendance. Through the synthesis, an overarching higher-order concept was developed which exemplifies the relation between macrosystems. It captures the need of a sense of belonging which holds “the positive experiences of feeling connected, listened to and receiving individualized support as conducive to regular school attendance “( Corcoran and Kelly, 2023 , p. 10).

Previous research has provided valuable insights into SAPs, but there are a few gaps that require further exploration. In understanding SAPs and support, there is a need “to include perspectives on who is most affected: the student.” ( Warne et al., 2020 , p. 4). In addition, the existing literature often emphasizes hindering factors contributing to SAPs, while overlooking the investigation of factors and supports that help students overcome these challenges or promote school attendance. Therefore, a more balanced approach is needed to fully understand the interplay of risk and protective factors in the development of SAPs. A qualitative study can allow us to analyze what is perceived as helpful and how, in what kind of situations, it unfolds as a protective mechanism in relation to risks.

4 Aim and research questions

The aim of the study is to explore attendance-related challenges, as well as key factors and supports that are perceived as helpful and important for overcoming SAPs from youths’ perspectives. The main focus is on secondary school students’ views and experiences of what supports their transition to post-secondary contexts in a local comprehensive school ( Stadtteilschule ) in the city state Hamburg in Germany. We address the following research questions:

• RQ1: What kinds of challenges for attendance can be identified in Hamburg secondary school students’ accounts?

• RQ2: What is perceived as helpful support and important factors to overcome SAPs and enable successful transitions to post-secondary education from the perspective of secondary school students in Hamburg?

• RQ3: How can the identified challenges and factors from RQ1-2 be organized into an ecological framework of risk and resilience of students and their social contexts as a basis for attendance support?

5.1 Study design

The current study is part of the international research project School Attendance Problems in International Comparative Perspectives (SAPIC). The project uses a mixed method approach combining quantitative analysis of large-scale data on the national level with qualitative case studies on the organizational and individual level ( Kreitz-Sandberg et al., 2021 , 2022 ; Fredriksson et al., 2023 , 2024 ). At the individual level, the case studies put the situation and views of young people with experience of SAPs in focus, exploring their individual perspectives on support. Within the case study, focus group interviews with school professionals and teachers were also conducted at respective schools. This article builds on interviews with 15- to 18-year-old adolescents with experience of SAPs in German schools, in Hamburg.

5.2 Participants and data collection

In total, ten individual in-depth interviews were conducted with students in lower secondary school in July 2023. Two secondary comprehensive schools ( Stadtteilschulen ) from lower socio-economic areas in two different districts in Hamburg were selected and contacted for the study. Using a snow-balling strategy ( Friebertshäuser and Langer, 2013 ), the research team contacted school leaders and other professionals who were asked to identify students who have or had experience with SAPs according to the professionals to participate in individual interviews. The degree of non-attendance was not relevant for participation in the study. The recruitment stopped at this number to not place additional burden or stress on participating schools, ensuring that the study adheres to ethical standards as approved by the Hamburg authority for schools and vocational training.

In line with the scope of this study, the authors decided to include in the analysis interviews with students who were in their last year of lower secondary education (year 10) before they obtain their school-leaving qualification and transition to either upper secondary education or VET. One interview did not meet this criterion. The final sample for analysis consisted of n = 9 secondary school students. The recruited students fell into overlapping risk categories, for instance young carers ( Ricking and Albers, 2019 ), experiencing mental health and behavioral problems, coming from low-income families and migration background (e.g., Malika et al., 2021 ; Brault et al., 2022 ). Four of the students were female. The description of participants’ school experiences and challenges are outlined in the results section.

The interviews were conducted with adolescents in separate rooms at their school. Parents were asked to fill out an informed consent for their children to participate in the study. Additionally, interviewed adolescents were given written and oral information about the study prior to the interviews. They were informed that participation was voluntary, that their answers remain anonymous, and that they could terminate the interview at any point. At the same time as the interviews, adolescents gave their written and oral consent to data being processed and stored in accordance with data protection regulations.

Semi-structured interviews were conducted in German at both school locations the interview guide was designed based on the study’s research questions and literature. Students were asked about the support they received, their thoughts on what has helped and what could have been done differently. In addition, they could express what advice they would have for schools in promoting attendance among students. The interviews lasted between 13 and 38 min. All interviews were audio recorded and converted to transcript and pseudonymized.

5.3 Ethical considerations

The Institute of Monitoring and Improving Educational Quality in Hamburg (Institut für Bildungsmonitoring und Qualitätsentwicklung; IfBQ) as part of the authority for schools and vocational training (Behörde für Schule und Berufsbildung; BSB) has approved data collection in Hamburg schools (Dnr. e514.101.5000–002/222,047; Decision 31.03.2023). Data was handled according to the German law for data protection. In both the analyses and presentation of results, attention was given to protect privacy of data. Students and parents/guardians were given appropriate information as described above. All names used in the quotations are fictitious and do not allow for personal identification.

5.4 Data analysis

For data analysis, we employed qualitative content analysis to describe themes and patterns in statements of young people ( Graneheim et al., 2017 ; Kuckartz and Rädiker, 2023 ). More specifically, we employed an abductive approach to qualitative content analysis ( Graneheim et al., 2017 ) including both inductive and deductive approaches during different stages in the analysis process. An example of the coding process with the number of codes for each category can be accessed in Supplementary material . Each interview was transcribed verbatim ( Dresing and Pehl, 2018 ) and the program f4analyse was used to assist the data coding. The analysis was conducted according to the following steps:

1. First, transcriptions were explored numerous times by the first author and meaning-carrying units related to the aim of the study were extracted. To organize the data, two sets of categories were identified in relation to the RQs (1) Experienced challenges for SAPs and (2) Helpful elements and resources related to attendance support . Each RQ represents an overarching theme in the results section.

2. Descriptions of challenges or obstacles to school attendance constituted the first unit of analysis to allow for a general picture of young people’s risk background regarding RQ1. In a first inductive exploration, quotations related to obstacles, challenges and experiences of non-attendance were sorted into the first category map to find patterns and themes in the data.

3. In the main analysis process to answer RQ2, the primary focus was on factors that young people identified as helpful or important in the decision to either attend or not attend school and ultimately complete their education and progress into upper or post-secondary education. Using an inductive approach, we included students’ statements about elements of (school-based) support as well as more implicit perceptions of support and engaging factors that counteracted the development of SAPs. When operationalizing (social) support described by the students, we directed attention to “perceptions of general support or specific supportive behaviors (available or acted on) from people in their social network, which enhances their functioning or may buffer them from adverse outcomes” ( Malecki and Demaray, 2003 , p. 231).

4. In the next steps, meaning-carrying units were condensed and abstracted into codes as part of content analysis. During the process of developing codes, we looked for redundancy in codes. When no new codes emerged from the data, saturation was considered to be reached. The codes were compared and sorted into subcategories.

5. To ensure theoretical sufficiency, the identification of subcategories was consistently compared with ecologically-based protective and risk factor categories. In a first step, we looked for classifications of protective processes sitting at three levels: individual, family, and social environment which is further divided into school environment and broader social environment like community, institution and system ( Olsson et al., 2003 ; Bengel et al., 2009 ). In a second step, we acknowledged that certain codes occurred across ecological levels and were not aligned to a single level or system. We revisited the material, looking for recurring emotions present in students’ statements and the main source, actor or environment that students attributed to school (non-)attendance. Therefore, relational, behavioral and emotional aspects were compared to conceptual understandings of the sense of school belonging that could capture subjective feelings of connection, understanding and support by others in the school social environment ( Allen et al., 2016 ; El Zaatari and Maalouf, 2022 ).

6. Following this step, categories and subcategories for RQ1 and RQ2 were adjusted. In a deductive manner, the meaning-carry units and codes were checked again and sorted into the subcategories. In few cases, the meaning units needed to be re-coded and they resulted in another subcategory. Tentative codes and emerged subcategories were discussed by all authors and revised until consensus was reached, i.e., dialogical intersubjectivity ( Kvale, 1996 ).

The authors engaged in ongoing reflexive practices to acknowledge their own biases and assumptions that could influence data analysis. This included transparent documentation of the coding process, reflection on biases, and discussion of context-specific meanings among the international group of authors. Critical dialogues with international research colleagues from different cultural and national backgrounds further ensured the quality and integrity of the study by bringing diverse and more nuanced interpretations.

Following the research questions, we first present the backgrounds and self-reported challenges of Hamburg secondary students that emerged from data analysis (RQ1). Second, we show the results of what was experienced as helpful (RQ2). The exemplary quotations are translated from German, using a language translation tool. The translation was checked by the authors. The quotations are numbered (Q1, Q2…) and the corresponding original German excerpts can be found in the Supplementary material .

