research paper of political geography

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Introduction

A subdiscipline concerned with the study of the spatial dimensions of politics. Although sharing many of the theories, methods, and interests as human geography in general, it has a particular interest in territory , the state , power , and boundaries (including borders ), across a range of scales from the body to the planet. ‘Politics’ refers not simply to the formal organization of political life through government, elections, parties, etc., but all aspects of social life involving governance or where some degree of contentiousness or conflict may arise. Interpreted more broadly, therefore, political geography can encompass all those ideas about the relationships between geography and politics extending beyond academic contexts ( see anti-politics ).

Political geography has meant and studied different things in different contexts. In the late 19th century it was partly synonymous with human geography as a whole. Friedrich Ratzel is credited with the first use of the term in his book Politische Geographie , in which he aligned non-physical geography with the study of the state in space. Mackinder similarly distinguished political and physical geography. The work of geographers in France, Germany, Britain, and the USA in exploring the geographical foundations of state power is now more commonly classified as geopolitics . Anxious to distance themselves from the German school of geopolitik because of its close links to the Nazi regime, prominent US geographers such as Isaiah Bowman and Richard Hartshorne described their work as ‘political geography’. But, actual empirical research in the field dried up, perhaps because of the taint of geopolitics, and theoretical advance halted. The main exception was work on boundaries and boundary disputes, which was a preoccupation of French and German geographers before the Second World War and of interest to British geographers in the subsequent phase of decolonization . In terms of theory, a notable exception was the work of French geographer Jean Gottmann who, like Hartshorne, tried to understand the relations between the modern state, territory, and identity . His recognition of the significance of iconography and the state idea prefigured later contributions.

In the 1960s, political geography was reframed in terms of political studies from spatial perspectives, with elections, boundaries, and subnational administrative organization among its subject matter ( see electoral geography ; spatial science ). A core problem for example, was the effect of international boundaries on spatial interaction. The impact of the cultural and political upheavals across the world in the late 1960s was twofold. On the one hand, impelled by radical geography and informed by Marxism , feminism , and socialism , swathes of human geography became politicized, i.e. were more attentive to conflict and difference and prepared to challenge the existing order. In one sense, most if not all, human geography could be described thereafter as political. The specific area of a self-described political geography itself enjoyed a revival. The former focus on the state gave way to an interest in the world scale; for example, in Peter Taylor ’s development of the world-systems approach , as well as the urban scale, in the work of Kevin Cox , Ron Johnston , David Harvey , and others. Issues of class , and later race , gender , and sexuality came to the fore. In France, Yves Lacoste founded the journal Hérodote (1976) to introduce French geographers to some of the radical ideas of the country’s new generation of social and political theorists. The leading journal Political Geography Quarterly (later renamed Political Geography ) was founded in 1982, marking the recovery of the field. Thereafter, political geography generated and responded to the same currents as human geography in general, including postmodernism , post-structuralism , and post-colonialism ( see critical geopolitics ). To the long-standing interests in the state, power and boundaries, modern courses and texts in the field include sexual politics, citizenship , social movements , civil society , globalization , and environment . Indeed, globalization has reopened older debates about the relations between territory, identity, and boundaries. Wars in the Balkans, Afghanistan, and Iraq, and the related ‘war on terror’ have prompted a greater interest in violence, both state and non-state ( see terrorism ; war ). Political ecology marks the overlap between political geography and a concern for nature , resources, and the environment. Given the significance of climate change , food security , and oil resources, political geographers have in some ways revived the preoccupations of their 19th-century predecessors for the physical environment, although without the trappings of environmental determinism.

Castree, N., Kitchin, R., & Rogers, A. (2013). " Political geography ." In  A Dictionary of Human Geography  . Oxford University Press. Retrieved 21 Jan 2022

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To find items about political geography or geopolitics, you can physically browse the shelves in the call number range JC 319 through JC 323 on Berry Level 4  . Other books will be found in the D's , E's , F's , and J's .

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Our collection includes several journals which look at Political Geography. To find them, do the following subject search in the online catalog : " political geography periodicals ." Cultural Geography is not a subject heading used in online catalogs. Use the subject search linked prior to see all of the journal titles in the collections. Below is a short list of some of the journal titles we have in our Library's collection. Or you can use the search box at the top of the page.

