civil right movement essay introduction

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Civil Rights Movement

By: History.com Editors

Updated: May 14, 2024 | Original: October 27, 2009

The civil rights movement was a struggle for social justice that took place mainly during the 1950s and 1960s for Black Americans to gain equal rights under the law in the United States. The Civil War officially abolished slavery , but it didn’t end discrimination against Black people—they continued to endure the devastating effects of racism, especially in the South. By the mid-20th century, Black Americans, along with many other Americans, mobilized and began an unprecedented fight for equality that spanned two decades.

Jim Crow Laws

During Reconstruction , Black people took on leadership roles like never before. They held public office and sought legislative changes for equality and the right to vote.

In 1868, the 14th Amendment to the Constitution gave Black people equal protection under the law. In 1870, the 15th Amendment granted Black American men the right to vote. Still, many white Americans, especially those in the South, were unhappy that people they’d once enslaved were now on a more-or-less equal playing field.

To marginalize Black people, keep them separate from white people and erase the progress they’d made during Reconstruction, “ Jim Crow ” laws were established in the South beginning in the late 19th century. Black people couldn’t use the same public facilities as white people, live in many of the same towns or go to the same schools. Interracial marriage was illegal, and most Black people couldn’t vote because they were unable to pass voter literacy tests.

Jim Crow laws weren’t adopted in northern states; however, Black people still experienced discrimination at their jobs or when they tried to buy a house or get an education. To make matters worse, laws were passed in some states to limit voting rights for Black Americans.

Moreover, southern segregation gained ground in 1896 when the U.S. Supreme Court declared in Plessy v. Ferguson that facilities for Black and white people could be “separate but equal."

World War II and Civil Rights

Prior to World War II , most Black people worked as low-wage farmers, factory workers, domestics or servants. By the early 1940s, war-related work was booming, but most Black Americans weren’t given better-paying jobs. They were also discouraged from joining the military.

After thousands of Black people threatened to march on Washington to demand equal employment rights, President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued Executive Order 8802 on June 25, 1941. It opened national defense jobs and other government jobs to all Americans regardless of race, creed, color or national origin.

Black men and women served heroically in World War II, despite suffering segregation and discrimination during their deployment. The Tuskegee Airmen broke the racial barrier to become the first Black military aviators in the U.S. Army Air Corps and earned more than 150 Distinguished Flying Crosses. Yet many Black veterans were met with prejudice and scorn upon returning home. This was a stark contrast to why America had entered the war to begin with—to defend freedom and democracy in the world.

As the Cold War began, President Harry Truman initiated a civil rights agenda, and in 1948 issued Executive Order 9981 to end discrimination in the military. These events helped set the stage for grass-roots initiatives to enact racial equality legislation and incite the civil rights movement.

On December 1, 1955, a 42-year-old woman named Rosa Parks found a seat on a Montgomery, Alabama bus after work. Segregation laws at the time stated Black passengers must sit in designated seats at the back of the bus, and Parks complied.

When a white man got on the bus and couldn’t find a seat in the white section at the front of the bus, the bus driver instructed Parks and three other Black passengers to give up their seats. Parks refused and was arrested.

As word of her arrest ignited outrage and support, Parks unwittingly became the “mother of the modern-day civil rights movement.” Black community leaders formed the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA) led by Baptist minister Martin Luther King Jr ., a role which would place him front and center in the fight for civil rights.

Parks’ courage incited the MIA to stage a boycott of the Montgomery bus system . The Montgomery Bus Boycott lasted 381 days. On November 14, 1956, the Supreme Court ruled segregated seating was unconstitutional. 

Little Rock Nine

In 1954, the civil rights movement gained momentum when the United States Supreme Court made segregation illegal in public schools in the case of Brown v. Board of Education . In 1957, Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas asked for volunteers from all-Black high schools to attend the formerly segregated school.

On September 4, 1957, nine Black students, known as the Little Rock Nine , arrived at Central High School to begin classes but were instead met by the Arkansas National Guard (on order of Governor Orval Faubus) and a screaming, threatening mob. The Little Rock Nine tried again a couple of weeks later and made it inside, but had to be removed for their safety when violence ensued.

Finally, President Dwight D. Eisenhower intervened and ordered federal troops to escort the Little Rock Nine to and from classes at Central High. Still, the students faced continual harassment and prejudice.

Their efforts, however, brought much-needed attention to the issue of desegregation and fueled protests on both sides of the issue.

Civil Rights Act of 1957

Even though all Americans had gained the right to vote, many southern states made it difficult for Black citizens. They often required prospective voters of color to take literacy tests that were confusing, misleading and nearly impossible to pass.

Wanting to show a commitment to the civil rights movement and minimize racial tensions in the South, the Eisenhower administration pressured Congress to consider new civil rights legislation.

On September 9, 1957, President Eisenhower signed the Civil Rights Act of 1957 into law, the first major civil rights legislation since Reconstruction. It allowed federal prosecution of anyone who tried to prevent someone from voting. It also created a commission to investigate voter fraud.

Sit-In at Woolworth's Lunch Counter

Despite making some gains, Black Americans still experienced blatant prejudice in their daily lives. On February 1, 1960, four college students took a stand against segregation in Greensboro, North Carolina when they refused to leave a Woolworth’s lunch counter without being served.

Over the next several days, hundreds of people joined their cause in what became known as the Greensboro sit-ins. After some were arrested and charged with trespassing, protesters launched a boycott of all segregated lunch counters until the owners caved and the original four students were finally served at the Woolworth’s lunch counter where they’d first stood their ground.

Their efforts spearheaded peaceful sit-ins and demonstrations in dozens of cities and helped launch the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee to encourage all students to get involved in the civil rights movement. It also caught the eye of young college graduate Stokely Carmichael , who joined the SNCC during the Freedom Summer of 1964 to register Black voters in Mississippi. In 1966, Carmichael became the chair of the SNCC, giving his famous speech in which he originated the phrase "Black power.”

Freedom Riders

On May 4, 1961, 13 “ Freedom Riders ”—seven Black and six white activists–mounted a Greyhound bus in Washington, D.C. , embarking on a bus tour of the American south to protest segregated bus terminals. They were testing the 1960 decision by the Supreme Court in Boynton v. Virginia that declared the segregation of interstate transportation facilities unconstitutional.

Facing violence from both police officers and white protesters, the Freedom Rides drew international attention. On Mother’s Day 1961, the bus reached Anniston, Alabama, where a mob mounted the bus and threw a bomb into it. The Freedom Riders escaped the burning bus but were badly beaten. Photos of the bus engulfed in flames were widely circulated, and the group could not find a bus driver to take them further. U.S. Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy (brother to President John F. Kennedy ) negotiated with Alabama Governor John Patterson to find a suitable driver, and the Freedom Riders resumed their journey under police escort on May 20. But the officers left the group once they reached Montgomery, where a white mob brutally attacked the bus. Attorney General Kennedy responded to the riders—and a call from Martin Luther King Jr.—by sending federal marshals to Montgomery.

On May 24, 1961, a group of Freedom Riders reached Jackson, Mississippi. Though met with hundreds of supporters, the group was arrested for trespassing in a “whites-only” facility and sentenced to 30 days in jail. Attorneys for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People ( NAACP ) brought the matter to the U.S. Supreme Court, which reversed the convictions. Hundreds of new Freedom Riders were drawn to the cause, and the rides continued.

In the fall of 1961, under pressure from the Kennedy administration, the Interstate Commerce Commission issued regulations prohibiting segregation in interstate transit terminals

March on Washington

Arguably one of the most famous events of the civil rights movement took place on August 28, 1963: the March on Washington . It was organized and attended by civil rights leaders such as A. Philip Randolph , Bayard Rustin and Martin Luther King Jr.

More than 200,000 people of all races congregated in Washington, D. C. for the peaceful march with the main purpose of forcing civil rights legislation and establishing job equality for everyone. The highlight of the march was King’s speech in which he continually stated, “I have a dream…”

King’s “ I Have a Dream” speech galvanized the national civil rights movement and became a slogan for equality and freedom.

Civil Rights Act of 1964

President Lyndon B. Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 —legislation initiated by President John F. Kennedy before his assassination —into law on July 2 of that year.

King and other civil rights activists witnessed the signing. The law guaranteed equal employment for all, limited the use of voter literacy tests and allowed federal authorities to ensure public facilities were integrated.

Bloody Sunday

On March 7, 1965, the civil rights movement in Alabama took an especially violent turn as 600 peaceful demonstrators participated in the Selma to Montgomery march to protest the killing of Black civil rights activist Jimmie Lee Jackson by a white police officer and to encourage legislation to enforce the 15th amendment.

As the protesters neared the Edmund Pettus Bridge, they were blocked by Alabama state and local police sent by Alabama Governor George C. Wallace, a vocal opponent of desegregation. Refusing to stand down, protesters moved forward and were viciously beaten and teargassed by police and dozens of protesters were hospitalized.

The entire incident was televised and became known as “ Bloody Sunday .” Some activists wanted to retaliate with violence, but King pushed for nonviolent protests and eventually gained federal protection for another march.

Voting Rights Act of 1965

When President Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act into law on August 6, 1965, he took the Civil Rights Act of 1964 several steps further. The new law banned all voter literacy tests and provided federal examiners in certain voting jurisdictions. 

It also allowed the attorney general to contest state and local poll taxes. As a result, poll taxes were later declared unconstitutional in Harper v. Virginia State Board of Elections in 1966.

Part of the Act was walked back decades later, in 2013, when a Supreme Court decision ruled that Section 4(b) of the Voting Rights Act was unconstitutional, holding that the constraints placed on certain states and federal review of states' voting procedures were outdated.

Civil Rights Leaders Assassinated

The civil rights movement had tragic consequences for two of its leaders in the late 1960s. On February 21, 1965, former Nation of Islam leader and Organization of Afro-American Unity founder Malcolm X was assassinated at a rally.

On April 4, 1968, civil rights leader and Nobel Peace Prize recipient Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated on his hotel room's balcony. Emotionally-charged looting and riots followed, putting even more pressure on the Johnson administration to push through additional civil rights laws.

Fair Housing Act of 1968

The Fair Housing Act became law on April 11, 1968, just days after King’s assassination. It prevented housing discrimination based on race, sex, national origin and religion. It was also the last legislation enacted during the civil rights era.

The civil rights movement was an empowering yet precarious time for Black Americans. The efforts of civil rights activists and countless protesters of all races brought about legislation to end segregation, Black voter suppression and discriminatory employment and housing practices.

A Brief History of Jim Crow. Constitutional Rights Foundation. Civil Rights Act of 1957. Civil Rights Digital Library. Document for June 25th: Executive Order 8802: Prohibition of Discrimination in the Defense Industry. National Archives. Greensboro Lunch Counter Sit-In. African American Odyssey. Little Rock School Desegregation (1957).  The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute Stanford . Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Global Freedom Struggle. The Martin Luther King, Jr. Research and Education Institute Stanford . Rosa Marie Parks Biography. Rosa and Raymond Parks. Selma, Alabama, (Bloody Sunday, March 7, 1965). BlackPast.org. The Civil Rights Movement (1919-1960s). National Humanities Center. The Little Rock Nine. National Park Service U.S. Department of the Interior: Little Rock Central High School National Historic Site. Turning Point: World War II. Virginia Historical Society.

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Abolitionism to Jim Crow

• Du Bois to Brown
• Montgomery bus boycott to the Voting Rights Act
• From Black power to the assassination of Martin Luther King
• Into the 21st century
• Black Lives Matter and Shelby County v. Holder

When did the American civil rights movement start?

• What did Martin Luther King, Jr., do?
• What is Martin Luther King, Jr., known for?
• Who did Martin Luther King, Jr., influence and in what ways?
• What was Martin Luther King’s family life like?

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• Table Of Contents

Trusted Britannica articles, summarized using artificial intelligence, to provide a quicker and simpler reading experience. This is a beta feature. Please verify important information in our full article.

This summary was created from our Britannica article using AI. Please verify important information in our full article.

The American civil rights movement started in the mid-1950s. A major catalyst in the push for civil rights was in December 1955, when NAACP activist Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat on a public bus to a white man.

Who were some key figures of the American civil rights movement?

Martin Luther King, Jr. , was an important leader of the civil rights movement. Rosa Parks , who refused to give up her seat on a public bus to a white customer, was also important. John Lewis , a civil rights leader and politician, helped plan the March on Washington .

What did the American civil rights movement accomplish?

The American civil rights movement broke the entrenched system of racial segregation in the South and achieved crucial equal-rights legislation.

What were some major events during the American civil rights movement?

The Montgomery bus boycott , sparked by activist Rosa Parks , was an important catalyst for the civil rights movement. Other important protests and demonstrations included the Greensboro sit-in and the Freedom Rides .

What are some examples of civil rights?

Examples of civil rights include the right to vote, the right to a fair trial, the right to government services, the right to a public education, and the right to use public facilities.