6.1 Experiences of school attendance problems and perceived challenges

When listening to Hamburg youth’s voices, diverse descriptions of having had frequent or extended SAPs emerged. The majority reports being periodically absent in the early years of secondary school (grade 5 to 7), while others describe skipping classes now and then. The characteristics of youths’ self-reported degree and type of absence are summarized in Table 1 .

Table 1 . Characteristics of youths and reported school attendance problems.

In the interviews, students illustrate various different reasons as to why they experienced SAPs due to social, emotional, and learning problems inside and outside of the school environment. Few students report a shift to disengagement in school as way of mental absence and boredom (e.g., Kearney and Gonzálvez, 2022 ). In general, all cases present complex and unique educational trajectories. The analysis indicated that all students experienced challenges that can be identified as risk factors across the levels of individual, family, school, and peers. The driving mechanisms for school attendance difficulties were emotional stress, negative school experiences and reduced well-being in the majority of student statements. These statements were categorized according to the main source, actor, or environment that students attributed to their feelings of stress and inability to attend school. Consequently, four main categories emerged relating to the overarching theme of experienced challenges to attendance (see Figure 2 ).

Figure 2 . Category system for RQ1 - experienced challenges to attendance.

6.1.1 Mental health problems and emotional distress

Most notably, a common feature of young people’s histories were experiences and reflections surrounding mental health challenges, including depression, trauma and social anxiety. The statements highlight how difficulties in attending school result from the interplay between mental health problems, low self-esteem and external stressors in the school environment, such as academic pressure or transitions between educational stages.

During the time when I suffered from depression. That was in eighth grade. Hm, and then it was also very, very difficult for me to come to class because I had, let's say, experienced a lot of traumas and I was just afraid to come to school (Amira, Q1)

I suffer from an anxiety disorder and yes, I also believe that a lot of young people have a mental illness, unfortunately. And I think if you then put even more pressure on these children and expect even more […] it's completely over. (Leila, Q2a)

Leila displays an example of how performance pressure can also increase mental health issues. It seems that mental illness or a diagnosis were onset factors to their non-attendance while other students had experienced these as a result or maintenance factors to attendance problems and changes in environment. Nadja mentioned the transition and adjustment from primary to secondary school as stressful factor that was connected to lower self-esteem and the fear of making mistakes or being ridiculed in front of the class.

For me personally it was the beginning, the (…) transition from Primary School to Secondary School. […] I didn't really participate as much as I should have because I was afraid that I would be laughed at or that something bad happened if I said something wrong. […] then I just didn't want to go to school (Nadja, Q2b)

6.1.2 Lack of social belonging

This category encompasses youths’ experiences of disconnection and detachment from the social environment in school, particularly the impact of peer relations. A central topic was the experience of bullying and victimization in class. On the one hand, negative interactions and problems with peers were described as making them feel uncomfortable and as a consequence, they stayed away from school:

It was also because I simply had a lot of problems in my class. I didn't really enjoy my time at school, but yes, that's why I didn't go to school sometimes (Noah, Q3)

On the other hand, the fear of negative reactions from peers evoked negative emotional feelings, somatic complaints and reduced wellbeing in class.

in fifth grade there was a bit of teasing […] which made me feel a bit uncomfortable and I actually didn't go to school a few times and pretended that I was ill, had a stomach ache or something." (Nadja, Q4)

When asked about reasons why youth do not attend school, students mention negative interactions with peers that are perceived as stressful and affecting the motivation to come to school.

6.1.3 Negative teacher-student dynamics and lack of enjoyment in learning

This category is derived from descriptions of youth regarding teacher behaviors, classroom dynamics, and delivery of education that created a sense of being pushed away from meaningful learning opportunities. Statements in this category address the impact of teachers on students’ school experiences, including perspectives on relationships with teachers, as well as teaching methods and pressure exerted by teachers that affect motivation, engagement and enjoyment in class. Students described that school was boring, or that teaching methods did not meet their skill level.

I have a teacher who I just don't like that much and I don't have so much fun in class (Luckas, Q5)

Another common topic in statements were stress experiences, especially related to perceived high academic demands, exams and grades. Students feel that stress and anxiety intensified if they did not meet schools’ and teachers’ performance expectations.

It often depends on the teacher, how the teachers create psychological pressure. Especially with all the exams and everything, they really put a lot of pressure on you, so you really don't like going there because you know they are just putting you down because you haven't studied enough or else. (Leila, Q6)

6.1.4 Stressors in the home environment

This category concerns descriptions of youths’ situation and experiences at home, as it affected their attendance behavior. Amira describes feelings of helplessness and exhaustion due to parent’s sickness, caring for siblings and financial instability. Janik feels pressure from his parents, such as the expectation to advance to higher levels in education and perform well in school.

They also have money problems, for example, and are somehow not doing well financially and that really stresses me out. And I don't know how to deal with something like that and that's why I ended up playing truant" (Amira, Q7)

At home, there's some stress because of school, that you have to manage everything, particularly if you continue to upper secondary, and you have to handle all things, make more effort and if you hear that all the time, you just don't have no more desire [to go to school] (Janik, Q8)

Overall, youth talk about parental behaviors or stress at home that placed emotional burden on them, and thus impacted students’ ability to attend school and/or cope with school demands.

6.2 Perceptions and experiences of helpful elements and resources related to attendance support

In the analysis of factors that students perceived as helpful in overcoming attendance challenges and transitioning into post-secondary education, we identified three main categories with respective sub-categories (see Figure 3 ).

Figure 3 . Category system for RQ2 - views of students on support and helpful factors.

6.2.1 Personal resilience

This main category emerged as central topic when listening to students’ voices about what has helped or still helps them to attend school. The quotes indicate assets and personal strengths of students to handle difficult situations and strive for aspired educational pathways, including self-regulation abilities, optimism and future orientation, dimensions known from the literature on personal resilience ( Thun-Hohenstein et al., 2020 ).

6.2.1.1 Academic engagement and future orientation

The sub-category is based on codes that refer to competence-related statements, essentially the relation between school attendance, academic performance, engagement and hopes for future education opportunities. When asked about why students attended school, they highlight the personal value of school reports and good grades to achieve a school-leaving certificate. The statements also point towards optimism and confidence about the own educational future.

In tenth grade, the report is very important, to get a school-leaving certificate. (Samir, Q9)

Because I just want to get good grades and stuff. That's why I have to pay attention in class. If I'm not there, then I can't keep up (Malik, Q10)

Malik also shares his opinion about the potential negative consequence of absence because it would adversely affect one’s graduation and limit job opportunities.

I don't think that's good, because it messes up your school leaving certificate or your life if you don't get the right job or if the employer sees that you weren't there much at school. Then he has no confidence in you. (Malik, Q11)

The goal of obtaining an advanced school-leaving certificate was highlighted by most of the students because it is necessary to progress to higher education. Having this goal in mind seemed to be a central motivator to attend school regularly. Students recognize a lack of regular attendance or participation in class can hinder their ability to achieve good grades and graduate. This is the main reason why they remain academically engaged in the learning process to enter their preferred path of post-secondary education.

6.2.1.2 Regaining a sense of agency

In this sub-category, students reflect on situations in which they regained a personal strength by navigating their way to psychological assets. This seemed to make them resilient in the face of stress or challenges associated with attendance. For example, Noah actively ignored classmates who teased him. The strategy Leila mentioned was to go outside, take a deep breath, and self-regulate to deal with social anxiety and panic.

In addition, students describe how changes in self-confidence and self-esteem affected well-being and feelings of safety in school which helped to cope with previous barriers to attendance, such as peer victimization.

It just stopped with the fact that I then built myself up more and more against it and gained more self-confidence […] That helped. (Nadja, Q12)

The importance of personal strategies to manage stress or challenging situations created a buffer for negative school experiences, and thus supported school attendance.

6.2.2 Feelings of connectedness and belonging in school

Most of students’ responses were coded in this main category. Subsumed under this category were statements indicating subjective perceptions of the quality of social interactions, relational characteristics, and involvement in the learning environment that demonstrate a sense of school belonging and relatedness as components of well-being and health ( Allen et al., 2016 ). Feeling connected to school acts as a protective mechanism that plays a central role in shaping school attendance outcomes at multiple ecological levels, not just at a single ecological level.

6.2.2.1 Trusting and supportive relationships with teachers and other professions

The category relates to descriptions of youth about how communication, trust, understanding in social relations with professional actors in the microsystem school helped navigate challenges and foster a sense of belonging and well-being. Reports generally refer to supportive behaviors or actions that were experienced as helpful to buffer them from adverse outcomes ( Malecki and Demaray, 2003 ). In the responses, youths listed different teachers as generally helpful where they turned to for support. They describe significant interactions with teachers whom they trusted and felt comfortable confiding in to discuss their challenges and concerns. These teachers were approachable, attentive, and responsive listeners.