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An introduction to political geography

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Political Geography Research Paper

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Political geography is a field of inquiry concerned with the nature and implications of the evolving spatial organization of governmental regimes and formal political practices around the world. It is a widely recognized sub-discipline of geography, and it is increasingly an interdisciplinary pursuit as well. Political geography investigates why politically organized areas emerge in the places they do, and how the character and configuration of those areas both reflect and affect the social and environmental contexts in which they are situated. Whereas a political scientist or political sociologist might focus on the politics and social structure of a political entity, a political geographer would likely emphasize how and why a particular piece of the earth’s surface came to be organized as a discrete political unit, and what that unit represents and means for the peoples, institutions, and places affected by it.

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Get 10% off with 24start discount code, 1. development of modern political geography, 1890s–1970.

The origins of political geography are often traced to Aristotle’s effort to describe the ideal state in terms of its territory, population, and internal geographical structure (Kasperson and Minghi 1969). Its modern roots, however, lie in the writings of the German geographer, Friedrich Ratzel (1844–1904). Ratzel sought to analyze states in terms of their environmental characteristics, arguing that an understanding of the political world needed to be rooted in the human and physical character of the concrete territorial spaces occupied by states. He is most known, however, for his Darwin-inspired organic theory of the state, which treated states as competitive territorial entities vying with one another for control over parts of the earth’s surface. He set forth his theory in a seminal book, Politische Geographie (1897), which marked the formal beginnings of the modern sub-discipline.

Ratzel’s organic state theory attracted attention in both Europe and the United States (Glassner 1996). The Swedish political scientist, Rudolf Kjellen (1865– 1922), used Ratzel’s ideas about the territorial dynamics of state growth to develop an elaborated vision of the state as an organism, in the process giving birth to the term ‘geopolitics.’ Contemporaneously, the American naval historian Alfred Thayer Mahan (1840–1914) published an influential set of works arguing that control over sea lanes and adjacent land areas was critical for the maintenance and expansion of political power. This was soon followed by an alternative, more widely circulated geopolitical vision from the geographer-director of the London School of Economics, Sir Halford Mackinder (1861– 1947). He emphasized the importance of the interior of the Eurasian landmass (the heartland) for the maintenance and spread of political power.

Given the relevance of these geopolitical contributions, and the interest they attracted, it is not surprising that the political geography of the early twentieth century was strongly identified with geostrategic thinking (Claval 1994). Ratzel and Kjellen’s work became the foundation for a school of geopolitics (Geopolitik) in Germany led by Karl Haushofer (1869–1946), which eventually was appropriated by the Nazi war machine. In other parts of Europe and the United States, debates over the relative merits of Mahan and Mackinder’s conceptualizations attracted considerable attention in both academic and policy circles, and led to yet other geopolitical visions, most notably those of the Dutch-born, American educated international relations scholar, Nicholas John Spykman (1893–1943), who focused attention on the importance of the so-called rimland (coastal fringe) of Eurasia.

Despite the importance of geopolitical theorization in the early history of the sub-discipline, the first half of the twentieth century also saw expanding work on the geographical characteristics of individual states (Hartshorne 1954). The specific configuration of the world political map was undergoing substantial changes that required investigation and analysis. Geographers were being called upon to provide background on boundary disputes, the internal divisions within empires, and the impacts of new transportation technologies on political areas. World War I was a particular catalyst to such work. Indeed, the director of the American Geographical Society, Isaiah Bowman (1878–1950), was a member of the American delegation to the Paris Peace Conference where a new European political map was forged, one that reflected a combination of prevailing geopolitical visions influenced by Mackinder and understandings of the particular geographical characteristics of state territories.

During the interwar period, the study of political geography expanded modestly in colleges and universities, although relatively few geographers defined themselves primarily as political geographers. Those who did emphasized the historical territorial development and contemporary geographical characteristics of individual states. Bowman produced the first systematic political geography text of the post-World War I political order. It concentrated on the territorial problems of the new countries of the world, particularly those in Europe. Richard Hartshorne (1899– 1992) saw this work as an extension of Ratzel’s concern with the environmental character of state areas; his own influential work focused on the integrative and disintegrative potentials of differing state territorial characteristics and founding territorial ideologies (summarized in Hartshorne 1954).