Recent News

American civil rights movement , mass protest movement against racial segregation and discrimination in the southern United States that came to national prominence during the mid-1950s. This movement had its roots in the centuries-long efforts of enslaved Africans and their descendants to resist racial oppression and abolish the institution of slavery . Although enslaved people were emancipated as a result of the American Civil War and were then granted basic civil rights through the passage of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments to the U.S. Constitution , struggles to secure federal protection of these rights continued during the next century. Through nonviolent protest, the civil rights movement of the 1950s and ’60s broke the pattern of public facilities’ being segregated by “race” in the South and achieved the most important breakthrough in equal-rights legislation for African Americans since the Reconstruction period (1865–77). Although the passage in 1964 and 1965 of major civil rights legislation was victorious for the movement, by then militant Black activists had begun to see their struggle as a freedom or liberation movement not just seeking civil rights reforms but instead confronting the enduring economic, political, and cultural consequences of past racial oppression.

(Read Henry Louis Gates, Jr.’s Britannica essay on “Monuments of Hope.”)

American history has been marked by persistent and determined efforts to expand the scope and inclusiveness of civil rights. Although equal rights for all were affirmed in the founding documents of the United States, many of the new country’s inhabitants were denied essential rights. Enslaved Africans and indentured servants did not have the inalienable right to “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness” that British colonists asserted to justify their Declaration of Independence . Nor were they included among the “People of the United States” who established the Constitution in order to “promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity.” Instead, the Constitution protected slavery by allowing the importation of enslaved persons until 1808 and providing for the return of enslaved people who had escaped to other states.

As the United States expanded its boundaries, Native American peoples resisted conquest and absorption. Individual states, which determined most of the rights of American citizens , generally limited voting rights to white property-owning males, and other rights—such as the right to own land or serve on juries—were often denied on the basis of racial or gender distinctions. A small proportion of Black Americans lived outside the slave system, but those so-called “free Blacks” endured racial discrimination and enforced segregation . Although some enslaved persons violently rebelled against their enslavement ( see slave rebellions ), African Americans and other subordinated groups mainly used nonviolent means—protests, legal challenges, pleas and petitions addressed to government officials, as well as sustained and massive civil rights movements—to achieve gradual improvements in their status.

During the first half of the 19th century, movements to extend voting rights to non-property-owning white male labourers resulted in the elimination of most property qualifications for voting, but this expansion of suffrage was accompanied by brutal suppression of American Indians and increasing restrictions on free Blacks. Owners of enslaved people in the South reacted to the 1831 Nat Turner slave revolt in Virginia by passing laws to discourage antislavery activism and prevent the teaching of enslaved people to read and write. Despite this repression, a growing number of Black Americans freed themselves from slavery by escaping or negotiating agreements to purchase their freedom through wage labour. By the 1830s, free Black communities in the Northern states had become sufficiently large and organized to hold regular national conventions, where Black leaders gathered to discuss alternative strategies of racial advancement. In 1833 a small minority of whites joined with Black antislavery activists to form the American Anti-Slavery Society under the leadership of William Lloyd Garrison .

Frederick Douglass became the most famous of the formerly enslaved persons who joined the abolition movement . His autobiography—one of many slave narratives —and his stirring orations heightened public awareness of the horrors of slavery. Although Black leaders became increasingly militant in their attacks against slavery and other forms of racial oppression, their efforts to secure equal rights received a major setback in 1857, when the U.S. Supreme Court rejected African American citizenship claims. The Dred Scott decision stated that the country’s founders had viewed Blacks as so inferior that they had “no rights which the white man was bound to respect.” This ruling—by declaring unconstitutional the Missouri Compromise (1820), through which Congress had limited the expansion of slavery into western territories—ironically strengthened the antislavery movement, because it angered many whites who did not hold enslaved people. The inability of the country’s political leaders to resolve that dispute fueled the successful presidential campaign of Abraham Lincoln , the candidate of the antislavery Republican Party . Lincoln’s victory in turn prompted the Southern slave states to secede and form the Confederate States of America in 1860–61.

Although Lincoln did not initially seek to abolish slavery, his determination to punish the rebellious states and his increasing reliance on Black soldiers in the Union army prompted him to issue the Emancipation Proclamation (1863) to deprive the Confederacy of its enslaved property . After the American Civil War ended, Republican leaders cemented the Union victory by gaining the ratification of constitutional amendments to abolish slavery ( Thirteenth Amendment ) and to protect the legal equality of formerly enslaved persons ( Fourteenth Amendment ) and the voting rights of male ex-slaves ( Fifteenth Amendment ). Despite those constitutional guarantees of rights, almost a century of civil rights agitation and litigation would be required to bring about consistent federal enforcement of those rights in the former Confederate states. Moreover, after federal military forces were removed from the South at the end of Reconstruction , white leaders in the region enacted new laws to strengthen the “ Jim Crow ” system of racial segregation and discrimination. In its Plessy v. Ferguson decision (1896), the Supreme Court ruled that “ separate but equal ” facilities for African Americans did not violate the Fourteenth Amendment , ignoring evidence that the facilities for Blacks were inferior to those intended for whites.

The Southern system of white supremacy was accompanied by the expansion of European and American imperial control over nonwhite people in Africa and Asia as well as in island countries of the Pacific and Caribbean regions. Like African Americans, most nonwhite people throughout the world were colonized or economically exploited and denied basic rights, such as the right to vote . With few exceptions, women of all races everywhere were also denied suffrage rights ( see woman suffrage ).

Intro Essay: The Civil Rights Movement

To what extent did founding principles of liberty, equality, and justice become a reality for african americans during the civil rights movement.

• I can explain the importance of local and federal actions in the civil rights movement in the 1950s and 1960s.
• I can compare the goals and methods of Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLS), the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), Malcolm X and Black Nationalism, and Black Power.
• I can explain challenges African Americans continued to face despite victories for equality and justice during the civil rights movement.

Essential Vocabulary

Continuing the Heroic Struggle for Equality: The Civil Rights Movement

The struggle to make the promises of the Declaration of Independence a reality for Black Americans reached a climax after World War II. The activists of the civil rights movement directly confronted segregation and demanded equal civil rights at the local level with physical and moral courage and perseverance. They simultaneously pursued a national strategy of systematically filing lawsuits in federal courts, lobbying Congress, and pressuring presidents to change the laws. The civil rights movement encountered significant resistance, however, and suffered violence in the quest for equality.

During the middle of the twentieth century, several Black writers grappled with the central contradictions between the nation’s ideals and its realities, and the place of Black Americans in their country. Richard Wright explored a raw confrontation with racism in Native Son (1940), while Ralph Ellison led readers through a search for identity beyond a racialized category in his novel Invisible Man (1952), as part of the Black quest for identity. The novel also offered hope in the power of the sacred principles of the Founding documents. Playwright Lorraine Hansberry wrote A Raisin in the Sun , first performed in 1959, about the dreams deferred for Black Americans and questions about assimilation. Novelist and essayist James Baldwin described Blacks’ estrangement from U.S. society and themselves while caught in a racial nightmare of injustice in The Fire Next Time (1963) and other works.

World War II wrought great changes in U.S. society. Black soldiers fought for a “double V for victory,” hoping to triumph over fascism abroad and racism at home. Many received a hostile reception, such as Medgar Evers who was blocked from voting at gunpoint by five armed whites. Blacks continued the Great Migration to southern and northern cities for wartime industrial work. After the war, in 1947, Jackie Robinson endured racial taunts on the field and segregation off it as he broke the color barrier in professional baseball and began a Hall of Fame career. The following year, President Harry Truman issued executive orders desegregating the military and banning discrimination in the civil service. Meanwhile, Thurgood Marshall and his legal team at the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) meticulously prepared legal challenges to discrimination, continuing a decades-long effort.

The NAACP Legal Defense and Education Fund brought lawsuits against segregated schools in different states that were consolidated into Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka , 1954. The Supreme Court unanimously decided that “separate but equal” was “inherently unequal.” Brown II followed a year after, as the court ordered that the integration of schools should be pursued “with all deliberate speed.” Throughout the South, angry whites responded with a campaign of “massive resistance” and refused to comply with the order, while many parents sent their children to all-white private schools. Middle-class whites who opposed integration joined local chapters of citizens’ councils and used propaganda, economic pressure, and even violence to achieve their ends.

A wave of violence and intimidation followed. In 1955, teenager Emmett Till was visiting relatives in Mississippi when he was lynched after being falsely accused of whistling at a white woman. Though an all-white jury quickly acquitted the two men accused of killing him, Till’s murder was reported nationally and raised awareness of the injustices taking place in Mississippi.

In Montgomery, Alabama, Rosa Parks (who was a secretary of the Montgomery NAACP) was arrested for refusing to give up her seat to a white passenger on a segregated bus. Her willingness to confront segregation led to a direct-action movement for equality. The local Women’s Political Council organized the city’s Black residents into a boycott of the bus system, which was then led by the Montgomery Improvement Association. Black churches and ministers, including Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr., and Rev. Ralph Abernathy, provided a source of strength. Despite arrests, armed mobs, and church bombings, the boycott lasted until a federal court desegregated the city buses. In the wake of the boycott, the leading ministers formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) , which became a key civil rights organization.

Rosa Parks is shown here in 1955 with Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. in the background. The Montgomery bus boycott was an important victory in the civil rights movement.

In 1957, nine Black families decided to send their children to Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas. Governor Orval Faubus used the National Guard to prevent their entry, and one student, Elizabeth Eckford, faced an angry crowd of whites alone and barely escaped. President Eisenhower was compelled to respond and sent in 1,200 paratroops from the 101st Airborne to protect the Black students. They continued to be harassed, but most finished the school year and integrated the school.

That year, Congress passed a Civil Rights Act that created a civil rights division in the Justice Department and provided minimal protections for the right to vote. The bill had been watered down because of an expected filibuster by southern senators, who had recently signed the Southern Manifesto, a document pledging their resistance to Supreme Court decisions such as Brown .

In 1960, four Black college students were refused lunch service at a local Woolworth’s in Greensboro, North Carolina, and they spontaneously staged a “sit-in” the following day. Their resistance to the indignities of segregation was copied by thousands of others of young Blacks across the South, launching another wave of direct, nonviolent confrontation with segregation. Ella Baker invited several participants to a Raleigh conference where they formed the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) and issued a Statement of Purpose. The group represented a more youthful and daring effort that later broke with King and his strategy of nonviolence.

In contrast, Malcolm X became a leading spokesperson for the Nation of Islam (NOI) who represented Black separatism as an alternative to integration, which he deemed an unworthy goal. He advocated revolutionary violence as a means of Black self-defense and rejected nonviolence. He later changed his views, breaking with the NOI and embracing a Black nationalism that had more common ground with King’s nonviolent views. Malcolm X had reached out to establish ties with other Black activists before being gunned down by assassins who were members of the NOI later in 1965.

In 1961, members of the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) rode segregated buses in order to integrate interstate travel. These Black and white Freedom Riders traveled into the Deep South, where mobs beat them with bats and pipes in bus stations and firebombed their buses. A cautious Kennedy administration reluctantly intervened to protect the Freedom Riders with federal marshals, who were also victimized by violent white mobs.

Malcolm X was a charismatic speaker and gifted organizer. He argued that Black pride, identity, and independence were more important than integration with whites.

King was moved to act. He confronted segregation with the hope of exposing injustice and brutality against nonviolent protestors and arousing the conscience of the nation to achieve a just rule of law. The first planned civil rights campaign was initiated by SNCC and taken over mid-campaign by King and SCLC. It failed because Albany, Georgia’s Police Chief Laurie Pritchett studied King’s tactics and responded to the demonstrations with restraint. In 1963, King shifted the movement to Birmingham, Alabama, where Public Safety Commissioner Bull Connor unleashed his officers to attack civil rights protestors with fire hoses and police dogs. Authorities arrested thousands, including many young people who joined the marches. King wrote “Letter from Birmingham Jail” after his own arrest and provided the moral justification for the movement to break unjust laws. National and international audiences were shocked by the violent images shown in newspapers and on the television news. President Kennedy addressed the nation and asked, “whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities . . . [If a Black person]cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place?” The president then submitted a civil rights bill to Congress.

In late August 1963, more than 250,000 people joined the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in solidarity for equal rights. From the Lincoln Memorial steps, King delivered his “I Have a Dream” speech. He stated, “I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up, live out the true meaning of its creed: ‘We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.’”

After Kennedy was assassinated in 1963, President Lyndon Johnson pushed his agenda through Congress. In the early summer of 1964, a 3-month filibuster by southern senators was finally defeated, and both houses passed the historical civil rights bill. President Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act of 1964 into law, banning segregation in public accommodations.

Activists in the civil rights movement then focused on campaigns for the right to vote. During the summer of 1964, several civil rights organizations combined their efforts during the “ Freedom Summer ” to register Blacks to vote with the help of young white college students. They endured terror and intimidation as dozens of churches and homes were burned and workers were killed, including an incident in which Black advocate James Chaney and two white students, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, were murdered in Mississippi.

In August 1963, peaceful protesters gathered in front of the Lincoln Memorial to draw attention to the inequalities and indignities African Americans suffered 100 years after emancipation. Leaders of the march are shown in the image on the bottom, with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. in the center.

That summer, Fannie Lou Hamer helped organize the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) as civil rights delegates to replace the rival white delegation opposed to civil rights at the Democratic National Convention in Atlantic City. Hamer was a veteran of attempts to register other Blacks to vote and endured severe beatings for her efforts. A proposed compromise of giving two seats to the MFDP satisfied neither those delegates nor the white delegation, which walked out. Cracks were opening up in the Democratic electoral coalition over civil rights, especially in the South.