In general, the teachers, who are always open to talking. (Janik, Q13)

Some teachers, especially our class teacher […] and we actually always trust her with everything (Nadja, Q14)

We just discussed how I was feeling, how I felt about it […] she gave me tips on what I could do about it (Noah, Q15)

Somehow, they made sure that you enjoyed coming to school again. (Leila, Q16)

When asked about what they would have done differently, Noah expresses the belief that having approached a teacher sooner might have prevented or mitigated the development of attendance issues.

Back then, I should have gone to the teacher faster or earlier. It probably wouldn't have escalated so much, as it has then. (Noah, Q17)

Others report the importance of having access to emotional support from different sources like social workers or “Vertrauenslehrer” (confidant teachers) in the school environment. For example, Leila describes the positive impact of communication:

Well, we also have social workers at the school, of course you can always go to them, you can also make appointments with them, talk to them. That's good (Leila, Q18)

Zara mentions that support from social workers should be made available for all students struggling with difficulties:

We have social workers […] they also have a place where you as a student can knock on the door and talk to them. But I would say that they could perhaps advertise it a bit more for the people who need it. (Zara, Q19)

Overall, students recall interactions with teachers and other professionals that helped them overcome prior negative experiences and facilitated their return to school. As such, supportive relations with teachers built coping abilities in relation to experienced mental health or peer problems. The stories also make visible the youths’ agency. Particularly, they refer to behaviors that helped them to navigate their way to resources they needed to handle challenges in school ( Ungar, 2013 ).

6.2.2.2 Supportive peer relationships

Concerning the peer level, youth mention the positive impact of having supportive friends, classmates and confidants. For example, Amira turned to support from one good friend that helped her coping with various difficulties.

What definitely made me forget my worries was my best friend. […] I am also very, very grateful. […] that was my counseling. (Amira, Q20)

Overall, students highlight the value of having trustworthy friends who offer support, understanding, and assistance. Peers with similar and shared experiences were particularly perceived as helpful.

6.2.2.3 Call for recognition of individuals’ needs

This sub-category results from youths’ wishes regarding what is important in the support for SAPs. Essentially, youths talk about the approach of school in relation to individual problems and needs.

Maybe ask WHY first. You don't always know why he [the student] doesn't attend. Then try to implement what he thinks. Let's say he doesn't like a teacher. Maybe then try to help him somehow so that he gets closer to the teacher. (Luckas, Q21)

Show a bit of understanding for the pupils, yes. (…) Just understanding for their problems (Leila, Q22)

Students express the desire for educators to prioritize emotional needs instead of only focusing on academic school outcomes. These statements reveal how school influences students’ feelings of being accepted, listened to and supported that improves school attendance when they are struggling.

6.2.2.4 Social integration and positive school climate

This sub-category is based on codes indicating students’ shared desire for fostering social cohesion in school. As an exemplary helpful strategy, the idea of pairing students to promote positive relationships is mentioned in interviews. Zara describes her idea about fostering a positive class climate by designing rooms more colorful:

The classroom climate should definitely improve. […] in terms of class climate, [the teacher] could perhaps decorate the classroom a bit, like more colorful (Zara, Q23a)

Students also emphasize the importance of avoiding stigmatization, bullying, or addressing exclusion issues. They call for school practices to control misbehaviors and shape social dynamics of the classroom.

I would say, if you are an outsider or excluded or bullied, that the school takes it seriously, and I mean that it takes the students seriously (Zara, Q23b)

As example, when asked what schools should do to prevent SAPs, Zara expresses the responsibility of school to create an inclusive school environment where students feel accepted and included. This description points to positive school climate factor as element of a sense of school belonging.

6.2.2.5 Safe spaces in school

Another important factor that created a sense of connectedness and well-being included designated safe spaces as characteristic of the physical school structure. In particular, students with anxiety experienced this as a helpful setting to withdraw and relax when feeling unwell at school.

The rooms where you can retreat if you need some time. Or the common room here [in school] for the tenth graders, where you can just play table football during the break. (Janik, Q24)

6.2.2.6 Meaningful and enjoyable learning experiences

For many students, facilitators of attendance are related to the quality of teaching and instruction, characterized by relevant and tailored learning practices according to students’ interests and needs for autonomy. More creative and fun teaching approaches are noted as important in fostering motivation to attend classes.

As a teacher, you have to come up with a good [teaching] concept for the lesson that is both instructive, but also a bit of fun. […] it's just more enjoyable to go there (Leila, Q25)

The students also note the role of teachers who motivate them to attend their lessons and encourage them to come to school. Some of the students believe that tailored language and engaging teaching methods could contribute to positive academic outcomes for all, while improving attendance. Particularly, this entails the organization of lessons, a quieter atmosphere of the learning environment and adaptive academic language.

6.2.3 Supportive mechanisms in wider social environment

This main category emphasizes youth voices on the importance of fostering positive relationships between families and schools, as well as implementing proactive measures to address issues promptly and effectively.

6.2.3.1 Parent–child relationships

The role of parental support that exists in the family microsystem is highlighted by youths in different ways. Students underscore the need for parents to discuss concerns, build trust, and support the child to address attendance challenges. In addition, parents play a proactive role, for instance, through active encouragement and their child’s upbringing on the attitude towards education and school attendance.

Well, first of all my mother, she helps me a lot to go to school (Malik, Q26)

My mother didn't think it was particularly great that I skipped lessons. She encouraged me to go [to school] anyway, even if the teachers were annoying and even if I didn't feel like going, because attendance is important (Leila, Q27)

Especially, the supportive role of mothers in motivating and encouraging attendance seemed important in the student perspective.

6.2.3.2 Parental involvement

This sub-category concerns parental involvement as parent-school communication built in the mesosystem. Generally, students wish for a more proactive approach, suggesting schools to check on the student and inform their parents if they are unaware of the student skipping school:

If you know that the person is playing truant, come by again and let the parents know that he might be playing truant. Maybe they [parents] don't know about it either (Luckas, 28)

Youths further describe how schools should communicate with parents to manage the child’s absenteeism. Students recommend that schools should explain to families the importance of the child’s school attendance and emphasize the negative consequences of the behavior on academic performance, school-leaving certificates, and future job opportunities.

6.2.3.3 Sanction systems

In some cases, students talk about the role of legal measures, specifically fines. Schools can take this action as a last resort, when warnings and efforts to restore regular attendance have failed. Schools must report a case of “permanent school attendance violation” to the school authority, which issues the fine to be paid by parents or students. For example, Janik explains that the prospect of fines acts as a deterrent, influencing his decision to attend school regularly.

I don't feel like paying for simply not attending. I can just attend and not have to pay anything (Janik, Q29)

Samir believes that the fine is not appropriate sometimes, especially for those who cannot afford it or where other circumstances could prevent students from attending school.

I really think €250 is a bit too much for a fine, because sometimes you can't do anything. For example, if you live further away from school (Samir, Q30)

Students express mixed feelings about the fairness of fines. They suggest a system where students could provide explanations to their absence before fines are issued. However, the underlying message might be interpreted as a call for schools to investigate causes to students’ SAPs.

7 Discussion

This article sought to explore perspectives of secondary school students in Hamburg regarding experienced challenges to attendance (RQ1), alongside key factors and supports perceived as helpful and important in overcoming SAPs on their pathways towards post-secondary education (RQ2). The statements from youths imply conditions that increase the risk of SAPs, as well as social and personal resources that act as buffers to mitigate the risk of negative impacts on attendance. Identified factors from youths’ perspectives appear to interact and move across multiple ecological contexts with direct and indirect impact ( Kearney and Gonzálvez, 2022 ). Thus, for answering RQ3, we structure the complexity of findings across ecological levels in order to visually represent the interconnectedness of proximal processes and environmental contexts ( Bronfenbrenner, 2005 ) that influence attendance outcomes (see Figure 4 ).

Figure 4 . Model of risks and resources related to school attendance support across ecological levels from the views of students.

7.1 Ecological model of risks and resources to attendance from students’ perspectives

In accordance with the underlying theoretical framework, we propose areas of perceived support and helpful elements within a model of attendance support from the views of youths, as ( Nuttall and Woods, 2013 ; Naff et al., 2023 ) did this in a similar manner. The Figure 4 recognizes the balance of risk and protective factors that are connected to the systems as outlined in Melvin et al. (2019) . The student is at the core, accounting for individual-level aspects. The student is surrounded by the micro- and meso systems of school, peers and family, and more distal systems at higher levels (exo and macro) that account for social and contextual factors as identified in this research. The levels are reflected in a resilience-based perspective, referring to structural, social, and personal protective factors. Given the interaction of factors between and across systems ( Nuttall and Woods, 2013 ), the interrelations between factors from different levels may have inhibited or enhanced youth’s ability to overcome attendance challenges, and should thus not be seen as stand-alone factors. It should be noted that the categorization of factors into different levels is not clear-cut as some factors may be found overlapping in several systems (e.g., the choice of teaching styles can be part of the exosystem, reflecting educational curricula, or a characteristic of the direct relations in the microsystem).