World War II spawned increased interest in political geography offerings in some colleges and universities in the United States and parts of Europe, yet it did not lead to any fundamental reorientation of the subdiscipline. The one exception concerned the geopolitics wing of political geography, which fell into wide disfavor in some places because of its association with Nazi efforts to justify claims to territory. For decades the Soviets opposed any use of the term political geography, and in Germany itself the sub-discipline ceased to be taught altogether. In the English-speaking world, the most influential writings of the succeeding two decades dealt with geographical influences on the functional character of individual states through the study of their morphology, internal organization, social and physical homogeneity, relative location, and boundaries (e.g., Hartshorne 1954, Prescott 1965, East and Moodie 1968). Some innovative work came out of these studies, highlighting critical connections between geography and political decision making (e.g., Cohen 1963). For the most part, however, political geography became somewhat disconnected from conceptual and empirical developments in other parts of geography and beyond. Moreover, the positivist turn of the discipline of geography during the late 1950s and 1960s left little room for the consideration of political matters. By the end of the 1960s, these circumstances had placed political geography in a somewhat marginalized position.

2. Political Geography In The Late Twentieth Century

Political geography did not remain marginal for long. An important edited compilation from the late 1960s (Kasperson and Minghi 1969) provided a useful framework for teaching and research, and geographers trained in quantitative urban and economic geography began to turn their attention to the role that politics plays in the distribution of services, people, and wealth. The latter development spawned work focused at local and regional scales. Kevin Cox’s (1973) seminal book on the politics of urban services gave rise to an influential set of studies in ‘welfare geography’ that drew on diverse theories ranging from Marxism to public choice theory. In the process, political geography came into contact with emerging ‘political economy’ perspectives.

A somewhat different influence on political geography came from a group of urban and economic geographers with a quantitative bent who saw the potential for the quantitative analysis of election data. Extensive work on the spatial organization of elections, voting patterns, and the geography of representation made electoral geography a widely recognized sub-specialty within political geography beginning in the 1970s (Taylor and Johnston 1979). The methods and theories of electoral geography were not closely aligned with other work in the subdiscipline (Taylor 1985), but the developing field of electoral geography widened the scope of political geography and attracted interest among a new generation of geographers. At the same time, the different scales and issues on which votes are taken encouraged a broadening of political geography’s prior preoccupation with the scale of the state.

By the early 1980s, political geography was clearly emerging from its formerly marginalized status. Having shed its positivist orientation, politics was back on the agenda of geography as a whole, and political geography could therefore no longer be dismissed as peripheral to the discipline. Moreover, new work on urban, regional, and electoral themes was attracting increased attention to political geography and connecting it to issues and concerns being taken up by other social sciences. Even more traditional themes were taking on new life, with expanding interest in shifting cold-war geopolitical relations and the emergence of new regimes of control in the world’s oceans (see Glassner 1996). The founding of a new journal, Political Geography (originally entitled Political Geography Quarterly), in 1982; the establishment of major research and study groups in the International Geographical Union and various national geographic organizations; and the founding of a boundary research institute at the University of Durham signaled the growing importance of the subdiscipline.

At the heart of political geography’s revivification was the effort to develop a more sophisticated theoretical foundation for the sub-discipline (Reynolds and Knight 1989). Impetus for the theoretical turn came from the combination of insights being offered by the new, theoretically informed literature on urban social conflict and a growing frustration with the lack of connection between research initiatives outside political geography and more traditional work in the subdiscipline. Explicit engagement with theory took two overlapping, but sometimes conflicting forms: a concern with developing a theory of the state and a concern with theorizing the nature of the state system.

The work of Gordon Clark and Michael Dear (1984) is particularly associated with the effort to theorize the state in political geography. They promoted consideration of a variety of theories of the state and themselves advanced an approach that drew on Marxist ideas on the role of the state in the maintenance and expansion of capitalism, but which argued that the state is also the product of the institutionalized political-economic patterns and arrangements that are produced through specific state structures and functional hierarchies. Their work helped to foster wide-ranging inquires into the spatial dimensions of state policy initiatives, as well as studies of the ‘local state’ and its relationship to the national state. The latter was also heavily influenced by the writings of David Harvey (e.g., Harvey 1985), who focused attention on how the capitalist accumulation process was linked to the political production of spatial inequalities within cities and sub-state regions.

Although those writing on the nature of the local and national state looked to the role of large-scale structural forces, their work focused on communities existing within states (see Reynolds and Knight 1989). Some political geographers saw this as seriously limiting, arguing that intrastate processes could only be understood with reference to the dynamics and norms of the international system of states. They also argued that political geography would have little to say about international relations if it did not confront the nature and meaning of the state system. The writings of Peter Taylor—particularly his important text, Political Geography: World-economy, Nationstate and Locality (Taylor 1985 and later editions) —were influential in advancing this argument. Drawing on the world-systems work of Immanuel Wallerstein, Taylor sought to situate analyses of the changing political geography of the modern world in the context of the territorial dynamics of the emerging capitalist world economy. He argued that the forms and functions of national and sub-national units are derived from the positions territorial states occupy in the global political-economic order. Taylor’s particular use of world-systems approaches was not widely emulated, but his writings helped to put the very nature of the system of states at the center of the political geographic enterprise.