Fannie Lou Hamer testified about the violence she and others endured when trying to register to vote at the 1964 Democratic National Convention. Her televised testimony exposed the realities of continued violence against Blacks trying to exercise their constitutional rights.

In early 1965, the SCLC and SNCC joined forces to register voters in Selma and draw attention to the fight for Black suffrage. On March 7, marchers planned to walk peacefully from Selma to the state capital of Montgomery. However, mounted state troopers and police blocked the Edmund Pettus Bridge and then rampaged through the marchers, indiscriminately beating them. SNCC leader John Lewis suffered a fractured skull, and 5 women were clubbed unconscious. Seventy people were hospitalized for injuries during “Bloody Sunday.” The scenes again shocked television viewers and newspaper readers.

The images of state troopers, local police, and local people brutally attacking peaceful protestors on “Bloody Sunday” shocked people across the country and world. Two weeks later, protestors of all ages and races continued the protest. By the time they reached the state capitol in Montgomery, Alabama, their ranks had swelled to about 25,000 people.

Two days later, King led a symbolic march to the bridge but then turned around. Many younger and more militant activists were alienated and felt that King had sold out to white authorities. The tension revealed the widening division between older civil rights advocates and those younger, more radical supporters who were frustrated at the slow pace of change and the routine violence inflicted upon peaceful protesters. Nevertheless, starting on March 21, with the help of a federal judge who refused Governor George Wallace’s request to ban the march, Blacks triumphantly walked to Montgomery. On August 6, President Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act protecting the rights to register and vote after a Senate filibuster ended and the bill passed Congress.

The Civil Rights Act and Voting Rights Act did not alter the fact that most Black Americans still suffered racism, were denied equal economic opportunities, and lived in segregated neighborhoods. While King and other leaders did seek to raise their issues among northerners, frustrations often boiled over into urban riots during the mid-1960s. Police brutality and other racial incidents often triggered days of violence in which hundreds were injured or killed. There were mass arrests and widespread property damage from arson and looting in Los Angeles, Detroit, Newark, Cleveland, Chicago, and dozens of other cities. A presidential National Advisory Commission of Civil Disorders issued the Kerner Report, which analyzed the causes of urban unrest, noting the impact of racism on the inequalities and injustices suffered by Black Americans.

Frustration among young Black Americans led to the rise of a more militant strain of advocacy. In 1966, activist James Meredith was on a solo march in Mississippi to raise awareness about Black voter registration when he was shot and wounded. Though Meredith recovered, this event typified the violence that led some young Black Americans to espouse a more military strain of advocacy. On June 16, SNCC leader Stokely Carmichael and members of the Black Panther Party continued Meredith’s march while he recovered from his wounds, chanting, “We want Black Power .” Black Power leaders and members of the Black Panther Party offered a different vision for equality and justice. They advocated self-reliance and self-empowerment, a celebration of Black culture, and armed self-defense. They used aggressive rhetoric to project a more radical strategy for racial progress, including sympathy for revolutionary socialism and rejection of capitalism. While its legacy is debated, the Black Power movement raised many important questions about the place of Black Americans in the United States, beyond the civil rights movement.

After World War II, Black Americans confronted the iniquities and indignities of segregation to end almost a century of Jim Crow. Undeterred, they turned the public’s eyes to the injustice they faced and called on the country to live up to the promises of the Declaration of Independence and Constitution, and to continue the fight against inequality and discrimination.

Reading Comprehension Questions

• What factors helped to create the modern civil rights movement?
• How was the quest for civil rights a combination of federal and local actions?
• What were the goals and methods of different activists and groups of the civil rights movement? Complete the table below to reference throughout your analysis of the primary source documents.

Introduction

Martin Luther King, Jr., made history, but he was also transformed by his deep family roots in the African-American Baptist church, his formative experiences in his hometown of Atlanta, his theological studies, his varied models of religious and political leadership, and his extensive network of contacts in the peace and social justice movements of his time. Although King was only 39 at the time of his death, his life was remarkable for the ways it reflected and inspired so many of the twentieth century’s major intellectual, cultural, and political developments.

The son, grandson, and great-grandson of Baptist ministers, Martin Luther King, Jr., named Michael King at birth, was born in Atlanta and spent his first 12 years in the Auburn Avenue home that his parents, the Reverend Michael King  and Alberta Williams King, shared with his maternal grandparents, the Reverend Adam Daniel (A. D.)  Williams  and Jeannie Celeste Williams. After Reverend Williams’ death in 1931, his son-in-law became  Ebenezer Baptist Church ’s new pastor and gradually established himself as a major figure in state and national Baptist groups. The elder King began referring to himself (and later to his son) as Martin Luther King.

King’s formative experiences not only immersed him in the affairs of Ebenezer but also introduced him to the African-American  social gospel  tradition exemplified by his father and grandfather, both of whom were leaders of the Atlanta branch of the  National Association for the Advancement of Colored People  (NAACP). Depression-era breadlines heightened King’s awareness of economic inequities, and his father’s leadership of campaigns against racial discrimination in voting and teachers’ salaries provided a model for the younger King’s own politically engaged ministry. He resisted religious emotionalism and as a teenager questioned some facets of Baptist doctrine, such as the bodily resurrection of Jesus.

During his undergraduate years at Atlanta’s  Morehouse College  from 1944 to 1948, King gradually overcame his initial reluctance to accept his inherited calling. Morehouse president Benjamin E.  Mays  influenced King’s spiritual development, encouraging him to view Christianity as a potential force for progressive social change. Religion professor George  Kelsey  exposed him to biblical criticism and, according to King’s autobiographical sketch, taught him “that behind the legends and myths of the Book were many profound truths which one could not escape” ( Papers  1:43 ). King admired both educators as deeply religious yet also learned men and, by the end of his junior year, such academic role models and the example of his father led King to enter the ministry. He described his decision as a response to an “inner urge” calling him to “serve humanity” ( Papers  1:363 ). He was ordained during his final semester at Morehouse, and by this time King had also taken his first steps toward political activism. He had responded to the postwar wave of anti-black violence by proclaiming in a letter to the editor of the  Atlanta Constitution  that African Americans were “entitled to the basic rights and opportunities of American citizens” ( Papers  1:121 ). During his senior year King joined the Intercollegiate Council, an interracial student discussion group that met monthly at Atlanta’s Emory University.

After leaving Morehouse, King increased his understanding of liberal Christian thought while attending  Crozer Theological Seminary  in Pennsylvania from 1948 to 1951. Initially uncritical of liberal theology, he gradually moved toward Reinhold  Niebuhr ’s neo-orthodoxy, which emphasized the intractability of social evil. Mentored by local minister and King family friend J. Pius  Barbour , he reacted skeptically to a presentation on pacifism by  Fellowship of Reconciliation  leader A. J.  Muste . Moreover, by the end of his seminary studies King had become increasingly dissatisfied with the abstract conceptions of God held by some modern theologians and identified himself instead with the theologians who affirmed  personalism , or a belief in the personality of God. Even as he continued to question and modify his own religious beliefs, he compiled an outstanding academic record and graduated at the top of his class.

In 1951, King began doctoral studies in systematic theology at  Boston University ’s School of Theology, which was dominated by personalist theologians such as Edgar  Brightman  and L. Harold  DeWolf . The papers (including his  dissertation ) that King wrote during his years at Boston University displayed little originality, and some contained extensive plagiarism; but his readings enabled him to formulate an eclectic yet coherent theological perspective. By the time he completed his doctoral studies in 1955, King had refined his exceptional ability to draw upon a wide range of theological and philosophical texts to express his views with force and precision. His capacity to infuse his oratory with borrowed theological insights became evident in his expanding preaching activities in Boston-area churches and at Ebenezer, where he assisted his father during school vacations.

During his stay in Boston, King also met and courted Coretta  Scott , an Alabama-born Antioch College graduate who was then a student at the New England Conservatory of Music. On 18 June 1953, the two students were married in Marion, Alabama, where Scott’s family lived.

Although he considered pursuing an academic career, King decided in 1954 to accept an offer to become the pastor of  Dexter Avenue Baptist Church  in Montgomery, Alabama. In December 1955, when Montgomery black leaders such as Jo Ann  Robinson , E. D.  Nixon , and Ralph  Abernathy  formed the  Montgomery Improvement Association  (MIA) to protest the arrest of NAACP official Rosa  Parks  for refusing to give up her bus seat to a white man, they selected King to head the new group. In his role as the primary spokesman of the year-long  Montgomery bus boycott , King utilized the leadership abilities he had gained from his religious background and academic training to forge a distinctive protest strategy that involved the mobilization of black churches and skillful appeals for white support. With the encouragement of Bayard  Rustin , Glenn  Smiley , William Stuart  Nelson , and other veteran pacifists, King also became a firm advocate of Mohandas  Gandhi ’s precepts of  nonviolence , which he combined with Christian social gospel ideas.

After the U.S. Supreme Court outlawed Alabama bus segregation laws in  Browder v. Gayle  in late 1956, King sought to expand the nonviolent civil rights movement throughout the South. In 1957, he joined with C. K.  Steele , Fred  Shuttlesworth , and T. J.  Jemison  in founding the  Southern Christian Leadership Conference  (SCLC) with King as president to coordinate civil rights activities throughout the region. Publication of King’s memoir of the boycott,  Stride Toward Freedom: The Montgomery Story  (1958), further contributed to his rapid emergence as a national civil rights leader. Even as he expanded his influence, however, King acted cautiously. Rather than immediately seeking to stimulate mass desegregation protests in the South, King stressed the goal of achieving black voting rights when he addressed an audience at the 1957  Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedom .

King’s rise to fame was not without personal consequences. In 1958, King was the victim of his first assassination attempt. Although his house had been bombed several times during the Montgomery bus boycott, it was while signing copies of  Stride Toward Freedom  that Izola Ware  Curry  stabbed him with a letter opener. Surgery to remove it was successful, but King had to recuperate for several months, giving up all protest activity.

One of the key aspects of King’s leadership was his ability to establish support from many types of organizations, including labor unions, peace organizations, southern reform organizations, and religious groups. As early as 1956, labor unions, such as the  United Packinghouse Workers of America  and the United Auto Workers, contributed to MIA, and peace activists such as Homer  Jack  alerted their associates to MIA activities. Activists from southern organizations, such as Myles Horton’s  Highlander Folk School  and Anne  Braden ’s Southern Conference Educational Fund, were in frequent contact with King. In addition, his extensive ties to the  National Baptist Convention  provided support from churches all over the nation; and his advisor, Stanley  Levison , ensured broad support from Jewish groups.

King’s recognition of the link between segregation and colonialism resulted in alliances with groups fighting oppression outside the United States, especially in Africa. In March 1957, King traveled to  Ghana  at the invitation of Kwame  Nkrumah  to attend the nation’s independence ceremony. Shortly after returning from Ghana, King joined the  American Committee on Africa , agreeing to serve as vice chairman of an International Sponsoring Committee for a day of protest against South Africa’s  apartheid  government. Later, at an SCLC-sponsored event honoring Kenyan labor leader Tom  Mboya , King further articulated the connections between the African American freedom struggle and those abroad: “We are all caught in an inescapable network of mutuality” ( Papers  5:204 ).

During 1959, he increased his understanding of Gandhian ideas during a month-long visit to  India  sponsored by the  American Friends Service Committee . With Coretta and MIA historian Lawrence D.  Reddick  in tow, King met with many Indian leaders, including Prime Minister Jawaharlal  Nehru . Writing after his return, King stated: “I left India more convinced than ever before that non-violent resistance is the most potent weapon available to oppressed people in their struggle for freedom” ( Papers  5:233 ).

Early the following year, he moved his family, which now included two children— Yolanda King  and Martin Luther King, III —to Atlanta in order to be nearer to SCLC headquarters in that city and to become co-pastor, with his father, of Ebenezer Baptist Church. (The Kings’ third child, Dexter King , was born in 1961; their fourth, Bernice King , was born in 1963.) Soon after King’s arrival in Atlanta, the southern civil rights movement gained new impetus from the student-led lunch counter  sit-in  movement that spread throughout the region during 1960. The sit-ins brought into existence a new protest group, the  Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee  (SNCC), which would often push King toward greater militancy. King came in contact with students, especially those from Nashville such as John  Lewis , James  Bevel , and Diane  Nash , who had been trained in nonviolent tactics by James  Lawson . In October 1960, King’s arrest during a student-initiated protest in Atlanta became an issue in the national presidential campaign when Democratic candidate John F.  Kennedy  called Coretta King to express his concern. The successful efforts of Kennedy supporters to secure King’s release contributed to the Democratic candidate’s narrow victory over Republican candidate Richard  Nixon .

King’s decision to move to Atlanta was partly caused by SCLC’s lack of success during the late 1950s. Associate director Ella  Baker  had complained that SCLC’s Crusade for Citizenship suffered from lack of attention from King. SCLC leaders hoped that with King now in Atlanta, strategy would be improved. The hiring of Wyatt Tee  Walker  as executive director in 1960 was also seen as a step toward bringing efficiency to the organization, while the addition of Dorothy  Cotton  and Andrew  Young  to the staff infused new leadership after SCLC took over the administration of the Citizenship Education Program pioneered by Septima  Clark . Attorney Clarence  Jones  also began to assist King and SCLC with legal matters and to act as King’s advisor.