Based on this structure, we can further analyze what is perceived as helpful and how , in what kind of situations, supportive elements relate to identified risk factors.

7.1.1 Link between student and other systems

With regard to RQ1, we identified mental health problems, including descriptions of emotional distress, anxiety, somatic and depression symptoms in youths’ stories as reason for SAPs. These findings are consistent with risk factors for the development of school refusal and chronic absenteeism reported in quantitative and qualitative literature ( Baker and Bishop, 2015 ; Finning et al., 2019 ; Gubbels et al., 2019 ; Malika et al., 2021 ; McKay-Brown and Birioukov, 2021 ; Leduc et al., 2022 ; Corcoran and Kelly, 2023 ; Benoit et al., 2024 ). Youth descriptions suggest an interplay with contextual aspects, where school or teachers placing high demands on their performance led to increased stress levels and decreased motivation. Looking at students’ reports from our study, they seem to experience certain stressors in environmental contexts that have reciprocal and unintended effects on emotional well-being and attendance behavior (e.g., performance pressure). In fact, some of these have been identified as psychosocial risk factors for SAPs ( Wille et al., 2008 ; Ross, 2016 ; Gubbels et al., 2019 ), and as factors listed in other qualitative research, such as strict and harsh teaching styles ( Dannow et al., 2020 ) or pressure of completing exams ( Corcoran and Kelly, 2023 ). Students’ complaints emphasize how negative interactions with teachers and the stress of academic expectations contribute to adverse educational experiences for students. Similar to above, the findings point to the critical role of mental health in influencing school attendance and participation, highlighting the negative impact of school environments to trigger emotional distress.

In contrast, the category of “personal resilience” revealed internal assets that strengthened students’ connection to school. Students from our study presented future optimism, set goals and aspired academic post-secondary academic pathways that affected their willingness to attend and engage in school, despite negative experiences. Motivation to perform as a positive factor to attendance is evidenced in literature on youth voices ( Nuttall and Woods, 2013 ; Baker and Bishop, 2015 ; How, 2015 ; Dannow et al., 2020 ; Kljakovic et al., 2021 ; Corcoran and Kelly, 2023 ). However, students in our study described specific extrinsic motivators, including the pressure to achieve high grades and pass exams to obtain a favorable school-leaving certificate or job qualification. These statements highlight that motivation and hopes for the future do not develop in a vacuum but as the result of interactive dynamics of each ecological system. By attending school, students probably feel better prepared to succeed with their school-leaving exams and therefore better prepared for post-secondary education and employment. German youth in Heckner’s (2013) study talked about this topic in a similar way, as grades and graduation certificates determined their opportunities for participation in society. We assume that attitudes about the importance of a school-leaving certificate are mediated by distal factors. First, students in Year 10 are entering late adolescence with possible changes in self-identity and beliefs about their future (e.g., chronosystem). Second, schools’ and family’ expectations and beliefs about education and the need for certificates to access post-secondary education or training in the German context may have impacted motivational attitudes. The potential link between the value of academic achievement and future educational opportunities could be an indicator of how structural contexts influence the development of engagement among youths ( Clycq et al., 2017 ; Melvin et al., 2019 ), but also their interpretation of how support in schools should be structured.

Students who felt empowered with higher levels of self-esteem and coping abilities seemed to be more resistant to both negative school experiences and mental health issues that impacted attendance behavior. This is in line with previous research that outlined self-efficacy and self-regulation as areas of protective influence to overcome internalizing symptoms associated with SAPs ( Heckner, 2013 ; Ingul and Nordahl, 2013 ; Wright, 2023 ). Statements from students in our study can extend Corcoran and Kelly’s observation in their review of qualitative studies about how youths with experience of attendance challenges characterize their situation as non-coping ( Corcoran and Kelly, 2023 ). In this regard, our findings support a more strengths-based understanding of how the ability to cope with negative experiences or feelings serves as a buffer to reduce or prevent SAPs.

However, our study suggests that well-being and coping was built through the perception of positive relations and social support in microsystemic environments. This suggestion supports earlier qualitative studies that show that positive experiences of school and support from adults encourage individual resiliency ( Heckner, 2013 ; Heyne et al., 2021 ).

7.1.2 Micro- and mesosystems: relationships with peers, school and family

Related to RQ1, almost all interviewed youth express that difficult relationships with peers, particularly bullying, were one onset factor that intensified negative emotions, stress and (social) anxiety which made them stay away from school or lessons. This is in line with previous studies suggesting that peer problems are a risk factor for both anxiety and absenteeism ( Malcolm et al., 2003 ; Malika et al., 2021 ; Leduc et al., 2022 ; Schlesier et al., 2023 ). However, descriptions of negative reactions from classmates did not contribute directly to SAPs. Rather, these experiences resulted in lower well-being and internalizing problems, which then affected attendance behavior. The experience of bullying was linked to transitions to secondary school, which could be an indicator to a chronosystemic factor that contributed to attendance difficulties ( Corcoran and Kelly, 2023 ). The situations of youth illustrate how the accumulation of risk factors put them at higher risk of school disengagement ( Tomaszewska-Pękała et al., 2020 ; Corcoran and Kelly, 2023 ).

In contrast, related to the theme of RQ2, the main category of “Feelings of Connectedness and Belonging in School” presents an area of resilience in microsystems of students. One key set of factors with protective function in the development of SAPs relates to the school environment, namely social support sources from interpersonal interactions ( Malecki and Demaray, 2003 ). Youths’ perceptions of being supported is a central theme in our study. It seems to be strongly linked to a sense of belonging, well-being, agency, and self-determination which in turn increases the engagement to stay/return to school and education, which aligns with theoretical understandings ( Rohlfs, 2011 ; Rose et al., 2013 ; Wilkins and Bost, 2014 ; Allen et al., 2016 ; Tomaszewska-Pękała et al., 2020 ; Ricking, 2023b ).

At peer level, the availability of supportive and trusting friends or classmates could ameliorate risk experiences of students. This is confirmed by existing research ( How, 2015 ; Heyne et al., 2021 ; Richards and Clark-Howard, 2023 ). There is a need to explore how friendships play a different role in students’ microsystem, e.g., peers may have differential impacts on attendance difficulties depending on different age phases.

Students’ perceptions in our study reveal the protective function of student-teacher relationships and teacher support in the microsystem school. Essentially, experienced supportive relationships were characterized by teachers who listened, showed understanding and provided assistance in overcoming negative feelings related to attendance. These descriptions are consistent with themes found in qualitative studies ( Nuttall and Woods, 2013 ; How, 2015 ; Gabrielsen and Havik, 2021 ; Heyne et al., 2021 ; McKay-Brown and Birioukov, 2021 ; Corcoran and Kelly, 2023 ; Sundelin et al., 2023 ). This can also be confirmed by previous quantitatively oriented research ( Ingul et al., 2012 ; Rasasingham, 2015 ; Korpershoek et al., 2020 ; Malika et al., 2021 ; Lee et al., 2023 ).

What seems particularly distinctive to our study is that teachers were the primary reason given for going back to school or attend lessons. Apart from teachers, students also named other professions in school that act as a support source in coping with challenges related to attendance. However, they were not attributed the same prominent role as teachers.

In our study, youths emphasize that the effectiveness of emotional support from school professionals depends on the quality of the contact and on emotional problems and needs being taken seriously. This is similar to previous findings suggesting that support should be provided in a personalized way ( Corcoran and Kelly, 2023 ) and meet emotional well-being and learning needs ( Dannow et al., 2020 ; Wright, 2023 ). In youth’s stories, we observe a high degree of self-reflection regarding their own active role in seeking help and communicating with adults to address concerns and prevent the development of SAPs. This implies that relationships develop their protective effect on reducing SAPs through the link between perceptions of available, caring support and students’ determination to accept this support ( Malecki and Demaray, 2003 ).

In line with these findings and theory, we argue that relational elements within the school environment provide a key area of resilience, contributing to engagement and thereby school attendance. As such, good relations with peers and school-based professionals contributed to positive school experiences, well-being and connectedness to school, while bullying contributed to reduced well-being and non-attendance. This is emphasized in descriptions of students to strengthen positive connections between classmates, indicating an inclusive school climate where young people are seen and taken seriously which, in turn, can lead to higher engagement.

Concluding, a supportive school environment entails both close relationships with a caring adult, peers, and opportunities for meaningful participation as conducive to school attendance. This aspect corroborates the concept by Corcoran and Kelly (2023) of the need of a sense of belonging. However, our findings extend this by the suggestion that the balance between experienced socio-emotional support, feelings of acceptance or belonging, abilities for handling challenging situations contribute to resilience formation and facilitate attendance ( Tomaszewska-Pękała et al., 2020 , p. 457).

Another area that is relevant in relation to risk and resilience was the family setting, from our sample reported on family as barrier to their attendance. As one reason, parental illness and death in family was mentioned as a reason. One girl described the herself in the role of a young carer, a phenomenon described in the literature as a risk factor for absenteeism ( Ricking and Albers, 2019 ).