The new theoretical perspectives coming into political geography during the 1980s influenced both the types of issues being studied and how they were studied. The relationship between political geography and uneven development became a particularly significant focus of attention (see Smith 1984). Political geographers also turned their attention to processes of nation-building and substate nationalism, seeing these as predicated in significant ways on the nature of the state and the system of states (e.g., Johnston et al. 1988). Even some studies in electoral geography began to look at the relationship between spatial structures of power and electoral outcomes (Johnston et al. 1990).

The closing decade and a half of the twentieth century saw the emergence of new theoretical influences and a broadening of the scope of political geography (Agnew 1997). The growing influence first of structurationist, and then of post-structuralist, theories in the social sciences had clear impacts on political geography. The concern with the relationship between structure and agency that was part of the structurationist critique prompted political geographers to focus more attention on the ways in which political contexts are created through the interplay of large-scale forces and local practices. In his influential volume Place and Politics, John Agnew (1987) argued that political studies are generally based on the assumption that, in the modern world, local and regional identities are being replaced by national communities segmented by socio-economic differences, not by geographic sectionalism. Yet Agnew showed that this ‘nationalization thesis’ failed to account for the enduring impacts of local context on social and political behavior. In the process, he made a compelling case for taking the concept of place seriously in political geography (see also Johnston 1991).

The structurationist literature also brought with it growing interest in the spatial structures and arrangements that circumscribe social and political life. This offered a potential bridge between new currents of thought and longstanding efforts to analyze the development and meaning of the world political map (Gottmann 1973). An important element in building that bridge was Robert Sack’s work on Human Territoriality (Sack 1986). Sack argued that a critical component of human social behavior was the effort to influence people and ideas through the control of specific geographical areas, and that a concern with ‘human territoriality’ could therefore provide important insights into social and political processes. Sack’s work directly challenged the dominant tendency to treat political territories as a priori spatial givens, in the process opening an important theoretical window for political geographic work focused on the nature and meaning of specific political-territorial developments.

Work on the politics of place and on territoriality has developed in conjunction with themes from the post structuralist literature to open new vistas for political geography. The very centrality of politics and political relations to post-structuralist thought has greatly abetted this process (Painter 1995). Indeed, at some level much of human geography as currently practiced is about politics, making it difficult to establish exactly what constitutes political geography per se. Yet, as Agnew (1997, p. 3) has argued, ‘there is nevertheless still the need for an area of study of the more formalized and institutionalized arenas of power such as the spatiality of states, interstate geopolitics, the geographies of political and social movements, and territorial conflicts involving national and ethnic groups.’ These are the matters that continue to be most closely associated with the sub-discipline of political geography, and they are not particularly confining. Indeed, the recent political geography literature addresses themes that range from the role of political geographic arrangements in the constitution of gendered identities to the implications of new telecommunications technologies for the territorial integrity of states.

3. Contemporary Approaches And Themes

The contemporary practice of political geography echoes the diverse elements that have contributed to its development. Textbooks and research literature reveal approaches that are traceable to (a) political geography’s tradition of describing the spatial configuration, geographic character, and boundaries of politically organized areas; (b) the quantitative turn of political geography in the 1960s; (c) the influence of political-economy perspectives on the sub-discipline in the 1970s and 1980s; and (d) the recent interest in poststructuralist theories of society (see Agnew 1997 for a variation on this typology). Some studies can still be neatly classified in one or another of these analytical traditions, but there is also considerable blurring among them. Nevertheless, tensions persist among proponents of these different perspectives, the most acute of which is between those who posit a world of ‘real’ political spaces arrangements that we can try to comprehend through some combination of empirical and critical analysis, and those post-structuralists who view reality as unknowable outside of the individuals and societies that construct it. The opposition between these positions has created a dualism in the political geography literature that is only beginning to be addressed (Agnew and Corbridge 1995).

The substantive topics on which political geographers are working are a product of the more general effort to make sense of the rapidly changing political, social, and economic environment of the late twentieth century. The following subsections highlight the topics that are receiving the most attention There is considerable overlap among and between these topics, but each has a core literature attached to it.