As the southern protest movement expanded during the early 1960s, King was often torn between the increasingly militant student activists, such as those who participated in the  Freedom Rides , and more cautious national civil rights leaders. During 1961 and 1962, his tactical differences with SNCC activists surfaced during a sustained protest movement in Albany, Georgia. King was arrested twice during demonstrations organized by the  Albany Movement , but when he left jail and ultimately left Albany without achieving a victory, some movement activists began to question his militancy and his dominant role within the southern protest movement.

As King encountered increasingly fierce white opposition, he continued his movement away from theological abstractions toward more reassuring conceptions, rooted in African-American religious culture, of God as a constant source of support. He later wrote in his book of sermons,  Strength to Love  (1963), that the travails of movement leadership caused him to abandon the notion of God as “theologically and philosophically satisfying” and caused him to view God as “a living reality that has been validated in the experiences of everyday life” ( Papers  5:424 ). 

During 1963, however, King reasserted his preeminence within the African-American freedom struggle through his leadership of the  Birmingham Campaign . Initiated by SCLC and its affiliate, the  Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights , the Birmingham demonstrations were the most massive civil rights protests that had yet occurred. With the assistance of Fred Shuttlesworth and other local black leaders, and with little competition from SNCC and other civil rights groups, SCLC officials were able to orchestrate the Birmingham protests to achieve maximum national impact. King’s decision to intentionally allow himself to be arrested for leading a demonstration on 12 April prodded the Kennedy administration to intervene in the escalating protests. The widely quoted “ Letter from Birmingham Jail ” displayed his distinctive ability to influence public opinion by appropriating ideas from the Bible, the Constitution, and other canonical texts. During May, televised pictures of police using dogs and fire hoses against young demonstrators generated a national outcry against white segregationist officials in Birmingham. The brutality of Birmingham officials and the refusal of Alabama’s governor George C.  Wallace  to allow the admission of black students at the University of Alabama prompted President Kennedy to introduce major civil rights legislation.

King’s speech  at the 28 August 1963  March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom , attended by more than 200,000 people, was the culmination of a wave of civil rights protest activity that extended even to northern cities. In his prepared remarks, King announced that African Americans wished to cash the “promissory note” signified in the egalitarian rhetoric of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence. Closing his address with extemporaneous remarks, he insisted that he had not lost hope: “I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream ... that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: ‘We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.’” He appropriated the familiar words of “My Country ’Tis of Thee,” before concluding, “When we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual: ‘Free at last! Free at last! Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!’” (King, “I Have a Dream”).

Although there was much elation after the March on Washington, less than a month later, the movement was shocked by another act of senseless violence. On 15 September 1963, a dynamite blast at Birmingham’s Sixteenth Street Baptist Church killed four young school girls. King delivered the eulogy for three of the four girls, reflecting: “They say to us that we must be concerned not merely about who murdered them, but about the system, the way of life, the philosophy which produced the murderers” (King,  Eulogy for the Martyred Children ).

St. Augustine, Florida  became the site of the next major confrontation of the civil rights movement. Beginning in 1963, Robert B.  Hayling , of the local NAACP, had led sit-ins against segregated businesses. SCLC was called in to help in May 1964, suffering the arrest of King and Abernathy. After a few court victories, SCLC left when a biracial committee was formed; however, local residents continued to suffer violence.

King’s ability to focus national attention on orchestrated confrontations with racist authorities, combined with his oration at the 1963 March on Washington, made him the most influential African-American spokesperson of the first half of the 1960s. He was named  Time  magazine’s “Man of the Year”  at the end of 1963, and was awarded the  Nobel Peace Prize  in December 1964. The acclaim King received strengthened his stature among civil rights leaders but also prompted  Federal Bureau of Investigation  (FBI) director J. Edgar Hoover to step up his effort to damage King’s reputation. Hoover, with the approval of President Kennedy and Attorney General Robert  Kennedy , established phone taps and bugs. Hoover and many other observers of the southern struggle saw King as controlling events, but he was actually a moderating force within an increasingly diverse black militancy of the mid-1960s. Although he was not personally involved in  Freedom Summer  (1964), he was called upon to attempt to persuade the  Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party  delegates to accept a compromise at the Democratic Party National Convention.

As the African-American struggle expanded from desegregation protests to mass movements seeking economic and political gains in the North as well as the South, King’s active involvement was limited to a few highly publicized civil rights campaigns, such as Birmingham and St. Augustine, which secured popular support for the passage of national civil rights legislation, particularly the  Civil Rights Act of 1964 .

The Alabama protests reached a turning point on 7 March 1965, when state police attacked a group of demonstrators at the start of a march from Selma to the state capitol in Montgomery. Carrying out Governor Wallace’s orders, the police used tear gas and clubs to turn back the marchers after they crossed the Edmund Pettus Bridge on the outskirts of Selma. Unprepared for the violent confrontation, King alienated some activists when he decided to postpone the continuation of the  Selma to Montgomery March  until he had received court approval, but the march, which finally secured federal court approval, attracted several thousand civil rights sympathizers, black and white, from all regions of the nation. On 25 March, King addressed the arriving marchers from the steps of the capitol in Montgomery. The march and the subsequent killing of a white participant, Viola Liuzzo, as well as the earlier murder of James  Reeb  dramatized the denial of black voting rights and spurred passage during the following summer of the  Voting Rights Act of 1965 .

After the march in Alabama, King was unable to garner similar support for his effort to confront the problems of northern urban blacks. Early in 1966 he, together with local activist Al  Raby , launched a major campaign against poverty and other urban problems, and King moved his family into an apartment in Chicago’s black ghetto. As King shifted the focus of his activities to the North, however, he discovered that the tactics used in the South were not as effective elsewhere. He encountered formidable opposition from Mayor Richard Daley and was unable to mobilize Chicago’s economically and ideologically diverse black community. King was stoned by angry whites in the Chicago suburb of Cicero when he led a march against racial discrimination in housing. Despite numerous mass protests, the  Chicago Campaign  resulted in no significant gains and undermined King’s reputation as an effective civil rights leader.

King’s influence was damaged further by the increasingly caustic tone of black militancy in the period after 1965. Black radicals increasingly turned away from the Gandhian precepts of King toward the  black nationalism  of  Malcolm X , whose posthumously published autobiography and speeches reached large audiences after his assassination in February 1965. Unable to influence the black insurgencies that occurred in many urban areas, King refused to abandon his firmly rooted beliefs about racial integration and nonviolence. He was nevertheless unpersuaded by black nationalist calls for racial uplift and institutional development in black communities. 

In June 1966, James  Meredith  was shot while attempting a “March against Fear” in Mississippi. King, Floyd  McKissick  of the  Congress of Racial Equality , and Stokely  Carmichael  of SNCC decided to continue his march. During the march, the activists from SNCC decided to test a new slogan that they had been using,  Black Power . King objected to the use of the term, but the media took the opportunity to expose the disagreements among protesters and publicized the term.

In his last book,  Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community?  (1967), King dismissed the claim of Black Power advocates “to be the most revolutionary wing of the social revolution taking place in the United States,” but he acknowledged that they responded to a psychological need among African Americans he had not previously addressed (King,  Where Do We Go , 45–46). “Psychological freedom, a firm sense of self-esteem, is the most powerful weapon against the long night of physical slavery,” King wrote. “The Negro will only be free when he reaches down to the inner depths of his own being and signs with the pen and ink of assertive manhood his own emancipation proclamation” (King, “Where Do We Go From Here?”).

Indeed, even as his popularity declined, King spoke out strongly against American involvement in the  Vietnam War , making his position public in an address, “ Beyond Vietnam ,” on 4 April 1967, at New York’s Riverside Church. King’s involvement in the anti-war movement reduced his ability to influence national racial policies and made him a target of further FBI investigations. Nevertheless, he became ever more insistent that his version of Gandhian nonviolence and social gospel Christianity was the most appropriate response to the problems of black Americans.

In December 1967, King announced the formation of the  Poor People’s Campaign , designed to prod the federal government to strengthen its antipoverty efforts. King and other SCLC workers began to recruit poor people and antipoverty activists to come to Washington, D.C., to lobby on behalf of improved antipoverty programs. This effort was in its early stages when King became involved in the  Memphis sanitation workers’ strike  in Tennessee. On 28 March 1968, as King led thousands of sanitation workers and sympathizers on a march through downtown Memphis, black youngsters began throwing rocks and looting stores. This outbreak of violence led to extensive press criticisms of King’s entire antipoverty strategy. King returned to Memphis for the last time in early April.  Addressing  an audience at Bishop Charles J. Mason Temple on 3 April, King affirmed his optimism despite the “difficult days” that lay ahead. “But it really doesn’t matter with me now,” he declared, “because I’ve been to the mountaintop.... and I’ve seen the Promised Land.” He continued, “I may not get there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the Promised Land,” (King, “ I’ve Been to the Mountaintop ”). The following evening, the  assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. , took place as he stood on a balcony of the Lorraine Motel in Memphis. A white segregationist, James Earl Ray, was later convicted of the crime. The Poor People’s Campaign continued for a few months after King’s death, under the direction of Ralph Abernathy, the new SCLC president, but it did not achieve its objectives.

Until his death, King remained steadfast in his commitment to the transformation of American society through nonviolent activism. In his posthumously published essay, “A Testament of Hope” (1969), he urged African Americans to refrain from violence but also warned: “White America must recognize that justice for black people cannot be achieved without radical changes in the structure of our society.” The “black revolution” was more than a civil rights movement, he insisted. “It is forcing America to face all its interrelated flaws—racism, poverty, militarism, and materialism” (King, “Testament,” 194).

After her husband’s death, Coretta Scott King established the Atlanta-based Martin Luther King, Jr., Center for Nonviolent Social Change (also known as the  King Center ) to promote Gandhian-Kingian concepts of nonviolent struggle. She also led the successful effort to honor her husband with a federally mandated  King national holiday , which was first celebrated in 1986. 

Introduction, in  Papers  1:1–57 .

King, “An Autobiography of Religious Development,” 12 September 1950–22 November 1950, in  Papers  1:359–363 .

King, Eulogy for the Martyred Children, 18 September 1963, in  A Call to Conscience , ed. Carson and Shepard, 2001.

King, “I Have a Dream,” Address Delivered at the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, 28 August 1963, in  A Call to Conscience , ed. Carson and Shepard, 2001.

King, “I’ve Been to the Mountaintop,” Address Delivered at Bishop Charles Mason Temple, 3 April 1968, in  A Call to Conscience , ed. Carson and Shepard, 2001.

King, “Kick Up Dust,” Letter to the Editor,  Atlanta Constitution , 6 August 1946, in  Papers  1:121 .

King, “My Trip to the Land of Gandhi,” July 1959, in  Papers  5:231–238 .

King, “Pilgrimage to Nonviolence,” 13 April 1960, in  Papers  5:419–425 .

King, Remarks Delivered at Africa Freedom Dinner at Atlanta University, 13 May 1959, in  Papers  5:203–204 .

King,  Strength to Love , 1963.

King, “A Testament of Hope,” in  Playboy  (16 January 1969): 193–194, 231–236.

King, “Where Do We Go From Here?,” Address Delivered at the Eleventh Annual SCLC Convention, 16 August 1967, in  A Call to Conscience , ed. Carson and Shepard, 2001.

King,  Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community? , 1967.

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Collection Civil Rights History Project

Women in the civil rights movement.

Many women played important roles in the Civil Rights Movement, from leading local civil rights organizations to serving as lawyers on school segregation lawsuits. Their efforts to lead the movement were often overshadowed by men, who still get more attention and credit for its successes in popular historical narratives and commemorations.  Many women experienced gender discrimination and sexual harassment within the movement and later turned towards the feminist movement in the 1970s.  The Civil Rights History Project interviews with participants in the struggle include both expressions of pride in women’s achievements and also candid assessments about the difficulties they faced within the movement.

Gwendolyn Zoharah Simmons was a member of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), and one of three women chosen to be a field director for the Mississippi Freedom Summer Project.  She discusses the difficulties she faced in this position and notes that gender equality was not a given, but had to be fought for:  “I often had to struggle around issues related to a woman being a project director.  We had to fight for the resources, you know.  We had to fight to get a good car because the guys would get first dibs on everything, and that wasn’t fair…it was a struggle to be taken seriously by the leadership, as well as by your male colleagues.” She continues, “One of the things that we often don’t talk about, but there was sexual harassment that often happened toward the women.  And so, that was one of the things that, you know, I took a stand on, that ‘This was not – we’re not going to get a consensus on this.  There is not going to be sexual harassment of any of the women on this project or any of the women in this community.  And you will be put out if you do it.’”