In relation to conditions at home, students describe parents pushing too hard by imposing high expectations on their child’s academic outcome. This perception could relate to the significance of performance and grades to access advanced certificates in the German education context. It is conceivable that academic pressure is not only exerted by teachers, but also by parents that seem to cause stress-related feelings about school. Similar to the literature on SAPs of children of migrants ( Brault et al., 2022 ), their parents’ hopes for academic success may be the source of academic pressure. However, it is not only students from transcultural backgrounds in our study who face high parental expectations for academic success, which seems to add to students’ stress load. In contrast, almost all students in our study highlighted the significance of parents in encouraging attendance, e.g., shaping positive attitudes towards attendance despite negative school experiences. The influence of family support in helping students re-engage after a period of absence was also discussed in other studies ( Richards and Clark-Howard, 2023 ).

Students referred to school-family communication as a necessary intervention effort to address SAPs of the child. Although school-family communication has been identified in other studies ( Nuttall and Woods, 2013 ; Hendron and Kearney, 2016 ; Corcoran and Kelly, 2023 ), recommendations from students in our study about what this communication should look like have not been previously reported. From students’ perspective, communication is most effective when schools emphasize the negative effects of absenteeism on attainment of school-leaving certificates, future employment, and overall academic performance. This seemed even more important in cases where parents became a maintaining factor for SAPs because they lack interest in school work, something that has been shown as risk factor ( Benoit et al., 2024 ). It can be presumed that hopes and personal aspirations for academic success in connection with society’s expectations may have influenced students’ suggestions about how schools “educate” families on the significance of school attendance. For example, experiences of education in family and the transmitted meaning of education in school might be reflected in these suggestions.

7.1.3 Exosystem: Structural, institutional and legislative contexts

Findings from our study also suggest that structural aspects of learning, teaching and the organizational- institutional structure can have both negative and positive influence on attendance.

Students mentioned engaging teaching practices as helpful for attendance. On the one hand, they refer to a pedagogical teaching concept where teachers consider individual interests and not only curriculum-based content. Elements of creative and “fun” lessons are a shared desire to increase enjoyable learning experiences and improve attendance. However, influenced by German education policy and curriculum, teachers only have limited options of implementing variation in teaching contents. On the other hand, however, students describe motivational and attentive teachers who adapt their instructional language to meet academic levels. In this respect, the style of teaching can be influenced by teachers’ personality and characterize the immediate environment (microsystem). The teacher as a person seemed as a helpful factor in building motivation to attend a lesson. This is supported by qualitative and quantitative studies which highlight the need for adjustment and personalized instruction ( Henry and Huizinga, 2007 ; Dannow et al., 2020 ; Heyne et al., 2021 ; Corcoran and Kelly, 2023 ; Richards and Clark-Howard, 2023 ). Still, pedagogy and curriculum do not seem to have direct influence on students’ ability to attend school, but rather contribute to a broader academic sphere ( El Zaatari and Maalouf, 2022 ) that shapes the sense of school belonging as protective mechanism.

Another aspect of adjustment to needs included spaces for relaxation, recreation and withdrawal. These settings seemed to facilitate students’ ability of coping with emotional distress. Thus, it also exerted a positive effect on well-being and the perception of a positive school climate, ultimately supporting attendance. This finding illustrates how structural settings function as protective factors in relation to risks by supporting students’ resilience and positive perceptions of the context. It further confirms findings from other research on the role of safe settings on coping ( Heyne et al., 2021 ) and shows that we need to consider the interaction of protective factors in order to understand the positive effects on strengthening school attendance can have a calm and safe setting was shown to facilitate coping among students with internalizing problems who feel unwell at school.

One main finding that has not been touched upon previously in qualitative studies is the topic of legal measures, (e.g., fines) that are quite unique to intervention approaches in addressing absenteeism the German context. The students’ perceptions of this system of sanctions are ambivalent. For some, the financial consequence connected to the fine has a preventive effect to keep non-attendance levels low. However, the threat of this type of legal punishment does not guarantee attendance in the form of active engagement in learning but may mean that the student is physically present but not mentally engaged ( Kearney and Gonzálvez, 2022 ). Among students, there seems to be an awareness about not issuing sanctions too fast. Rather, the investigation of reasons in a case of absenteeism might be more appropriate. Still, this pattern needs to further investigated.

7.2 Lessons learned for educational practice and future directions

The findings from our study can guide the work of schools and educators. When considering potential prevention and intervention strategies to mitigate risk and encourage resilience relative to attendance, “a combination of personal attributes, positive relationships, and institutional supports “( Richardson, 2008 , p. 24) may be beneficial. The ecological lens allows for identification of conditions for effective supports within youth’s specific school and social context that can be met on the road to promote attendance. The findings from our study provide some ideas for the work of schools and educators. To account for the central protective mechanism of a sense of school belonging, schools can establish a learning environment where young people feel welcome, safe, included, and accepted in order to develop the sense of belonging and connectedness with school. This implies that teachers and school professionals can build positive relationships and act proactively, e.g., listen to concerns, check on students, react to problems, support students at emotional, academic and behavioral level in challenging situations ( Tomaszewska-Pękała et al., 2020 ). Schools might involve parents and establish close collaboration with families as resources to support attendance in the long term ( Rasasingham, 2015 ; Tomaszewska-Pękała et al., 2020 ). This is particularly valuable to strengthen parental influence on youth’s commitment to attending school regularly. When working with underrepresented youth, schools may consider the diverse cultural, psychological and social backgrounds of their families with the goal of strengthening their relationship to education ( Martin et al., 2020 ; Brault et al., 2022 ; Kearney and Benoit, 2022 ). Next to attendance monitoring, schools can establish early detection systems to identify at-risk students with the aim to intervene as early as possible ( Rasasingham, 2015 ; Ricking and Albers, 2019 ). As mentioned by youths in various qualitative studies, professionals in school may assess and screen for indicators of SAPs, such as peer problems, mental health issues, disengagement in learning, performance pressure or lower levels of well-being. While youths’ experiences suggest that a combination of personal, social, familial and structural resources might prevent the development of SAPs, it is essential to leverage the entire system ( Heyne et al., 2024 ) as part of a holistic, systemic approach to attendance support ( Boaler and Bond, 2023 ). One potential example is the use of multi-tiered systems of support to address SAPs ( Kearney and Graczyk, 2020 ). This is consistent with students’ emphasis on learning and emotional needs that might be addressed at different tiers (e.g., differentiating instruction at Tier 1, individualized interventions with focus on internalizing problems at Tier 2 and 3). Thus, attendance should be viewed in connection with young learners’ interactions and experiences within their environment, the curriculum, and peers ( Heyne et al., 2024 ). Overall, the key supporting mechanisms suggest a relationship- and resource-oriented pedagogy that takes the students’ perspectives, integrates their voices and utilizes the available resources and strengths.

In summary, or study stresses the need for a whole-school approach in supporting all students in their academic and socio-emotional development. Above all, prevention and attendance support should strengthen feelings of safety, acceptance and a sense of belonging in the classroom, as well as focus on the emotional well-being, motivation and self-image of individual students.

7.3 Strengths and limitations

This study built on a small-scale qualitative sample, which must be regarded as a limitation. Given the small sample size, the theoretical saturation for each category is limited, as the full range of student experiences may not have been captured. To address this gap, findings from similar qualitative studies could be integrated to provide complementary insights and help validate and extend the findings presented in this research.

We selected students who have experienced SAPs but had managed to overcome the problems. This decision was made both for methodological reasons, as we believed that these students would be willing to talk to us, and for conceptual reasons, as we were interested in what preceded positive outcomes. The students who talked to us can be considered a “positive sample.” Students who are prepared to talk about their absenteeism may have different perspectives than students who have been absent, but who are not open to talking about it. However, the results seem to confirm research with student groups that presented extended school non-attendance.

The selection of the participants can have affected the results as the informants consisted of a group of students with various histories of SAPs. The self-reported severity of SAPs differed among youth. The degree of non-attendance could vary between just skipping some classes to long-term absenteeism. For some, this was a very recent experience, while for others the experience was farther in the past. Accordingly, risk and protective factors may differ with regard to adversity, and thus, what is being experienced as helpful by some, may not apply to everyone else. Specifically, we may need more studies on salutogenic factors for students who belong to disadvantaged populations, minorities or who have, for whatever reason, developed chronic absenteeism ( Malika et al., 2021 ; Naff et al., 2023 ). The sample size is restricted to a specific context, which may limit the transferability of the findings. However, since our findings are compatible with previous research from other countries (e.g., How, 2015 ; Dannow et al., 2020 ; Heyne et al., 2021 ; McKay-Brown and Birioukov, 2021 ; Richards and Clark-Howard, 2023 ), it might tell us something about students’ perspectives even outside the German context.