3.1 Political Geographic Assumptions Of Social And Political Theory

There is a pervasive tendency in the social sciences to frame analyses of social and political developments in terms of the political territories in which they are situated. Yet the territories themselves are usually treated as little more than locational referents for whatever is being studied. A body of work in political geography seeks to expose the theoretical shortcomings of this state of affairs. Much of that work focuses particularly on the importance of understanding what is hidden and what is revealed when the modern territorial state is treated as an unproblematic spatial container for social and political processes. John Agnew in particular has argued that this creates a ‘territorial trap’ in which critical historical and geographical processes are ignored because the nature and meaning of territory are not problematized (see Chap. 4 of Agnew and Corbridge 1995). A number of political geographic studies support this line of reasoning by showing how the political organization of space is itself implicated in social and political processes, even shaping the very concepts of identity on which political communities are based. Work in this arena is thus tied to the larger effort to bring concepts of space into social theory.

3.2 Geopolitics And Interstate Conflict

Geopolitics is clearly back on the political geography agenda, as evidenced by the publication of a spate of recent books and the founding of a new journal, Geopolitics. The recent literature on the subject reveals some continuing interest in the development of formal geopolitical models, but recent work has concentrated on the changing geopolitical environment for interstate relations and on the world views and political military priorities of key political actors. Particular attention has been paid to the emergence of the modern world economy and its impacts for the conceptualization and pursuit of geopolitics (e.g., Agnew 1998). Political geographers have also examined the locational components of conflict itself, studying where conflicts have occurred and why some areas have experienced more conflict than others (e.g., O’Loughlin and van der Wusten 1993). The interest in discourse as a window into geopolitical motives is the focus of a new literature on ‘critical geopolitics’ (see O Tuathail 1996). Influenced particularly by deconstructionist ideas, this increasingly influential literature looks at the discourse of geopolitical practice to gain insight into the ways in which spatial understandings have been developed, deployed, and manipulated in the pursuit of particular political and military objectives.

3.3 The Changing Role Of The Territorial State In The Modern World

There is a lively debate in political geography and beyond about the degree to which the traditional role of the state is being undermined by the increased mobility of capital and labor, the growing power of multinational corporations, the advent of transportation and communications technologies that decrease or eliminate the friction of distance, and the rise of extra-state trading blocs and political organizations (see generally Painter 1995). Within political geography this debate finds concrete expression in studies focused on the ways in which these developments have altered the internal spatial organization and territorial character of states. Political geographers are raising questions about the changing nature and function of boundaries; the distribution of powers among and between substate, state, and superstate political-territorial entities; and the means by which governments at different scales are seeking to integrate and defend their territories. Research on such matters has been spurred by concrete changes in the world political map: the rise of the European Union; the break-up of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia; and the devolution of substantial powers to substate regional authorities in countries such as the United Kingdom and Spain.

3.4 Ethno-National Challenges To The Pre Ailing Territorial Order

Closely related to the prior theme is research focussed on the often discordant relationship between the map of territorial states and the territorial claims of different ethno-national groups. Political geographers have long argued that the concept of the nation-state is more an aspiration than a reality. The rise of so many visible instances of ethno-national conflict over the past few decades has moved this issue to the center of the political geography agenda. Political geographic research has focused on the competing territorial ideologies and strategies of majority and minority groups, the ways in which the political organization of territory affects intergroup interaction and intragroup identity, and the particular notions of citizenship and nationalism that have been forged in differing historical-geographical contexts (see, e.g., Johnston et al. 1988). The infusion of post-structuralist ideas into political geography has also promoted interest in the use of cultural symbols in the pursuit of territorial strategies, as well as the ways in which meanings develop around particular territories and nationalized landscapes. Work on the political geography of ethno-nationalism has highlighted the overlapping senses of territory that exist among many ethno-national groups and the need for policy approaches that recognize this state of affairs.

3.5 The Political Geography Of The Environment

One of the clearest obstacles to the effort to confront environmental problems is the fragmentation of the planet into political spaces, few of which are meaningful ecological units. The problem is not just that ecological and political boundaries do not coincide; the very roles that territorial states play in the international state system and the world economy frequently work against collective action in the interests of the environment (Johnston 1996). Building on a tradition of examining the relationship between spaces of governance and environmental geographies, political geographers are increasingly turning their attention to environmental questions. Recent work has focused on new transnational regulation regimes and the special issues presented by environments that do not lie within the territories of individual states: the world’s oceans and Antarctica. At smaller scales, political geographers have examined the circumstances giving rise to the emergence of an environmental politics in particular places, the problems and prospects of collective resource management in different political contexts, and the use of environmental strategies in the pursuit of political-territorial objectives. Some of this work is closely aligned with the emerging field of political ecology, with its focus on the role of large-scale political-economic structures in the production of local environmental outcomes.