Lonnie King was an activist with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in Atlanta. He remembers meeting other students from the Nashville movement when SNCC became a nationwide organization in 1960. He recalls his surprise that Diane Nash was not elected to be the representative from Nashville, and echoes Simmons’ criticisms about male privilege and domination: “Diane Nash, in my view, was the Nashville movement and by that I mean this:  Others were there, but they weren’t Diane Nash. Diane was articulate; she was a beautiful woman, very photogenic, very committed. And very intelligent and had a following. I never did understand how, except maybe for sexism, I never understood how [James] Bevel, Marion [Barry], and for that matter, John Lewis, kind of leapfrogged over her. I never understood that because she was in fact the leader in Nashville. It was Diane. The others were followers of her… I so never understood that to be honest with you. She’s an unsung... a real unsung hero of the movement in Nashville, in my opinion.”

Ekwueme Michael Thewell was a student at Howard University and a leader of the Nonviolent Action Group, an organization that eventually joined with SNCC. He reflects on the sacrifices that women college students at Howard made in joining the struggle, and remarks on the constraints they faced after doing so: “It is only in retrospect that I recognize the extraordinary price that our sisters paid for being as devoted to the struggle as they were. It meant that they weren’t into homecoming queen kind of activities. That they weren’t into the accepted behavior of a Howard lady. That they weren't into the trivia of fashion and dressing up. Though they were attractive women and they took care of themselves, but they weren’t the kind of trophy wives for the med school students and they weren’t—some of them might have been members of the Greek letter organizations, but most of them I suspect weren’t. So that they occupied a place outside the conventional social norms of the whole university student body. So did the men. But with men, I think, we can just say, ‘Kiss my black ass’ and go on about our business. It wasn’t so clear to me that a woman could do the same thing.”

Older interviewees emphasize the opportunities that were available to an earlier generation of women. Mildred Bond Roxborough , a long-time secretary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, discusses the importance of women leaders in local branches: “Well, actually when you think about women's contributions to the NAACP, without the women we wouldn't have an NAACP.  The person who was responsible for generating the organizing meeting was a woman.  Of course, ever since then we've had women in key roles--not in the majority, but in the very key roles which were responsible for the evolution of the NAACP.  I think in terms of people like Daisy Lampkin, who was a member of our national board from Pittsburgh; she traveled around the country garnering memberships and helping to organize branches.  That was back in the '30s and '40s before it became fashionable or popular for women to travel.  You have women who subsequently held positions in the NAACP nationally as program directors and as leaders of various divisions.” She goes on to discuss the contributions of many women to the success of the NAACP.

Doris Adelaide Derby , another SNCC activist, remembers that the challenge and urgency of the freedom struggle was a formative experience for young activist women, who had to learn resourcefulness on the job:   “I always did what I wanted to do.  I had my own inner drive.  And I found that when I came up with ideas and I was ready to work to see it through, and I think that happened with a lot of women in SNCC.  We needed all hands on deck, and so, when we found ourselves in situations, we had to rely on whoever was around.  And if somebody had XYZ skills, and somebody only had ABC, we had to come together. We used to joke about that, but in reality, the women, you know, were strong.  In the struggle, the women were strong.”

Ruby Nell Sales , who later overcame psychological traumas from the racial violence she witnessed in the movement, encourages us to look beyond the simplistic story of Rosa Parks refusing to move to the back of the bus in Montgomery. As she explains, Parks was a long-time activist who had sought justice for African American women who were frequently assaulted—both verbally and physically-- in their daily lives: “…When we look at Rosa Parks, people often think that she was – she did that because of her civil rights and wanting to sit down on the bus.  But she also did that – it was a rebellion of maids, a rebellion of working class women, who were tired of boarding the buses in Montgomery, the public space, and being assaulted and called out-of-there names and abused by white bus drivers. And that’s why that Movement could hold so long.  If it had just been merely a protest about riding the bus, it might have shattered.  But it went to the very heart of black womanhood, and black women played a major role in sustaining that movement.”

The Civil Rights History Project includes interviews with over 50 women who came from a wide range of backgrounds and were involved in the movement in a myriad of ways. Their stories deepen our understanding of the movement as a whole, and provide us with concrete examples of how vital they were to the gains of the Civil Rights Movement.

Civil Rights Movement - List of Free Essay Examples And Topic Ideas

The Civil Rights Movement, a pivotal era in the struggle for racial equality in the United States, bore witness to significant events, legislation, and figures dedicated to dismantling systemic racism. Essays could explore key moments like the Montgomery Bus Boycott, the March on Washington, and the passing of Civil Rights Act, among others. Discussions might also delve into the prominent figures of the movement like Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, and Rosa Parks, exploring their ideologies, strategies, and contributions to the cause. The wider impact of the Civil Rights Movement on subsequent social justice movements, policy reformations, and the broader discourse on race and equality could be analyzed. Furthermore, a comparative analysis of the Civil Rights Movement with other global human rights movements can provide a broader perspective on the enduring struggle for racial and social justice across different societal and historical contexts. We’ve gathered an extensive assortment of free essay samples on the topic of Civil Rights Movement you can find at PapersOwl Website. You can use our samples for inspiration to write your own essay, research paper, or just to explore a new topic for yourself.

The Sixties Civil Rights Movement Vs. Vietnam War

The 1960s were a very turbulent time for the United States of America. This period saw the expansion of the Vietnam War, the assassination of a beloved president, the civil rights and peace movements and the uprising of many of the world’s most influential leaders; known as Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X. Over the years, scholars have discussed the correlation between the Vietnam War and the Civil Rights movement. It has been argued that violence happening overseas directly […]

How did Martin Luther Kings Jr Death Affect the Civil Rights Movement

In the early 1950’s and late 60’s down south there was a huge movement dedicated to the fight for rights of African Americans. His main goal was to lead a movement that was non-violent no matter what they were up against. Martin Luther King Jr. Was one of the major leaders of the civil rights movement and he fought for civil rights and political rights to get rid of segregation in the United States. On April 4, 1968 Martin Luther […]

The Struggle for African American Equality

The struggle for African American equality played out in all parts of life including schools, public life, and political office. This struggle was ingrained in American culture and it proved to be extremely difficult to escape. Until the 1940s, segregation, inequality, and violence was the norm for African Americans. In the late 1940s, African Americans began to see an opportunity for true freedom and that gave them the fuel to take action to demand change. Change was made through various […]

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Masterpiece Cakeshop V. Colorado Civil Rights Commission

Jack Phillips, owner, and baker at Masterpiece Cakeshop believed that it was his First Amendment right to refuse any gay couple a wedding cake because it was against his religious beliefs. Further, he felt that by participating in making a cake for a gay marriage would be an act of complicity, as it would be seen as him condoning such a marriage which is strictly the opposite of what his beliefs are, that homosexuality is wrong, and is considered a […]

Does the Civil Rights Movement have an Effect on the Way Minorities are Treated by Authorities?

Abstract The civil rights movement was a mass popular movement to secure for African Americans equal access to and opportunities for the basic privileges and rights of U.S. citizenship. While the roots of this movement go back to the 19th century, its highlighted movements were in the 1950s and 1960s. African American men and women, along with white American’s and other minority citizens, organized and led the movement at national and local levels nationwide. The civil rights movement centered on […]

Logical Fallacies in Letter from Birmingham Jail

Martin Luther King, Jr. "Letter from Birmingham Jail" was composed in 1963, when African Americans were fighting for their rights. The reason for this letter is that Martin Luther King is attempting to persuade the clergymen. While doing this, he utilizes critical and powerful tones to endeavor and to impact the clergymen to agree with him. Martin Luther King gives a substantial contention utilizing Logos, Pathos, and Ethos all throughout his letter. Martin Luther King utilizes logos in the letter […]

Civil Rights Martyrs

Are you willing to give your life for your people? These martyrs of the civil rights movement gave everything for their people. Although some may say their deaths did not have an impact on the civil rights movements. They risked their lives just so African Americans could have the rights they have today. The definition of martyr is a person who is killed because of their religious or other beliefs. They believe that everyone should be equal and have the […]

Segregation and Civil Rights

Throughout 1950 to the 1960s there was a lot of racial tensions regarding people who were not white. Segregation was a huge part of this including bathrooms, water fountains, transportation, and education. African American people were still being mistreated, performing the same type of labor as the slavery times, except with little payment. Laws were put in place, such as the Jim Crow laws. These laws were a collection of state and local statutes that legalized racial segregation (“Jim Crow […]

The Autobiography of Miss Jane Pittman by Ernest James Gaines

The author of The Autobiography of Miss Jane Pittman, Ernest J. Gaines, is a male African American author who has taken full advantage of his culture by writing about rural Louisiana. His stories mainly tell the struggles of blacks trying to make a living in racist and discriminating lands. Many of his stories are based on his own family experiences. In Ernest J. Gaines’ novel, The Autobiography of Miss Jane Pittman, four themes that are displayed are the nature of […]

Illegal Immigrants Deserve Civil Rights

Citizenship in the United States comes with a very significant and powerful advantage; civil rights. Under these rights, your freedom is protected from several infringements by the government. Many individuals are entitled to these rights, such as those born in the United States, while many individuals may not be granted all of these rights, such as illegal immigrants. There is a huge controversial debate surrounding illegal immigrants and whether they should have civil rights and liberties, and this debate is […]

Civil Rights Figures in the United States

Who were the important civil rights leaders in America and how did they impact the United States of America? Introduction: For our project on social justice, we decided to talk about the leaders of the civil rights movement for their intellect, bravery, and ingenuity. We chose to honor the more widely known people like Martin Luther King, Rosa Parks, Malcolm X, and those whom everybody might not know about such as Nina Simone, Dorothy Height, and the Freedom Riders. We […]

Civil Liberties Definition

Civil liberties are the freedoms that citizens have in order to exercise rights that have been given, written, and documented in the Constitution. Although freedom of speech and unwarranted interference from the government are stated within this document, there too are many others. In order to clearly outline and state which rights of the American people were protected by the Constitution, the Bill of Rights was drafted. Although a document such as The Bill of Rights exists to protect citizens’ […]

Women of the Tennessee and Memphis Civil Rights Movement

Memphis, Tennessee is one of the stomping grounds for the Civil Rights Movement. Before the sanitation strike and before Dr. Martin Luther King’s arrival in Memphis regarding the sanitation workers’, we must learn from the women who initiated for his arrival to help. Women were not as direct and bold as far as the Civil Rights Movement around the United States but in Memphis, Tennessee they were. Take for example Julia B. Hooks, Maxine Smith, Mary Church Terrell, Meharry Medical […]

Impact of the Civil Rights Laws

The Civil Rights Movement continues to impact society today, this has inspired and impacted the lives of many. Humanities is by definition, “the study of how people process and document the human experience”. From the beginning of time, the human race has used philosophy, literature art, music, and history to make record of the world as a whole. Culture is a a very important part of our society as a whole, it is by definition the characteristics and knowledge of […]

After Civil Rights: Racial Realism in the New American Workplace

Since the Civil Rights Act was legislated, the United States has gone through a dramatic change in regards to race and racism in our society. This essence of change includes the ideas of racial and ethnic composition in the United States today, and in regards to this review, the shift in employer behavior. Today, employers seek a more diverse workforce, with hopes of achieving organizational goals because of it. John Skrentny’s After Civil Rights: Racial Realism in the New American […]

Civil Rights Leaders

Malcom X and Dr. Martin Luther King were two of the most influential and inspiring leaders during the Civil Rights Movement. Both leaders had methods used to inspire followers, major key events, and strong effects on both religion and political views regarding war. The leader had their own unique way in changing history as we know it, but both had a similar goal in mind. Even though both had a similar goal one had a larger effect on Civil rights […]

Civil and Political Rights

This document belongs to the era of the sixties after the assassination of John F. Kennedy. This act happened during the Civil Rights Movement that took place during the 1950s to the 1960s, where racial minorities were fighting for equal rights under the law in the United States. It all started when Lyndon B. Johnson took over the presidency and established the “Great Society” that stated that all Americans should have equal rights and freedoms. From that program he was […]

Martin Luther King Jr. and the Civil Rights

As I reflect upon what I learned from undertaking an oral history; I realized that Oral history interviews are like fingerprints. The information that you learn cannot be stolen or erased. Oral histories are important to my understanding when it comes to learning a topic at hand because; it offers a place for students like myself to begin finding historical evidence to support their essay. Oral histories are records of the past obtainable by culturally tradition or a person whom […]

Voter Suppression from the Civil Rights Movement to the 21st Century

History of voter suppression In 1865, President Lincoln stated that freed slaves that are intelligent or served as soldiers should be allowed to vote. Although Lincoln felt this way many white people had begged to differ. Throughout history, there have always been obstacles that African Americans faced while trying to vote. Since the civil rights movement to the age of trump, the obstacles they faced were literacy tests, poll taxes, inaccessibility to information, lack of protection, intimidation, and physical violence […]

Civil Rights and Civil Liberties

Native American and African American were not the only ones that had been discriminated against and deprived of their civil rights. Asian Americans were also denied their civil rights and discriminated against. As a matter of fact, Asians are the most hated of all immigrants group and subjected to the same discrimination as were African Americans and American Indians. Countless Asian Americans were moved by the growth of African American, Chicano, and Native American civil rights movement in the 60’s […]