Finally, we did not consider conditions of the pandemic in this article, although the topic occurred during conversations. This may be a topic for further elaboration in the future. With regard to our theoretical model, we would like to mention that such factors that are specific for certain times, such as the school closures during the COVID-19 pandemic, should be studied further in the future and discussed in relation to the chronosystemic factors within Bronfenbrenner’s model.

7.4 Future studies

In light of the study described here, we suggest a number of ideas for future research. More evidence needs to be gathered on ways to build sustainable structures in schools where supportive factors outweigh possible challenges for students who develop SAPs. More qualitative research is needed on what strengthens or weakens students’ connection to school. In particular, we suggest that intervention studies should be conducted in which researchers and practitioners establish educational practices and identify resource areas based on resilience-oriented research to support school attendance. Such projects could develop modes of prevention rather than using all resources to solve problems after they qualify for additional attention or support in a “wait-to-fail” approach. We encourage school leadership and professionals to investigate classroom atmospheres, key players, school climate and inclusion–exclusion processes in the school community, students’ emotions and their lived experiences in relation to school attendance. Such analysis could focus on processes across eco-systemic levels.

We also suggest conducting more comparative research to gain deeper understanding of the occurrence of SAPs in relation to specific school and welfare systems, reflecting the exo- and macrosystem. Although research on SAPs is an extended international research field, there are few studies that use comparisons as a means of understanding by identifying and exploring unique, shared or divergent experiences. That could be used to raise awareness and reveal perspectives of students in other countries on what factors and supports have helped them. This would allow for the identification of overarching support mechanisms, but would also uncover differences in youth’s perspectives on SAPs as a reflection of their context, interactions, and experiences.

Finally, the interaction of risk and protective factors in the ecological model presented could be validated and further investigated in quantitative research. In combination with qualitative findings, we can understand more about the interaction of contextual and individual factors.

8 Conclusion

From the perspective of secondary school students with experience of SAPs in the city-state Hamburg in Germany, our study aimed to explore what challenges they have faced and what factors and supports have helped them to overcome attendance challenges on their educational paths to completing their education and transition to post-secondary education.

First, in exploring challenges for attendance, our study identified complex and unique descriptions in students’ accounts that put them at higher risk for disengagement and attendance problems (e.g., mental health problems, bullying, performance pressure, stress at home).

Second, using the ecological lens with a resilience perspective, the study investigated supports and factors that have been important to students in ameliorating the negative effects of experienced attendance challenges. Individual factors (e.g., self-esteem, motivation, future orientation, coping) were perceived as having positive effects on youth’s ability to engage and attend. These characteristics of individual resiliency make youth persist towards obtaining school-leaving certificates and pursuing their education. Yet, support from others and positive relationships provided a solid basis in building resilience and overcoming attendance challenges. Considering micro-and mesosystemic areas of resilience, emotional, cognitive and behavioral support mechanisms enacted through educators, peers and family (e.g., trusting relationships, positive school climate, varied instruction, encouraging parents, family-school collaboration) constituted students’ feelings of well-being, connectedness and belonging in school as key mechanisms that enhanced or hindered school attendance. More distant levels of contextual influence (exo, chrono, macro) are connected to areas of resilience. They permeated students’, schools’ and parents’ beliefs about education, the structure of the education system, and the value of school leaving certificates, and attendance.

Third, we presented a model of risks and resources to attendance, based on students’ perspectives. The model shows the complex interplay between perceived challenges and supports in the function of risk and protective factors in the development of SAPs. Specifically, our findings highlighted how protective mechanisms unfold in relation to risks, building resilience in both students and their environments.

The study reports important areas for prevention and intervention that can support students with school attendance challenges and strengthen their relationship with education in secondary school. Ultimately, the study contributes to the broader discussion on taking systemic, proactive approaches to promote attendance, emphasizing the need for exploring the lived experiences of students to support them in achieving their educational goals and transitioning to post-secondary settings successfully.

Data availability statement

The raw data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors upon reasonable request by interested researchers, following data protection plans in line with ethical considerations.

Ethics statement

The Swedish Ethical Review Authority approved the basic application of the international study SAPIC (Dnr 2020-05441, Linköping department, Decision 24.11. 2020). The application with diary number Dnr 2022-06350-02 for change was submitted to The Ethical Review Authority on 2022-11-22 and became valid on 2022-12-02. The change concerned the storage, processing and analysis of data collected abroad (Decision 2022-12-09). The studies involving humans were approved by Monitoring and Improving Educational Quality in Hamburg (Institut für Bildungsmonitoring und Qualitätsentwicklung; IfBQ) as part of the authority for schools and vocational training (Behörde für Schule und Berufsbildung; BSB) has approved data collection in Hamburg schools (Dnr. e514.101.5000-002/222,047; Decision 31.03.2023). The studies were conducted in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. Written informed consent for participation in this study was provided by the participants' legal guardians/next of kin.

Author contributions

CE: Conceptualization, Data curation, Formal analysis, Investigation, Methodology, Visualization, Writing – original draft, Writing – review & editing. SK-S: Conceptualization, Funding acquisition, Investigation, Project administration, Supervision, Writing – review & editing. ÅB: Conceptualization, Funding acquisition, Writing – review & editing. JI: Conceptualization, Funding acquisition, Writing – review & editing. UF: Conceptualization, Funding acquisition, Writing – review & editing. HR: Project administration, Resources, Supervision, Writing – review & editing.

The author(s) declare that financial support was received for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article. This research was funded by the Swedish Research Council (VR 2019-04639).

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank Jasmin Brandt for her assistance in the data collection and preliminary analysis of the interviews. We would also like to express our gratitude to the schools who supported our study. In particular, we would like to thank all students who participated in the interviews. Their willingness to share their perspectives and experiences enriched our research and was essential in advancing our understanding in the field of school attendance.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Publisher’s note

All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article, or claim that may be made by its manufacturer, is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

Supplementary material

The Supplementary material for this article can be found online at: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/feduc.2024.1405395/full#supplementary-material

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Tarabini, A., Curran, M., Montes, A., and Parcerisa, L. (2019). Can educational engagement prevent early school leaving? Unpacking the school’s effect on educational success. Educ. Stud. 45, 226–241. doi: 10.1080/03055698.2018.1446327

Thun-Hohenstein, L., Lampert, K., and Altendorfer-Kling, U. (2020). Resilienz – Geschichte, Modelle und Anwendung. Zeitschrift für Psychodrama und Soziometrie 19, 7–20. doi: 10.1007/s11620-020-00524-6

Tomaszewska-Pękała, H., Marchlik, P., and Wrona, A. (2020). Reversing the trajectory of school disengagement? Lessons from the analysis of Warsaw youth’s educational trajectories. Eur. Educ. Res. J. 19, 445–462. doi: 10.1177/1474904119868866

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Walther-Hansen, W. G., Knage, F. S., and Gentle-Genitty, C. (2024). Being a square among circles - the role of Hope in expanding the conceptualization of school attendance problems: a poetic inquiry approach using qualitative interviews with youth . [preprint]. ResearchSquare.

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Keywords: school attendance, school absenteeism, student perspective, resilience, ecological systems approach, secondary education, post-secondary education

Citation: Enderle C, Kreitz-Sandberg S, Backlund &, Isaksson J, Fredriksson U and Ricking H (2024) Secondary school students’ perspectives on supports for overcoming school attendance problems: a qualitative case study in Germany. Front. Educ . 9:1405395. doi: 10.3389/feduc.2024.1405395

Received: 22 March 2024; Accepted: 02 July 2024; Published: 29 July 2024.

Reviewed by:

Copyright © 2024 Enderle, Kreitz-Sandberg, Backlund, Isaksson, Fredriksson and Ricking. This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (CC BY) . The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author(s) and the copyright owner(s) are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms.

*Correspondence: Chiara Enderle, [email protected]

Disclaimer: All claims expressed in this article are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of their affiliated organizations, or those of the publisher, the editors and the reviewers. Any product that may be evaluated in this article or claim that may be made by its manufacturer is not guaranteed or endorsed by the publisher.

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In June, the Colombian subsidiary of Spanish banking group BBVA announced that it was issuing what it described as the financial sector’s “first biodiversity bond”, in order to finance habitat conservation and restoration projects in the South American country. 

The $50mn initiative — backed by the International Finance Corporation (IFC), the private sector-focused arm of the World Bank, as structurer and investor — marks a turnaround for a nation recovering from half a century of violence and guerrilla activity. It also places Colombia among a select group of pioneers, including the Seychelles and Belize, that are using the financial markets to support the conservation of nature.

While the green bonds market has seen explosive growth in the past decade, the capital it has raised has overwhelmingly been invested in climate mitigation, alternative energy, and green transportation projects. Minimal amounts go to biodiversity conservation and habitat restoration projects. 