3.6 The Quest For Political Power And Influence

Studies in electoral geography have long focused on the spatial dynamics of a particular type of quest for political power: that which takes place in formal elections. The geography of elections continues to attract significant attention among political geographers, but a variety of other political movements are commanding attention as well. This is a product of the increased visibility of such movements and the success of some of them in challenging long-standing political arrangements. Work in political geography has focussed on the political-territorial contexts that give rise to political movements, the spatial character of movement support, and the impacts of movement objectives on the political organization of space. A significant body of recent literature has considered how the economic, social, and political character of individual places is implicated in the rise and success of different types of political movements (Staeheli 1994). The focus on places, however, is not at the expense of larger-scale influences. Instead, many political geographers treat individual places as the product of the interaction between large-scale political and economic structures and local cultural, social, and material circumstances (Johnston 1991).

3.7 Political Place And The Construction Of Social Identity

Closely related to the prior theme is a strand of work in political geography concerned with the ways in which social identities are shaped by the politicalterritorial construction of place. The plethora of new social movements that have come together around social categories such as race, gender, sexual identity, and ethnicity have attracted growing attention throughout human geography, and the recognition that such identities are rooted in territorial practices and arrangements has provided an important bridge between work in political geography and the literature of economic, social, and cultural geography (see Wolch and Dear 1989). The concept of place—as politically and socially constructed—is once again at the center of this area of research because identification with place is so often at the heart of social identity (Johnston 1991, Agnew 1997). Yet place is not necessarily presented as a benign incubator of social identity; a considerable body of literature has focused on the ways in which dominant interests create spaces places of marginalization that reflect and reinforce existing power relations and social prejudices.

3.8 The Emergence Of New Political Spaces

The sweeping economic, political, and technological changes of the late twentieth century are associated with the development of new political spaces that coexist, and sometimes compete, with territorial states. Many of these new spaces are derivative of the map of states in that they are either collections of states (e.g., the European Union) or sub-state regions that have recently achieved greater autonomy (e.g., Catalonia). Yet activities within and among these new state derived political spaces are creating political spaces of a completely new sort. These include new political spaces of cooperation along international boundaries and geographically distant political communities that are forging links outside the framework of states. Behind many of these developments is the explosion in communications and information technologies, which is fostering an increasingly deterritorialized politics that nonetheless has concrete territorial implications. The emergence of far-flung political communities united by ideology and technology poses new theoretical and empirical challenges for an area of inquiry concerned with the spatial dimensions of politics.

4. The Way Forward

Political geography has emerged as one of the most vibrant, active areas of inquiry within the discipline of geography, and it is likely to remain so. The politicalterritorial upheavals of recent years show no signs of abating. Moreover, it is likely that growing challenges to the role of the state will bring into question the tendency throughout the social sciences to treat the map of states as a static frame of reference, and will direct attention to the nature and meaning of the changing spatial organization of politics. The interdisciplinary character and impact of political geography are likely to grow with the recognition that political practices and outcomes cannot be divorced from the changing geographical spaces and contexts within which they are situated.

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Top 50 Geography Research Topics [Revised]

Geography isn’t just about maps and memorizing capital cities; it’s a dynamic field that delves into everything from understanding our planet’s physical features to unraveling the complexities of human societies. In this blog, we’ll embark on a journey through fascinating geography research topics, ranging from climate change and urbanization to cultural dynamics and emerging trends. Whether you’re a curious student or simply someone intrigued by the world around you, join us as we explore the diverse realms of geography research.

What Are The Three Main Topics Of Geography?

Table of Contents

• Physical Geography
• Study of Earth’s physical features, processes, and phenomena.
• Example: Investigating the formation of mountains, erosion patterns in river systems, or the impact of climate change on ecosystems.
• Human Geography
• Examination of the interactions between human societies and their environments.
• Example: Analyzing urbanization trends, migration patterns, cultural landscapes, or economic activities within specific regions.
• Environmental Geography
• Focus on the relationship between humans and their natural surroundings, including the impact of human activities on the environment.
• Example: Researching pollution levels in urban areas, deforestation rates in tropical rainforests, or the conservation of endangered species and habitats.

50 Geography Research Topics: Category Wise

Physical geography research topics.

• Impact of climate change on polar ice caps.
• Patterns of desertification in arid regions.
• Formation and evolution of volcanic islands.
• Study of river meandering and channel migration.
• Factors influencing the distribution of biomes worldwide.