Progressing the Civil Rights Movement with Aristotle’s Artistic Appeals

Right amidst the heat of the Civil Rights movement in a small cell block within the solid confines of Birmingham city jail, a passionate African American activist completed a published statement in response to eight white clergymen who called out the whole band of the African American community to be patient to earn their rights in the US. Unbeknownst to King, this revolutionary piece of literature advocating for nonviolent resistance to racism for African Americans in America would reshape the […]

The First Amendment

The First Amendment does not protect all forms of speech. Although its protections are incredibly diverse and broad, the First Amendment does not protect forms of speech including: “obscenity, fighting words, defamation (including libel and slander), child pornography, perjury, blackmail, incitement to imminent lawless action, true threats, and solicitations to commit crimes” (Freedom Forum Institute, 1). The incorporation doctrine is a constitutional doctrine establishing the Bill of Rights (amendments 1-10) as fundamental rights guaranteed in both federal and state court […]

Civil Rights and the Media

The media played a vital role in bringing to light the trials of the people who fought for civil rights of the African American right into the living rooms and offices of thousands of people. Some examples of media use are television, newspaper, and radio. Several interest groups used the aforementioned media as forms of promotion. One of the major groups that used the media in all forms was the NAACP with the circumstances of the Little Rock High School […]

The Struggle for Civil Rights

In 1971, Jose Cisneros took to the forefront the fight of bringing the fight for civil rights to Mexican Americans. At the time in the United States, equal rights had only been an issue largely focued on by whites and blacks, basically leaving out any protections to Mexican Americans. This was brought all the way to the supreme court as a continuation of the case of Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka. At the time, Corpus Christi Independent School […]

How are Organizations Influenced Today by the Civil Rights Era then and Now

“The minute we look away, the minute we stop fighting back, that’s the minute bigotry wins” (DaShanne Stokes). Blacks and whites in America see racism and disparities in the United States very differently. How we view race, racism, inequality, and the justice system depends a lot on our background. The things that are occurring in our country now are no different than the events that occured in Los Angeles’s 1972, Chicago 1960, as well as New York in the 1970’s […]

Lives Matter – a Civil Rights Issue

The story of Emmett Till, a young black boy, killed in Mississippi is a symbol of the horrible outcomes of hatred and prejudice. Americans today still struggle with equality and fair treatment of all its citizens. In 1955, the beginning of change came from a mother’s decision to show the world the true reality of hate. After the brutal beating of her son, she opened his casket to show the world just what hate was allowed to do. Emmett Till’s […]

Civil Liberties in the United States

In the United States of America, very few documents affect our lives as much as the American Constitution. As being one of the first documents written by describing the inalienable rights of men it has shaped the laws, the thinking, and lifestyles of all those that have or will live in the United States of America. One man who thoroughly understood the Constitution and the liberties that were contained in it was the first ever African-American supreme court justice Thurgood […]

Foot Soldiers of the Civil Rights Movement

Growing up as a black woman in America, you learn very early on that we face a triple barrier: race, gender and class. We also carry the burden of slavery, rape, lynching and other atrocities, while trying to maintain family ties in a America that has historically depicted us as childlike, aggressive, hypersexual and violent. The result of that construct and the accompanying racist fears and forced subjugation it justifies has been counterintuitive: black women in America are caring, loving […]

History of the Battle for Civil Rights

It is impossible to discuss the history of the battle for civil rights for Hispanics without including Black Americans. Minorites of all backgrounds had to band together in order to fight back against the white man’s system of oppression. The battle for civil rights in the south, particularly in the state of Texas, is often associated with Texas's two largest ethnic minorities: African Americans and Hispanic people, particularly Mexican Americans. Mexican Americans have made efforts to bring about better social […]

Civil Rights and Intolerance SA

African Americans in the 1920,The kkk is a klan that is not good for the African Americans. African Americans could not do the stuff that they can do now such as right to vote and the segregation was very bad for the back people sadly.The kkk aka KU KLUX KLAN was founded between the 1865 and the 1866 by the sixs soldiers who had been in the Confederate soldiers during the one war that is the old civil war. The […]

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How To Write An Essay On The Civil Rights Movement

Introduction to the civil rights movement.

Writing an essay on the Civil Rights Movement requires a deep understanding of its historical significance and impact on American society. This movement, which spanned from the 1950s to the 1960s, was a pivotal era in the struggle for racial equality in the United States. In your introduction, provide an overview of the key events and figures that shaped the movement. Highlight its primary goals – to end racial segregation and discrimination against African Americans and to secure legal recognition and federal protection of the citizenship rights enumerated in the Constitution and federal law. Setting the context is crucial for a comprehensive analysis of the various strategies used by civil rights activists and the outcomes of their efforts.

Exploring Key Events and Figures

The main body of your essay should delve into the critical events and figures of the Civil Rights Movement. Discuss landmark events such as the Montgomery Bus Boycott, the March on Washington, and the Selma to Montgomery marches. Highlight the roles of prominent leaders like Martin Luther King Jr., Rosa Parks, Malcolm X, and organizations like the NAACP and SNCC. Analyze how their strategies and ideologies contributed to the movement's goals. This section should provide detailed insights into how these events and leaders collectively helped to bring about significant changes, such as the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

Analyzing the Challenges and Opposition Faced

In addition to highlighting the achievements of the Civil Rights Movement, it's essential to address the challenges and opposition faced by activists. Discuss the widespread resistance from state and local governments, particularly in the Southern United States, and the often violent backlash from groups opposed to desegregation and equal rights. Examine the role of the federal government, the impact of the Cold War, and the influence of the media in shaping public perception of the movement. This critical analysis should provide a balanced perspective, acknowledging the hurdles that the movement had to overcome in its pursuit of equality.

Concluding with the Movement's Legacy and Continued Relevance

Conclude your essay by reflecting on the legacy and ongoing relevance of the Civil Rights Movement. Discuss how the movement fundamentally transformed American society and laid the groundwork for subsequent social justice movements. Consider the progress made in civil rights since the 1960s and the challenges that remain, particularly in addressing systemic racism and inequality. Your conclusion should not only summarize the key points of your essay but also encourage further contemplation on the Civil Rights Movement's role in the broader context of American history and its enduring impact on contemporary discussions about race and equality.

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Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Martin Luther King — Martin Luther King Jr.: A Legacy of Civil Rights and Social Justice

Martin Luther King Jr.: a Legacy of Civil Rights and Social Justice

• Categories: Civil Rights Movement Martin Luther King

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Published: Sep 7, 2023

Words: 944 | Pages: 2 | 5 min read

Table of contents

Introduction, the life and leadership of martin luther king jr., king's impact on civil rights, king's influence on contemporary issues, continuing inspiration and positive change.

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In many respects, the civil rights movement was a great success. Successive, targeted campaigns of non-violent direct action chipped away at the racist power structures that proliferated across the southern United States. Newsworthy protests captured media attention and elicited sympathy across the nation. Though Martin Luther King Jr.’s charismatic leadership was important, we should not forget that the civil rights cause depended on a mass movement. As the former SNCC member Diane Nash recalled, it was a ‘people’s movement’, fuelled by grass-roots activism (Nash, 1985). Recognising a change in the public mood, Lyndon Johnson swiftly addressed many of the racial inequalities highlighted by the civil rights movement. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 led to meaningful change in the lives of many Black Americans, dismantling systems of segregation and black disenfranchisement.

In other respects, the civil rights movement was less revolutionary. It did not fundamentally restructure American society, nor did it end racial discrimination. In the economic sphere, in particular, there was still much work to be done. Across the nation, and especially in northern cities, stark racial inequalities were commonplace, especially in terms of access to jobs and housing. As civil rights activists became frustrated by their lack of progress in these areas, the movement began to splinter towards the end of the 1960s, with many Black activists embracing violent methods. Over the subsequent decades, racial inequalities have persisted, and in recent years police brutality against Black Americans, in particular, has become an urgent issue. As the protests triggered by the murder of George Floyd in May 2020 have demonstrated, many of the battles of the 1960s are still being fought.

Though King and other members of the civil rights movement failed to achieve their broader goals, there can be no doubting their radical ambitions. As Wornie Reed, who worked on the Poor People’s Campaign, explains in this interview, King was undoubtedly a ‘radical’ activist, even if the civil rights movement itself never resulted in a far-reaching social revolution.

Transcript: Video 4: Wornie Reed

This free course is an adapted extract from the Open University course A113 Revolutions [ Tip: hold Ctrl and click a link to open it in a new tab. ( Hide tip ) ] . It is one of four OpenLearn courses exploring the notion of the Sixties as a ‘revolutionary’ period. Learn more about these OpenLearn courses here .

Impact of Civil Rights Movement Essay

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Introduction

The impact of the civil rights movement, works cited.

More than five decades have passed since the monumental occurrences of the Watershed Civil Rights Movement (CRM) of the 1950s and 1960s in the United States. This period was marked with events that challenged racial prejudice against African-Americans before and after the start of the twentieth century. The Black Americans agitated against inequality, oppressive laws and racial segregation that was rampant across the United States.

Martin Luther King, among other personalities, organized mass protests and gave major speeches calling for allowing African American equal access to basic rights and privileges. These events culminated in the constitutional and legislative changes that guarantee equal rights and access to privileges to all Americans, regardless of skin color or race. While equal rights for all were fought for during the civil rights movement, its impact on the Black American community still remains debatable.

The African-Americans were at the center of the civil rights movements in the US. Their struggle for their rights culminated into the legislation that helped them gain social, economic, and political equality in the American society. The fight for political rights was one of the most critical platforms for the mass movement in the 1950s and 1960s (D’Angelo 533).

In the 1870s, the American constitutional amendments granted the right to vote to all Americans irrespective of gender, color, and race. This amendment did not ensure that minority groups could vote since many states especially in the south, adopted different techniques to block the Black Americans from exercising their political and constitutional rights.

The freedom to vote for all Americans became central in the civil rights movements, and one of its successes was the legislation that culminated in the enactment of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. It prohibited discrimination along race, color, and language lines. The Act and its subsequent amendments also provide other jurisdictions that protect voting and political rights of minority groups in the United States (D’Angelo 537).

The major impact of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which was a product of the modern civil right movement, is the dismantling of the obstacles that Black Americans encountered in exercising their constitutional right for voting. Its first achievement was that Black Americans enjoyed the possibility to be registered as voters in the country. Secondly, the Black Americans participated freely in elections. The number of registered Black American voters has increased over the years.

Furthermore, the Voting Rights Act encouraged political participation of Black Americans. The number of the Black candidates who contest for political seats in the country has significantly increased over the years. The number of African American representatives in cities and towns across the country has also grown.

The unprecedented elections of President Barrack Obama as the first Black American to hold the oval office in 2008, and his re-election in 2012, underscore the impact and the significance of the civil rights movements for African Americans. It is important to note that the political representation and participation of the Black people has greatly increased since 1965, when the Voting Rights Acts was enacted.

Education was also an important issue at the center of civil rights movements in the United States (D’Angelo 225). The Black Americans used the civil rights movement to fight for the right to a decent and equal access to education. Before and after the establishment of the Civil Rights Movement, a wide-scale of educational segregation along racial lines existed (D’Angelo 225). There were strictly White and Black learning institutions.

The access to certain schools was denied to the African Americans. The White schools had better facilities and could only admit the students of the European origin. At the same time, the Black tutors could not be allowed in the White institutions. The Black students also could not share buses with the White students.

The landmark Supreme Court ruling in “Brown v. Board of Education” outlawed education racial segregation (D’Angelo 230). This ruling established the precedence for the removal of barriers that prevented the African Americans from getting equal rights to education as the Whites.

The court ruling allowed the Black Americans to access public schools. Furthermore, it helped the African Americans access learning institutions with good facilities and gain admission to higher level colleges, which they were previously prohibited from attending.

However, it is critical to acknowledge that this had a limited impact on education segregation of the Black Americans (Rothstein 2). The segregation against the African Americans still exists today in different forms because it is still strongly embedded in the education structure of the country. Most of the schools that Black American students attend today are still economically and socially isolated.

This denies the children from the African American families’ access to quality education as compared to the Whites who are empowered economically. In addition, socio-economic hard-ships such as inadequate housing, unemployment, and discriminative criminal justice systems limit the children and youth in terms of education opportunities (Rothstein 2).

Finally, racial imbalances that existed between various districts as a result of the educational system factors contributed to the persistent racial separation in the sector (Rothstein par. 3).

One of the most successful features of the civil rights movement was the demand for economic justice (Wright par. 3). It is important to note that the movement was anchored on the demands of the Black Americans right to equal treatment on an economic dimension.

The Africans were constantly denied getting decent jobs (Wright par. 4). They were also restricted from accessing high-paying and skilled work. Through the boycotts of business organizations that declined to employ the Blacks in the South for several years, a federal legislation was enacted in 1964. It outlawed employment discrimination.

Following the enactment of the federal legislation, more Black workers were employed in the south by 1970. The number of the hired Blacks increased tremendously after the 1970s. However, it is important to note that the population of the Blacks has also raised significantly since then. According to Austin (3), the percentage of unemployed Blacks in the United States is twice that of the Whites (Austin 3).

Mishel (13) points out that the rate of unemployment within the Black Americans who complete high schools was 8 per cent compared to 4.5 per cent of the Whites (Mishel 13). In addition to these, the Black people still receive low wages as compared to the White people. This is confirmed by the minimum wages that have been extended to occupations predominantly done by the Blacks (Rothstein 2). The opportunities of employment for the Black people have been limited over the years.

The Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s had a profound effect on the history of the American society. It culminated in the landmark legislation that guaranteed equal rights and privileges for races and colors. Its impact on the Black Americans is still debated today. Even if the Black people are enjoying various rights and freedoms today, the effect of the movement has been limited.

The political representation can only be viewed in the areas where the movement has had a significant influence within the country, which is now being ruled by the first African American President. Currently, most colored individuals are enjoying voting rights and representation in the state governments. However, they have gained less in terms of economics because the rate of unemployment within the Black community is significantly high.

Austin, Algernon. “ The Unfinished March: An Overview ”. Economic Policy Institute 2013 Report , 2013. Web.

D’Angelo, Raymond N. The American Civil Rights Movement: Readings & Interpretations. Guilford, CT: McGraw-Hill/Dushkin, 2001. Print.

Mishel, Lawrence, Josh Bivens, Elise Gould, and Heidi Shierholz. The State of Working America . 12 th Edition. Ithaca, New York: An Economic Policy Institute book, 2012. Print.

Rothstein, Richard. “ For Public Schools, Segregation Then, Segregation Since ”. Economic Policy institute , 2013. Web.

Wright, Gavin. “The Stunning Economic Impact of the Civil Rights Movement”. Bloomberg, 2013. Web.

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The Civil Rights Movement: A Very Short Introduction

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The civil rights movement was among the most important historical developments of the twentieth century and one of the most remarkable mass movements in American history. Not only did it decisively change the legal and political status of African Americans, but it prefigured as well the moral premises and methods of struggle for other historically oppressed groups seeking equal standing in American society. And, yet, despite a vague, sometimes begrudging recognition of its immense import, more often than not the Movement has been misrepresented and misunderstood. For the general public, a singular moment, frozen in time at the Lincoln Memorial, sums up much of what Americans know about that remarkable decade of struggle. The Movement provides an informed and nuanced understanding of the origins, character, and objectives of the mid-twentieth-century freedom struggle, privileging the aspirations and initiatives of the ordinary, grassroots people who made it. Emphasizing the conditions of possibility that enabled the heroic initiatives of the common folk over those of their more celebrated leaders, its narrative conveys a sense of what a social movement looks and feels like. Most of all, it shows how an intense historical moment can shape its participants even as they shape it. This groundbreaking book reinserts the critical concept of “movement” back into our image and understanding of the civil rights movement.

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Project 2025: What a second Trump term could mean for media and technology policies

Subscribe to the center for technology innovation newsletter, roxana muenster roxana muenster compass fellow - the brookings institution, phd student - department of communication, cornell university, graduate affiliate - center for information, technology, and public life, university of north carolina.

July 22, 2024

• Project 2025 echoes Donald Trump’s critical view of the media. As a result, it proposes to strip public broadcasting of its funding and legal status, thus endangering access to reliable news for American citizens.
• The authors allege that Big Tech colluded with the government to attack American values and advance “wokeism.” In response, they envision sweeping antitrust enforcement not on economic grounds, but for socio-political reasons.
• On artificial intelligence policy, Project 2025 remains vague and fails to propose solutions for key policy areas such as privacy, safety, and the information ecosystem. Lagging on AI oversight and dismantling existing protections is dangerous for individuals and democracies alike.
• Trump denies involvement with Project 2025 despite close ties to its authors. His policy proposals, Agenda47, closely mirror those outlined in Project 2025.  
• 22 min read

In a 900-page volume titled Project 2025, a conservative movement of over 400 scholars led by the Heritage Foundation has outlined a comprehensive policy vision for what a conservative administration c ould implement upon taking office in January 2025. The writers and contributors make recommendations regarding foreign and domestic policy, education, and the economy to give the administration a running start into a short four-year term. C ritics have called it a blueprint for autocratic takeover . This blog will look at a key aspect of Project 2025 ’s blueprint: Its plans for technology, media, and communications policies and the potential implications on the future of existing public policies .    

Since Ronald Reagan’s first presidential candidacy in 1981, experts from the Heritage Foundation have collated comprehensive policy agendas for prospective conservative administrations in a series titled “Mandate for Leadership.” Their suggestions have been successful: According to the authors, Reagan enacted 60% of the original volume’s recommendations in his first year in office, 1 and in 2018 then-President and current candidate Donald Trump boasted he had accomplished 64% of the 2016 Mandate’s policy plans. 

This time around, Project 2025 aims to provide a potential incoming Republican administration with a detailed policy agenda and “an army of aligned, vetted, trained, and prepared” 2   personnel so that the president can accomplish as much as possible in the short presidential term. 3  This proposed transition plan contains sweeping reforms to dismantle the bureaucracy of the so-called “Administrative State” 4  and the civil service, 5  bring independent agencies under White House control , 6 and address what they term the Biden administration’s “economic, military, cultural, and foreign policy turmoil” 7  by fighting the political elite’s 8   “totalitarian cult” of the “Great Awokening.” 9      

A spokesperson for Trump has said he is not affiliated with the project and does not necessarily endorse its recommendations. However, much of the team behind Project 2025 is closely connected to the president or served in his previous administration, among them John McEntee, director of the White House Presidential Personnel Office under Trump and a senior advisor to Project 2025 ; Jonathan Berry, Chief Counsel to the Trump presidential transition team; 10  Ken Cuccinelli, former Acting Deputy Secretary for Homeland Security under Trump; 11  and Peter Navarro, a currently jailed Trump advisor. Brendan Carr, a sitting Federal Communications Commissioner (FCC) who was appointed by Trump, is also the author of Project 2025’s section on the FCC. In his first term, Trump boasted about enacting many of the 2016 Mandate’s suggestions. 12  And the MAGA SuperPAC itself is funding messaging about Trump and Project 2025. These and other reasons are why the assertions in Project 2025 should be taken seriously.   

Compiling a policy agenda ahead of taking office is not unique to one party. Democrat-aligned organizations have done the same thing in past elections. Nor is the hiring of talented, loyal staff who align with the president’s vision—each administration only has four years , after all, and the 77 days between the election and inauguration leave little room to plan. Project 2025, however, is different, its critics say , because its recommendations are so comprehensive, radical, and risky, and therefore could endanger democratic institutions, dismantle civil liberties , and concentrate presidential power. Its implications on media and technology are similarly daunting, and worth further exploring.  

In 2019, then-President Trump called the press “ the enemy of the people. ” Project 2025 seems to share that view. According to the authors, the next conservative president must reform media wherever possible. Commercial news outlets do not fall under presidential control, but a dire fate might befall the domestic public broadcast service if Trump is elected. The authors of Project 2025 allege public broadcasting can no longer be classified as educational (in fact, they see it as “noneducational” 13  and claim it is a biased liberal forum engaged in suppressing conservative views). 14  To end what they consider unjustly privileged outlets, 15 they say outlets that include the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS)and the National Public Radio (NPR) should be defunded and stripped of their status as noncommercial, educational stations, and thereby required to pay hefty licensing fees. 16  The authors also suggest the next administration should reconsider their relationship with news media more broadly, such as by reexamining the relationship between the White House and the Correspondents Association, and investigating whether journalists should even be granted space on White House grounds. 17

Though they are correct in their assertion that the White House has no legal requirement to internally house and host media, 18 the suggestion to restrict journalists’ access to executive decision-making and relevant public discussions should send alarming signals about the willingness of Project 2025’s authors to let government be held accountable. In fact, it was a rumor that then-President Wilson was considering halting the tradition of press conferences which led to the Correspondents’ Association creation in 1914, whose mission was to ensure fair and continuous reporting on the president’s politics and activities. Access to the president, their press secretary, and the White House is beneficial for both the administration and the press—one gets to communicate their policies to the public; for the other, news gathering and questioning of said policies is more readily facilitated. Both, in turn, make for a more informed public, which is vital to the democratic system. A “reexamination” of the relationship with the Correspondents’ Association—an organization that comprises journalists from a variety of outlets including Fox News, the New York Times, and the BBC—as suggested by “ Mandate for Leadership” could encourage an administration to grant access only to journalists who are favorable to its agenda, not those who will question or push back.  

Project 2025’s attacks on public broadcasting similarly signal a hostile attitude toward news media. Considering the former president’s rhetoric about them, it is not surprising that his advisors and staffers share his negative views of the “mainstream news.” 19   In April, Mr. Trump himself called for NPR funding to be rescinded via his social media platform Truth Social, alleging, without providing evidence, the network is “a liberal disinformation machine.” Still, Project 2025’s policy recommendations should be cause for concern: Congress enacted the 1967 Public Broadcasting Act because they believed an educated and informed citizenry was in the public, local, and national interest and that, freed from commercial constraints, public service would be able to support these goals through creative, high quality, and diverse programming. Its status as an organization separate from the government is instrumental in ensuring its independence, as is its consideration as a public, not commercial, entity.  

Though the question of what is in the public interest is one that has long been discussed in regulatory, legal, and philosophical terms, it should not be political, or so we think. Disagreement with independent, free reporting should not be the cause for the punishment of media organizations. Defunding public broadcasting would be disastrous for many rural communities, which depend on radio and television stations funded by the Corporation for Public Broadcasting and in which there is relatively high, albeit declining, bipartisan trust . Public broadcasting also allows newer, long-marginalized journalistic voices to be heard, provides educational entertainment for children, and includes programming which blurs the line between concepts of ‘hard news’ and what was long relegated to less important ‘ soft news. ’ And research shows a clear benefit of public media overall: When well-funded and independent, they are associated with healthy democracies. A diet of public news media leads to better-informed publics on hard news matters than a reliance on commercial news, and countries with a mix of public and private systems have a higher voter turnout than private-only media environments. For the 2024 fiscal year, $525 million were allocated for public broadcasting. This amounts to roughly $1.60 per U.S. citizen—a small price to pay for a commitment to an informed public at a time when, on average, the U.S. loses 2.5 newsrooms per week.   

Nonetheless, editors at NPR should not ignore declining audience numbers and debates around bias that have received renewed attention after an editor penned an essay deriding what he diagnosed as an encroachment of progressive advocacy into journalism. But lack of trust in mass media is a problem beyond public media, especially among conservatives , and accusations of bias are levelled also at private media companies . Audiences generally agree that to establish trust, news outlets should be transparent and conduct themselves in line with high ethical standards to produce fair and unbiased reporting. Public media should also prioritize coverage of issues that are relevant to their audience and that they, in their function as a public broadcaster, are uniquely positioned and mandated to report on, such as reporting on rural regions which are often underserved by commercial interests. Politicians can help solve the problem by refraining from accusations of propaganda and bias over unfavorable coverage, which is a driver for mis- and disinformation. Governments can also support efforts to strengthen the information ecosystem and media literacy.   

On Big Tech, Project 2025 is confrontational. From its authors’ viewpoint, tech companies have harmed the U.S. in three ways: national security, health, and freedom of speech.  

On national security, short-video platform TikTok takes center stage in the all-out assault. The authors, much like the Biden administration , assert that the app must be banned. 20  A similar fate would befall the messaging app WeChat. 21 Both apps, the authors say, present a serious national security threat due to the opportunities for data collection and influence it offers the Chinese government. 22  American social media, they say, should be prohibited from censoring Chinese users at the behest of the Chinese government and fined 23  if they are found to support Chinese surveillance, censorship, or the “Great Firewall”. 24 Fears surrounding the threat of Chinese influence extend beyond Project 2025’s social media policy: The U.S. should end dependency on Chinese chips and technology manufacturing 25  by reviving American industry, 26 ban the equipment used to spy on Americans by Chinese manufacturers, 27  and replace parts that are already in place. 28 The authors also consider restricting Chinese individuals or companies from investing in “cutting edge” technology firms 29  and funding research at American universities 30 to prevent national security threats, theft of intellectual property, and aid China in “unwittingly or wittingly” supporting Chinese tech ambitions. 31    

Concerns about privacy, data collection, and sales of data are valid. In fact, it would do either administration well to enact comprehensive data privacy protections across digital platforms as opposed to focusing only on Chinese companies’ practices, as well as to address foreign interference by any entity on any social media platform. A TikTok ban alone would be insufficient in addressing any of these concerns. But privacy overall receives little attention beyond complaints that privacy legislation enforced by the European Union is tantamount to an allied “betrayal,” 32 assertions that the Privacy Act should be carefully enforced to protect U.S. citizens and permanent residents only, 33  and calls to withdraw “politicized” HIPAA guidance on abortion privacy as HIPAA should protect the fetus. 34    

For the authors of the current volume of “ Mandate for Leadership ,” social media platforms have fared little better on child protection online, and the next administration should address what they term “industrial-scale child abuse.” 35  The authors allege that platforms, which they liken to drug dealers, 36  have made Americans less happy 37  and children mentally ill. 38 That Project 2025’s technology policy focuses on children’s media use should come as no surprise. A computational analysis of speeches held by the Chairs of the FCC spanning over the past two decades revealed that Republican FCC Chairs are more likely to prioritize topics related to media and children than their Democrat counterparts. But concern over children’s use of technology is bipartisan: Vivek Murthy, Surgeon General under both Biden and Obama, has named the health effects of social media as one of his administration’s priorities and in June called for warning labels for social media platforms, citing concerns about youth mental health. While the effect of social media on adolescent mental health is contested , protecting children from online data exploitation, exposure to harmful content, or being targeted through explicit AI-generated images are important policy goals. Project 2025’s rhetoric, however, provides few clear policy suggestions to do so and instead echoes language surrounding libraries and book bans, another battlefield in the culture wars.   