In financing nature, explicitly and directly, this Colombian bond breaks new ground, with metrics linked to objectives to benefit the environment. Invest ors will be repaid through a mix of funding sources including a carbon tax, the government budget and donors .

Test yourself

This is the sixth in a series of monthly business school-style teaching case studies devoted to responsible-business dilemmas faced by organisations. Read the piece and FT articles suggested at the end (and linked to within the piece) before considering the questions raised. 

About the authors: Andrew Karolyi is professor and dean, John Tobin-de la Puente is professor of practice and co-director of the Initiative on Responsible Finance, both at the Cornell SC Johnson College of Business.

The series forms part of a wide-ranging collection of FT ‘instant teaching case studies ’ that explore business challenges.

The question for those concerned about the destruction of the world’s natural habitats is whether this pioneering structured bond will be effective, and whether it could help to inspire a broader range of similar instruments aimed at countering loss of biodiversity around the world. 

Meanwhile, the question for investors is whether the vehicle is sufficiently attractive and robust to attract a new and growing class of funders that may share an interest in environmental issues but also seek competitive returns.

Located at the northern end of the Andes, Colombia straddles the Equator, the Pacific Ocean, the Caribbean, and the Amazon basin. It has the second-highest number of species on the planet after Brazil, and the highest species diversity when measured per square kilometre, according to the World Wildlife Fund . Colombia is home to more than 1,900 species of birds — on a par with Brazil and Peru.

Colombia will be on the frontline of biodiversity losses

But global warming threatens to cause dramatic harm to this biodiversity . Colombia will be on the frontline of these losses because it will be disproportionately affected by climate change compared to countries with fewer species that are more widespread.

Now, though, it could also be in the vanguard of new financial models to reverse the trend.

In 2016, a historic peace agreement between the government and leftist guerrilla group the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (Farc) marked the end of five decades of armed conflict. Despite continuing violence, the peace process has greatly improved the lives of citizens. However, it has also increased pressure on natural ecosystems. The political violence had meant large areas were shielded from illegal deforestation and degradation of the habitat.

Five years after the peace deal, Colombia became the first Latin American country to issue a green bond in its domestic market : a 10-year $200mn offering aiming to finance a variety of projects intended to benefit the environment — including water management, sustainable transport, biodiversity protection, and renewable energy. High investor demand meant the final amount had been increased by half again.

Finance minister José Manuel Restrepo described the structured bond as an “important step” in finding new ways to finance investment in environmental projects: it would help develop a domestic green bond market and attract a wider range of investors. His ministry identified another $500mn in eligible projects that could be financed through green bonds, including a $50mn Colombian “blue bond” — financing focused on marine habitats and ocean-based projects that generate environmental co-benefits. This was successfully placed in 2023 with the help of BBVA and the IFC as structurer.

Now, the announcement of BBVA Colombia’s biodiversity bond marks another step forward. It focuses on reforestation, regeneration of natural forests on degraded land, mangrove conservation, and wildlife habitat protection.

In the case of green bonds, only a minuscule share of the money raised is spent on nature conservation, in part because few such projects generate cash flows from which to repay investors. Another reason is that it is harder to measure how effectively deployed resources dedicated to conservation — such as for monitoring species population growth — are, or to track activities that help to reach certain conservation target goals over time, such as for restoring degraded ecosystems.  

Using private, financial return-seeking capital to finance the sustainable management and conservation of natural resources is viewed by many experts as the most realistic solution to the twin crises of biodiversity loss and climate change — given the magnitude of investment needed. 

Yet there is growing political pushback against environmental and social initiatives, most notably in the US. 

Regulators and consumer groups have also launched legal actions to challenge green objectives. Large corporations, including Unilever, Bank of America and Shell, have in the past year dropped or missed goals to cut carbon emissions. And there has been disillusion with the ability of sustainability-linked bonds to meet their objectives. 

By association, that raises fresh questions about continued progress on biodiversity.

In biodiversity finance, doing deals is inherently more difficult

In tackling the climate crisis, the trajectory seems clear: the set of solutions needed is more or less agreed, and a good part of it makes economic sense. But, in biodiversity finance, doing deals is inherently more difficult.

It is more complex to structure transactions that generate proceeds to protect wildlife, restore ecosystems and fund other activities that may not generate cash flows, all while ensuring investors are repaid. Early successes — such as Belize’s blue bond are encouraging — but the potential for real scale is still unclear.

Questions for discussion

How companies are starting to back away from green targets (ft.com)

Green bond issuance surges as investors hunt for yield (ft.com)

Sustainability-linked bonds falter amid credibility concerns (ft.com)

Consider these questions:

1. How critical is the role of the IFC as structurer of the BBVA Colombia biodiversity bond deal in validating its legitimacy and providing investors with assurance? How important is it that IFC is also a co-investor in the biodiversity bond issuance?  

2. What are the pros and cons of the fact that the $50mn BBVA Colombia biodiversity bond deal has been launched following Colombia’s successful placement three years earlier of its sovereign green bond, and following its newly announced “green taxonomy”?  

3. What does the Colombian experience say about the likelihood of rapid change in how countries manage their biodiversity and climate impacts? Does Colombia demonstrate that such change is possible, or is its experience unique and unlikely to represent a model of rapid action for other countries?

4. Can biodiversity bonds meaningfully help to address biodiversity loss? And is this transaction the start of a trend? If not, why would BBVA Colombia have executed this transaction? Is it a gesture of goodwill and a recognition of its own corporate responsibility, or a means to greenwash some of its other less appealing investments?

5. Considering the economic and social context following the peace agreement between Colombia and the Farc forces, how might the shift from conflict to peace affect the country’s ability to balance economic development with environmental conservation?   

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Varthana Case Studies: Real-World Examples of How We Help School Businesses Thrive

• Posted on July 30, 2024
• in School finance , School Loan

I. Introduction:

In today’s dynamic education landscape, well-managed school businesses are no longer just an afterthought – they play a critical role in ensuring a thriving learning environment for our children. At Varthana, we understand this importance. Our mission is to empower school businesses across India, providing them with the tools and resources they need to flourish.

Effective school business management goes beyond simply balancing the books. It’s about unlocking resources that directly benefit students. By optimizing financial operations, schools can invest in critical areas like upgrading classrooms, acquiring new learning materials, or even establishing scholarship programs for deserving students.

II. What Varthana Is All About?

Founded in 2013, Varthana Finance has become a driving force for affordable education in India. They act as a dual financial engine, offering not only student loans for educational expenses but also crucial school loan solutions for affordable private schools. These school loans bridge the funding gap, allowing schools to invest in critical areas like infrastructure upgrades, new teaching aids, and teacher training programs. This ultimately creates a more stimulating learning environment for students. Since its inception, Varthana has touched the lives of millions of students directly and indirectly by empowering over 5,000 affordable schools across India. Their impact goes beyond just finances; by enabling schools to address funding limitations, Varthana is transforming the educational landscape for underprivileged youth.

The positive impact of Varthana is further echoed in the numerous customers that served till date. These real-life stories showcase the profound effect Varthana has had on the educational journeys of countless students and schools. Let’s delve deeper into some of these case studies to understand the transformative power of Varthana’s financial solutions.

Also Read: 7 reasons to create a business plan and budget for your school

III. Case Studies:

Case study 1: woods valley english medium school, raigarh, chhattisgarh, 1. about the school:.

• Woods Valley English Medium School is a budget-friendly English medium school located in Kasdol village, Tamnar block, Raigarh district, Chhattisgarh, India.
• Established in 2017, the school caters to students from underprivileged backgrounds by offering affordable, quality education.
• During its initial years, the school faced challenges due to limited resources and lack of a permanent building.

2. How Varthana Helped:

• In 2019, when facing financial constraints to complete school building construction, Woods Valley School secured an unsecured loan from Varthana.

3. Achieved Outcomes:

• The loan from Varthana (enabled) the school to complete crucial construction work, allowing them to accommodate more students.
• Between 2019 and 2020, student enrollment increased by 105.
• Today, the school has over 350 students and is accredited by the Chhattisgarh Board of Education for the 10th board.

4. Testimonial:

“The loan enabled the school to complete the remaining construction work at a crucial time in the academic session. Once the construction was completed, we saw a significant increase in enrollment. Between 2019 and 2020, 105 more students joined the school,” says Mr. Biswal, expressing his gratitude to Varthana.

5. Varthana’s Impact:

Varthana’s financial support played a critical role in the growth of Woods Valley School by enabling the completion of their building construction. This directly contributed to increased student enrollment and the school’s overall success.