Human Geography Research Topics

• Urbanization dynamics in developing countries.
• Social and economic impacts of gentrification in urban neighborhoods.
• Migration patterns and trends in Europe.
• Cultural landscapes and identity politics in contested territories.
• Gender disparities in access to resources and opportunities in rural areas.

Environmental Geography Research Topics

• Analysis of air quality in megacities.
• Impacts of deforestation on local biodiversity in the Amazon rainforest.
• Water scarcity and management strategies in arid regions.
• Ecotourism and its role in sustainable development.
• Effects of marine pollution on coral reef ecosystems.

Geographical Techniques and Tools Research Topics

• Applications of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) in disaster management.
• Remote sensing techniques for monitoring agricultural productivity.
• Cartographic visualization of population density and distribution.
• Spatial analysis of crime patterns in urban areas.
• Geographical modeling of disease spread and containment strategies.

Regional Geography Research Topics

• Socioeconomic disparities between urban and rural regions in India.
• Geopolitical tensions in the South China Sea.
• Cultural diversity and integration in multicultural cities like London or New York.
• Environmental challenges facing the African Sahel region.
• Regional impacts of globalization on indigenous communities in South America.

Cultural Geography Research Topics

• Influence of religion on cultural landscapes in the Middle East.
• Cultural diffusion and globalization in the digital age.
• Preservation of intangible cultural heritage in UNESCO World Heritage sites.
• Impact of colonialism on indigenous cultures in Australia.
• Gender roles and cultural practices in traditional societies.

Economic Geography Research Topics

• Spatial distribution of industries in emerging economies.
• Trade patterns and economic integration in the European Union.
• Impact of globalization on labor markets in Southeast Asia.
• Role of transportation infrastructure in regional economic development.
• Economic consequences of natural disasters on local communities.

Political Geography Research Topics

• Border disputes and territorial conflicts in the Middle East.
• Secessionist movements and autonomy struggles in Europe.
• Role of international organizations in conflict resolution and peacebuilding.
• Geopolitical implications of Arctic resource extraction.
• Influence of soft power and cultural diplomacy in international relations.

Social Geography Research Topics

• Spatial patterns of poverty and social exclusion in urban areas.
• Dynamics of neighborhood segregation and integration in diverse cities.
• Impact of social media on community engagement and activism.
• Gender-based violence and spatial justice in urban environments.
• Cultural dimensions of health disparities in rural communities.

Historical Geography Research Topics

• Legacy of colonialism in shaping urban landscapes in former colonies.
• Evolution of trade routes and their impact on cultural diffusion.
• Archaeological landscape studies of ancient civilizations.
• Historical geography of migration and diaspora communities.
• Environmental history of industrialization and its long-term impacts on ecosystems.

How To Write A Geography Research Paper?

Writing a geography research paper involves several key steps to ensure a well-structured, coherent, and informative document. Here’s a step-by-step guide on how to write a geography research paper:

• Choose a Topic: Select a specific and focused research topic within the field of geography that interests you. Consider the scope of your paper, available resources, and the significance of the topic in the field.
• Conduct Research: Gather relevant sources of information such as scholarly articles, books, journals, government publications, and online databases. Use both primary and secondary sources to support your research and develop a comprehensive understanding of the topic.
• Develop a clear and short thesis statement that explains what your research paper is about. This statement should show the main idea or point you’re going to talk about in your paper.
• Organize your paper by making a plan or outline. Split it into different parts like the introduction, where you start talking about your topic and explain why it’s important. Then, include a literature review where you talk about what others have already studied about your topic. If you did any special methods in your research, talk about them in the methodology section. Then, show your findings or results, discuss them, and finally, conclude your paper. Make sure you outline all the important things you want to talk about in each section.
• Start your paper with an interesting introduction. Tell the reader some background information about your topic and why it’s important. Also, introduce your thesis statement here. Explain what you’ll be talking about in your research paper to help guide the reader through your paper.
• Conduct a Literature Review: Review existing literature and research related to your topic to contextualize your study and identify gaps or areas for further investigation. Summarize key findings, methodologies, and theories from previous studies to support your own research.
• Describe Your Methodology (If Applicable): If your research involves empirical data collection or analysis, describe the methodology and research design used in your study. Explain the research methods, data sources, sampling techniques, and analytical tools employed to gather and analyze data.
• Present Your Findings: Present the results of your research in a clear and systematic manner. Use tables, graphs, maps, and other visual aids to illustrate your findings and enhance comprehension. Provide descriptive and analytical interpretations of the data to support your arguments.
• Discuss Your Results: Analyze and interpret the significance of your research findings in relation to your thesis statement and research objectives. Discuss any patterns, trends, or relationships observed in the data and explore their implications for the broader field of geography.
• Draw Conclusions: Summarize the main findings of your research and reiterate the significance of your study. Discuss any limitations or constraints encountered during the research process and propose areas for future research or further investigation.
• Cite Your Sources: Ensure that you properly cite all sources of information used in your research paper according to the citation style specified by your instructor or academic institution. Use in-text citations and include a comprehensive bibliography or reference list at the end of your paper.
• Proofread and Revise: Review your research paper carefully for grammatical errors, typos, and inconsistencies. Revise and refine your writing to improve clarity, coherence, and overall quality. Consider seeking feedback from peers, mentors, or academic advisors to further enhance your paper.