Lastly, social media platforms receive criticism for their role in undermining democratic processes and free speech. Project 2025 alleges several firms colluded with the Biden administration on censorship and illegally curtailed free expression under the guise of combatting mis- and disinformation. 39   Though the Supreme Court recently rejected this argument, the writers claim social media platforms represent a threat to American values, free speech, and the family. 40   Project 2025 argues that Big Tech, in cooperation with the Department of Justice, has shut down “politically disfavored speech” under the guise of combatting mis- and disinformation; 41    lent their capabilities to authoritarian regimes to spread propaganda, 42  and present a risk to the livelihood of American business and individuals through their discriminatory moderation and content ranking practices. 43    

To rein in Big Tech, Project 2025 envisions an overhaul of the FCC to halt Big Tech’s abuse of its dominance in the market through interferences in democratic processes and suppression of diverse opinions. 44   It is useful to point out, here, that the FCC has limited jurisdictional authority and thus may not be very effective in curtailing Big Tech’s market power. Project 2025 suggests using antidiscrimination provisions to protect “undesirable” political views and radically reforming the application of Section 230. 45 While Project 2025’s authors acknowledge companies should not be required to host illegal or profane content, they say Big Tech—including social media and service providers—should also not be able to rely on the protection of Section 230 if they censor protected political speech. 46 This regulation, the authors say, should focus on dominant platforms and exclude specialized platforms, newspapers’ comment sections, or subcommunities of larger platforms which moderate themselves. 47 Project 2025 also suggests that users should be able to curate their own experience, such as through the selection of their preferred content filters or fact checking agents. 48   This invocation of antidiscrimination runs counter to their text on the obliteration of diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts, especially given the myopic viewpoints of the document.   

Much of the public shares fears about the impact of social media on democratic processes and the information ecosystem. But the suggestions outlined in Project 2025 would do little to alleviate these fears. Users are already free to rely on their own fact checkers and disregard fact checks they do not consider worthy—this has not helped “ post-truth ” America. Some platforms also offer users the choice to mute or filter out certain phrases. And to some extent, algorithms might already end up curating timelines of content that reinforces the users’ existing beliefs. Further institutionalizing what would, in effect, be partisan existences on digital platforms would only reinforce polarization and ultimately hamper democracy.   

Section 230 , which governs whether internet platforms should be held responsible for the content they post, remains a topic of debate across the political aisle. Courts and Congress must balance the risks of mandating platform over-moderating, thereby removing content for fear of litigation, and under-moderating, which could allow illegal or harmful content to flourish. Focusing legislation on large, dominant platforms is a common policy approach : Placing the same requirements on smaller, alternative platforms could stifle budding competition. Still, the law, as it is set out in Project 2025, could protect a number of small social media platforms associated with the authors of the paper and the administration that they envision, such as Trump’s own Truth Social , the user base of which pales in comparison to Meta’s mega-platforms, and r/The_Donald , one of the most active self-moderated subcommunities on Reddit prior to being banned for disregarding platform policy.

The antidiscrimination protections that Project 2025 speaks of refer to the must-carry laws enacted by Texas and Florida that posit platforms discriminated against viewpoints by removing COVID-19 misinformation. Both cases were considered by the Supreme Court but remanded back to lower courts . Leaving aside the danger misinformation presents to public health if allowed to spread unencumbered, must-carry laws could force platforms to host all manner of harmful content. Must carry-laws place political speech under protections which are intended to protect identities and to ensure algorithms do not discriminate against racialized or marginalized communities. This could create a paradox in which discriminatory speech is protected on platforms under antidiscrimination laws . To see how this kind of lax approach to content moderation turns out for users, companies, and advertisers, one need only to turn to X: Since its acquisition by Elon Musk, the platform has taken a hands-off approach to content moderation. As a result, users and advertisers alike have turned their back on a platform on which hate speech, spam, and explicit content prevail.   

Additional policy priorities for the FCC, according to Project 2025, include increasing agency accountability while decreasing wasteful spending, and promoting national security and economic prosperity. 49  While the authors lament that regulation on media ownership is outdated and stifles competition, 50  they also say adversary ownership of above 10% in any American entity should be transparently disclosed to ensure national security. 51  To support economic prosperity, the administration should reduce the digital divide and expand connectivity for every American by supporting the expansion of 5G 52  and satellites such as StarLink. 53  And the authors want Big Tech to pay up: The Universal Service Fund, currently funded through telephone bills, should be supported by the companies which benefit from them. 54  

Project 2025 suggests a similar overhaul for the Federal Trade Commission’s (FTC) approach to Big Tech, which has been the agency leading the charge on antitrust enforcement. For the authors of “ Mandate for Leadership ,” Big Tech represents a significant departure from previous industries, one which requires hitherto accepted economic theory and antitrust law to be rethought and applied anew. 55  They see in Big Tech’s power the “possibility of real injury to the structure of important American institutions such as democratic accountability and speech,” and suggest this gives reason to apply antitrust laws more rigorously than previously. 56  They see evidence for collusion between the Biden White House and Big Tech on the censorship of scientific fact, “uncomfortable political truths,” and criticism. 57  Though disagreement among the authors of the volume is acknowledged on this point, Project 2025 argues that business concentration should no longer be considered in strictly economic terms, but also in the socio-political sense. 58 Environmental, social, and governance (ESG) and diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) practices; 59 “cancel culture”; 60 and the use of market power to advance a “leftist” agenda, 61 they argue, all point to one conclusion: Big Tech poses a threat to American happiness and democracy, and antitrust law should consider this. 62  There is some overlap with public sentiments and Democrat positions, here: People from both parties believe that social media companies censor certain viewpoints, and the Democratic Party, like the Republicans, recognize that Big Tech’s gatekeeping role in information sharing and public opinion building is fraught, though they reject assertions of collusion or censorship against Republican viewpoints. Democrats also agree that Big Tech’s monopoly power must be curbed.  Project 2025’s plan, however, would privilege the ideological, social, and political concerns of Trump’s Republican Party and discriminate against other viewpoints.   

Project 2025 correctly identifies that digital platforms function differently from earlier industries based on which antitrust law was conceptualized . Today, leading companies’ reach extends far into the private life of individuals and many democratic processes. The power this affords them should be monitored carefully and curtailed when they are found to abuse their economic prowess. In fact, there is bipartisan agreement on the role they have played in democratically erosive processes such as disinformation. “ Mandate for Leadership ,” however, proposes a dramatic overreach of the FTC’s responsibilities without providing substantive evidence of the collusion and censorship they are alleging. Companies are well within their rights to consider values and social considerations in their governance. It seems some in camp Trump would agree. In a post encouraging his followers to buy shares of a SPAC which merged with the “ values-aligned ” alternative online marketplace PublicSq in 2023, Donald Trump, Jr. voiced support for the parallel economy, alternatives to mainstream corporations based around American values .

On the topic of artificial intelligence (AI), Project 2025 focuses on the adversarial relationship with China: The U.S., according to them, must subvert China’s goal to become the global leader on AI. 63 To do so, the government should invest in and protect American innovation 64  while barring American companies from helping China achieve technological dominance. 65  The authors also envision the use of AI to support a variety of processes, such as the detection and disruption of foreign interference on social media 66  and the detection of Medicare and trade abuses. 67    

Project 2025’s AI policy is neither clear nor comprehensive. OpenAI, the key player in the market currently under FTC investigation, finds no mention in the 920-page volume, neither do its competitors. Privacy and copyright concerns related to the vast amounts of training data required to build AI seem to be of little concern, and so are the risk of job loss related to AI, the potential harm of AI-generated misleading content such as deepfakes , or its impact on energy consumption and climate change. Biden’s Executive Order on AI mandates principles such as standards for AI safety, protection of user privacy and civil rights, and promoting healthy competition and innovation. Trump has said he will reverse this Executive Order, claiming it is an example of government overreach . The AI industry is developing at a rapid pace: Comprehensive policy must be in place to protect individuals and societies, curtail abuses of power, and guide research in beneficial, safe directions.   

Trump continues to deny involvement in Project 2025 despite harboring close connections to its authors, praising it in the past, and even acknowledging in a speech in 2022 that the Heritage Foundation would write a detailed plan for the movement’s next administration. And the plans laid out in Agenda47, Trump’s own official policy agenda, closely echo those of Project 2025. In short videos on his campaign website former president Trump, though in much less detail than the 900-page volume, outlines his vision for a second term, which, on technology policy issues, includes investigations of Big Tech and the FBI for what he describes as an anti-American regime of censorship; intentions to block federal efforts to curb domestic mis- and disinformation, and the firing and investigating of employees engaged in this task in the Department of Justice, Homeland Security, or any other agency. He also plans to revise Section 230; limit social media’s ability to both moderate content and ban individuals from their platforms; and bring both the FCC and the FTC under presidential authority .

On technology and media policy, Project 2025 and Agenda47 have common themes: Plans to expand presidential power and limit departmental agency, accusations that technology companies and the government colluded in what they deem censorship, and restricting Chinese ownership and investments . Like the language used by the Heritage Foundation, Agenda47 ties Trump’s technology and communication policy to conservative values and ideals, saying : “The fight for Free Speech [capitalization in original] is a matter of victory or death for America—and for the survival of Western Civilization [capitalization in original] itself.” And both plans fail to provide detailed visions for how to regulate AI. The policy agendas mirror each other closely, and both suggest a vision for technology and communication policy that is both repressive and lax.   

The policy agenda outlined in Project 2025 is seemingly motivated by a sense of discrimination against conservative ideology. 68  The federal government, it says, has been “weaponized against conservative values,” 69  putting “liberty and freedom under siege.” 70 In response, the authors aim to weaken those institutions which they consider part of the attack. Their domestic enemies in technology and communication policy range from the mainstream media generally and public broadcasting specifically to Big Tech and includes the agencies which support and regulate them. If enacted, these policies could harm democracy by restricting press access to the administration and defunding those that report on them, create a mainstream internet landscape which mirrors unmoderated breeding grounds for extremism such as 4chan, and miss the opportunity to enact comprehensive and safe data protections and guardrails for AI.

Google and Meta are general, unrestricted donors to the Brookings Institution. The findings, interpretations, and conclusions posted in this piece are solely those of the authors and are not influenced by any donation. 

• [2] Ibid., p. xiv
• [3] Ibid., p. xiv, p. 69
• [4] Ibid., p. 9
• [5] Ibid., p. 54
• [6] Ibid., p. 872
• [7] Ibid., p. 886
• [8] Ibid., p. 3 
• [9] Ibid., p. 1 
• [10] Ibid., p. xv
• [11] Ibid., p. xvii
• [12] Ibid., p. xx
• [13] Ibid., p. 248
• [14] Ibid., p. 246
• [15] Ibid., p. 246
• [16] Ibid., p. 246-247
• [17] Ibid., p. 29-30
• [18] Ibid., p. 29
• [19] Ibid., p. 240
• [20] Ibid., p. 13, p. 851
• [21] Ibid., p. 789
• [22] Ibid., p. 851
• [23] Ibid., p. 790
• [24] Ibid., p. 12
• [25] Ibid., p. 790
• [26] Ibid., p. 13
• [27] Ibid., p. 784
• [28] Ibid., p. 852
• [29] Ibid., p. 786
• [30] Ibid., p. 784
• [31] Ibid., p. 786
• [32] Ibid., p. 226
• [33] Ibid., p. 50, p. 165
• [34] Ibid., p. 497
• [35] Ibid., p. 5-6
• [36] Ibid., p. 5
• [37] Ibid., p. 877
• [38] Ibid., p. 5-6
• [39] Ibid., p. 545-546
• [40] Ibid., p. 879, p. 4-5
• [41] Ibid., p. 548
• [42] Ibid., p. 196
• [43] Ibid., p. 848, 
• [44] Ibid., p. 847, p. 849
• [45] Ibid., p. 849
• [46] Ibid., p. 826
• [47] Ibid., p. 849
• [48] Ibid., p. 849
• [49] Ibid., p. 847, p. 852-855
• [50] Ibid., p. 857
• [51] Ibid., p. 852
• [52] Ibid., p. 853
• [53] Ibid., p. 855
• [54] Ibid., p. 850
• [55] Ibid., p. 877-878
• [56] Ibid., p. 877-879
• [57] Ibid., p. 872
• [58] Ibid., p. 872
• [59] Ibid., p. 874
• [60] Ibid., p. 874
• [61] Ibid., p. 873
• [62] Ibid., p. 879
• [63] Ibid., p. 216, p. 852
• [64] Ibid., p. 106, 392
• [65] Ibid., p. 852-853
• [66] Ibid., p. 790
• [67] Ibid., p. 463, p. 667
• [68] Ibid., p. 60
• [69] Ibid., p. xiv
• [70] Ibid., p. xiv

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