Case Study 2: Madhav English Medium School, Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh

• Madhav English Medium School is a budget-friendly school located in Tarana, Ujjain, Madhya Pradesh.
• Established in 2002, the school focuses on providing quality, affordable education to underprivileged communities.
• Initial challenges included limited resources, managing finances for affordability, and navigating government support systems.
• To address the need for a permanent school building, Madhav English Medium School secured a secured loan from Varthana.
• With Varthana’s financial support, the school successfully completed the construction of its own building. This provided a stable and improved learning environment.
• The new school building attracted students and led to increased enrollment.
• Madhav English Medium School fostered holistic student development by recognizing academic achievements and providing scholarships and fee waivers.
• The school prepares students for competitive exams and inspires success stories, with past students becoming a Government Medical Officer and an engineer pursuing studies abroad.

“Varthana provided us with crucial support when we needed it most, helping us complete our school building successfully,” says Ishwar Singh Patidar, Principal of Madhav English Medium School. “I am thankful to Varthana for their timely assistance and look forward to a long-lasting partnership.”

Varthana’s secured loan played a critical role in enabling Madhav English Medium School to construct its own building. This permanent infrastructure likely led to several positive outcomes:

• Improved learning environment: A dedicated school building provides more stable and conducive space for learning compared to rented spaces.
• Increased enrollment: A permanent building likely portrays a more professional image and instills confidence in parents, potentially leading to higher enrollment rates.
• Overall growth: The new building likely contributed to the school’s overall growth in student body, academic performance, and reputation within the community.

Case Study 3: St. Maria High School, Hyderabad, Telangana

• St. Maria High School is a budget-friendly school located in the Old City area of Hyderabad, Telangana.
• Founded in 1998 by Jhansi Rani, the school caters to underprivileged communities and prioritizes affordable, quality education.
• Initial challenges included limited resources, competition from established schools, and societal resistance to a woman leading a school.
• Varthana provided St. Maria High School with critical financial support through their COVID Express loan program, helping the school weather financial difficulties during the pandemic.
• In addition to financial aid, Varthana also offered academic support through their Unlock Bridge content, which addressed learning gaps created by school closures.
• Varthana’s financial assistance ensured the school’s survival during the pandemic, allowing St. Maria High School to continue providing education to its students.
• The Unlock Bridge content from Varthana helped students overcome learning gaps caused by school closures.
• With Varthana’s support, St. Maria High School has not only survived but also thrived, reaching new heights of excellence.

“Varthana didn’t just provide financial help; they also offered academic support,” says Jhansi Rani, Principal of St. Maria High School. “Their Unlock Bridge content addressed learning gaps, and COVID Express loans eased our financial struggles, ensuring the school’s survival

Varthana’s comprehensive support package, combining financial aid and academic resources, played a vital role in helping St. Maria High School navigate the challenges of the pandemic. This support likely:

• Mitigated financial stress: The COVID Express loan helped the school manage financial burdens during a time of crisis.
• Ensured educational continuity: The Unlock Bridge content provided students with valuable learning materials, minimizing learning disruptions caused by school closures.
• Contributed to the school’s overall stability: Varthana’s assistance allowed St. Maria High School to maintain its operations and continue delivering quality education.

Also Read: Investing in Education: A Data-Driven Look at the Social Impact of School Construction Loans

IV. Benefits of Varthana for Schools: A Clear Path to Success

As seen in the inspiring stories of Woods Valley English Medium School, Madhav English Medium School, and St. Maria High School, Varthana’s impact goes far beyond simply providing financial resources. The case studies showcase how Varthana empowers schools in diverse ways:

1. Infrastructure Development:

Financial support from Varthana enabled both Woods Valley and Madhav English Medium Schools to construct permanent buildings. This not only increased their student capacity but also created a more stable and conducive learning environment.

2. Increased Enrollment:

Improved infrastructure and a professional image likely attracted new students to both Woods Valley and Madhav English Medium Schools, leading to their overall growth.

3. Financial Transparency and Management:

Varthana’s support likely extends beyond loans, potentially including guidance on financial management. This empowers schools like St. Maria High School to navigate challenges and ensure financial stability.

4. Academic Support:

In the case of St. Maria High School, Varthana’s Unlock Bridge content provided valuable academic resources, helping students overcome learning gaps caused by the pandemic.

These are just a few examples. By partnering with Varthana, schools across India can gain access to a comprehensive package of solutions, fostering not just financial well-being but also improved learning environments, increased enrollment, and, ultimately, student success.

V. Beyond Financial Solutions: A Holistic Approach to School Growth

Varthana’s commitment to school empowerment extends beyond financial products. They offer a range of services designed to equip educators and administrators with the tools they need to excel:

1. Free Webinars and Seminars:

Gain valuable insights and best practices through workshops on diverse topics relevant to school management.

2. Teacher Certificate Programs:

Enhance educators’ qualifications and expertise with specialized certificate programs.

3. Physical Events:

Network with fellow educators and industry experts at Varthana-organized events.

4. School Health Report:

Receive a data-driven analysis of your school’s health and identify areas for improvement.

5. Parent Community Engagement:

Strengthen relationships with parents and foster a collaborative school environment through Varthana’s resources.

Additionally, Varthana offers innovative products like the K-Yan 4-in-1 digital classroom solution to enhance learning experiences, and the Lead School Program to support high-performing schools in becoming exemplary institutions. By partnering with Varthana, schools gain access to a comprehensive ecosystem that propels them towards achieving their full potential.

VI. Conclusion:

Varthana stands firmly behind the belief that well-managed school businesses are the cornerstone of a thriving educational landscape. By empowering schools with the financial resources and strategic guidance they need, Varthana contributes not just to the success of individual schools, but to the future of our nation.

The stories shared in this blog are just a glimpse into the transformative impact Varthana has had on countless schools across India. We invite you to join us on this mission. Explore Varthana’s offerings, get inspired by real-world success stories, and let’s work together to unlock the full potential of every school and empower the next generation of learners.

The success stories of the above-mentioned schools are a testament to Varthana’s transformative power. Is your school ready to embark on a similar journey of growth and excellence? Varthana has the resources to empower your vision. Join us today!

1. In what ways can you help the school?

School isn’t just about exams (though those are important too!). You can be a real asset by:

• Rocking in class: Paying attention, participating in discussions, and helping your classmates understand tricky concepts make you a great teammate.
• Joining the fun: Are you a sporty spice or a drama king/queen? Signing up for clubs, sports, or student council is a great way to show off your talents and make some memories!
• Lending a hand: Volunteering at school events, helping clean up the common room, or offering to sort books in the library shows everyone you care. Every little bit counts!
• Speaking up: Got an idea to make the school even better? Talking to your teachers or principal might just lead to them adopting your suggestions!

2. How do you thrive in school?

Conquering school is all about having the right moves:

• Study like a boss: Making a killer study schedule, finding a quiet place to focus, and using awesome tricks to remember everything (flashcards are your friend!) will help you ace those tests.
• Be an organization wizard: Keeping your notes and homework in tip-top shape and managing your time like a pro will ensure you meet deadlines without stress.
• Ask away: Don’t be afraid to raise your hand in class if you’re confused. Teachers are there to help, and sometimes your classmates might be wondering the same thing!
• Positivity power: Believing in yourself, staying motivated, and celebrating your wins (big or small!) will make the school journey much more enjoyable.

3. What can I do to improve my school?

Schools can always be getting better, and you can be a part of the solution! Here’s how:

• Chat it up with your classmates: Brainstorm ideas together about what could be improved; maybe it’s more comfy chairs in the library or a recycling program?
• Teacher time: Talking to your teachers or principal about your suggestions and explaining how your ideas would make things better shows initiative.
• Suggestion superhero: School surveys or suggestion boxes are your chance to shine! Filling them out with your ideas for a more epic school experience can make a real difference.

4. What are the most useful facilities in school?

Every school is different, but here are some things that can make a big difference in your learning experience:

• Library lair: A library with tons of books and comfy spots is a learning paradise. You can dive into a great story or find the perfect resource for that project.
• Computer whiz zone: Having computers at school means you can learn all about tech, do your research online, and maybe even create something super cool.
• Science lab adventures: The science lab is a place to learn by doing awesome experiments. Get ready to mix things up (safely, of course!)
• Playing it cool: Playgrounds and sports fields are where the fun happens! You can get some exercise, make new friends, and show off your athletic skills (or lack thereof, but hey, everyone has fun!)

Remember, the best things about your school depend on what they offer and what you love. So get involved, make the most of it, and be the awesome student you are!

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1. Introduction

2. the centrality of the relationship between subjects in ethnographic research: the epistemological turn, 3. the role of the researcher’s emotions in the cognitive process, 4. conclusions, institutional review board statement, informed consent statement, data availability statement, conflicts of interest.

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Quarta, S. The Role of Emotions in Ethnographic Research: Comparing Subjectivities. Soc. Sci. 2024 , 13 , 398. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci13080398

Quarta S. The Role of Emotions in Ethnographic Research: Comparing Subjectivities. Social Sciences . 2024; 13(8):398. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci13080398

Quarta, Serena. 2024. "The Role of Emotions in Ethnographic Research: Comparing Subjectivities" Social Sciences 13, no. 8: 398. https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci13080398

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