Emerging Topics in Geography Research

As our world continues to evolve, new frontiers of geography research are constantly emerging. From the quest for sustainable development to the rise of smart cities and the challenges of climate resilience, researchers are grappling with complex issues that defy easy solutions.

One promising avenue of research is the integration of indigenous knowledge and perspectives into geographic studies. By recognizing the wisdom of traditional cultures and their deep connection to the land, researchers can develop more holistic approaches to environmental management and conservation.

In conclusion, geography research offers a rich tapestry of topics that span the natural and social sciences. Whether it’s unraveling the mysteries of climate change, exploring the dynamics of urbanization, or celebrating the diversity of cultural landscapes, there’s something for everyone in the world of geography research.

So, whether you’re a student embarking on geography research topics or simply a curious explorer seeking to understand the world around you, take heart in knowing that the adventure has only just begun. Happy exploring!

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Tai Koester: Building on Undergraduate Training to Lead Research in Political Ecology and Indigenous Geographies

I am a Masters student in the School of Geography, Development and Environment at the University of Arizona working with Dr. Andrew Curley. My research draws from political ecology and Indigenous geographies to study environmental politics in the US West and examines how the energy transition is shaping the political and economic futures of Native Nations. My Masters research is focused on the Northern Cheyenne Tribe, a federally-recognized tribe, whose reservation is located in southeastern Montana. This is coal country, part of the Powder River Basin, the most productive coalfields in the US. The Northern Cheyenne Reservation is surrounded by large coal strip mines on three sides and is 20 miles from the Colstrip Generating Station, once one of the largest coal-fired power stations in the US. In this remote region, coal extraction represents a reliable source of income for tribal members. However, coal’s future is uncertain, and the Colstrip Generating Station has closed half of its units that produce electricity. Against this backdrop, the Tribe is exploring options for developing its own tribally-owned utility based on renewable energy production, which has the potential to reduce the Tribe’s dependence on external electricity providers (e.g. costs for heating in winter are extremely high) and could employ tribal members.  

My research is grounded in qualitative methods involving interviews with tribal government officials, economic development experts, coal miners and plant operators, and renewable energy developers, among others. These interviews are supplemented by participant observation at regional energy events and conferences focused on the energy transition. My preliminary findings suggest that the energy transition seems likely to reinforce existing inequalities. The same power companies that own coal infrastructure are developing renewables that will compete with the Tribe’s own ambitions. Furthermore, existing paternalistic bureaucracy that structures the relationship tribal nations have with the federal government presents roadblocks that make it very difficult to pursue economic development in general. For example, the Northern Cheyenne must negotiate with the Bureau of Indian Affairs, a federal agency, in addition to any energy developers before constructing solar on tribal trust lands, while private energy developers operating off-reservation face no comparable obstacles.   

My research at Arizona builds off the research and experiences I had as an undergraduate in the Department of Geography at CU-Boulder. Under the guidance of Dr. Joe Bryan, I completed my honors thesis on the role of US public lands and historical mapping in the dispossession of Indigenous peoples, which together have gone on to shape the terrain upon which present-day Indigenous campaigns to protect southeast Utah’s Bears Ears region must struggle. This area was made famous in part by the Trump administration’s rollback of federal protections, centering on its status as a National Monument. Bears Ears, like all public lands, was mapped and managed to facilitate extraction and settlement at the direct expense of Indigenous people and the land itself, putting Indigenous claims of authority over the landscape at a significant disadvantage to the those made by white settlers and miners.  

Moving forward, I hope to continue to pursue engaged research that examines the tangled legacies of colonialism and resource extraction on Native Nations in the US. I owe much of where I am to the faculty and peers I had at CU-Boulder.