case study on drug trafficking

Case Study on County Lines drug trafficking and Cuckooing in the UK

Date: 26 October 2022

As part of HEROES , funded by the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme, Trilateral’s Research Analyst Jana Dilger conducted a case study on County Lines drug trafficking and Cuckooing in the UK – which highlighted how the phenomena link to human trafficking .  

The UK Home Office defines County Lines as “gangs and organised criminal networks involved in exporting illegal drugs into one or more importing areas within the UK, using dedicated mobile phone lines” (2020). County Lines gangs resort to coercion, intimidation, and violence to exploit children and vulnerable adults who are used to move and store drugs as well as money. Cuckooing refers to drug dealers taking over a vulnerable person’s accommodation in provincial areas with the purpose of using their flat or house as their local drug dealing base.  

County Lines and Cuckooing overlap with other forms of exploitation and crimes covered under the UK’s Modern Slavery Act 2015 .  

Most recent data shows that modern slavery in the UK, particularly criminal exploitation, increasingly affects children. In fact, children are considered to make up most victims groomed into UK County Lines gangs , with numbers growing consistently and significantly over the last years. In total, 2,053 County Lines referrals were flagged in 2021, increasing by 23% compared to the previous year. However, children involved with criminal gangs such as County Lines are often considered perpetrators rather than victims by LEAs. 

The case study for the HEROES project primarily aimed to identify  

• vulnerabilities that increase a young person’s risk of being groomed and recruited into County Lines gangs; and  
• indicators that will help frontline responders to spot if children and young adults are involved with County Lines.   

The case study’s findings are based on a literature review and interviews with six professionals as well as relevant frontline responders covering Academia, the Housing Sector/Law, LEAs, and City Councils.  

The study shows that every child and young adult is generally at risk of being groomed and exploited by County Lines gangs . However, some aspects are likely to increase vulnerability. This includes if a child is growing up in an impoverished and neglected environment . The promise of money as well as increased social status function as key pull factors. A young person is also considered to be more at risk if they suffer from mental health problems or have substance misuse issues, a physical disability, or developmental disorders . In addition, having been excluded from mainstream education is thought to be a critical event increasing vulnerability. Crucially, intersecting vulnerabilities are understood to increase the risks of being groomed into County Lines gangs. 

The study also reveals that while considered mainly as a matter of criminal law, County Lines drug trafficking overlaps significantly with human trafficking . To be considered a victim of human trafficking three elements need to be present: Action, Means, and Purpose of exploitation. The study applied those defining elements to the context of County Lines drug trafficking:   

• The Act – As part of County Lines, individuals are recruited and may be transported as well as transferred from big cities to small towns where they might be harboured or received at a trap house/cuckooed property. Children are often referred to as having gone ‘missing’ . 
• The Means – County Lines gangs use forms of coercion, deception, abuse of power, utilisation of the position of vulnerability of the person to be exploited, and payments or benefits to lure people into gangs or to take over their property. However, per the definition of human trafficking, the aspect of means does not need to be fulfilled when it comes to minors.  
• The Purpose – Children and adults will be trafficked for the purpose of exploitation for criminal activities ; however, they are likely to be sexually exploited as well. 

Lastly, the study created a set of indicators aimed to help frontline responders – and the public – identify if an individual is a victim of County Lines . Working along the definition of human trafficking, the indicators are divided into the Act, the Means, and the Purpose. While a single indictor by itself may not necessarily point to a person being involved in County Lines, a combination of indicators is understood to increase likelihood. Examples for Indicators of Action include, firstly, if a person is missing frequently from home for short and/or long periods; and, secondly, if a person is found to be staying in unsafe accommodations such as a cuckooed property. Examples for Indicators of Means include, firstly, if the person suddenly has unexplained money and/or owns items the person can’t usually afford (such as branded clothing and trainers); and, secondly, if the person receives a large amount of phone calls and/or texts during the day/night, which functions as a way of controlling the individual. Lastly, examples for Indicators of Purpose include, firstly, a sudden change in the use of language (using phrases/terms in relation to drug dealing and/or violence) and, secondly, if a person is found with suspicious items linked to County Lines activities. Providing frontline responders with these indicators is hoped to contribute to a better understanding whether somebody is a victim rather than a perpetrator – and thus, enables the provision of much needed safeguarding support. 

Jana recently presented the case study’s findings at the 24h Conference on Global Organized Crime – the recording can be found here . For updates on HEROES, follow the project on LinkedIn . 

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Science, evidence-based facts, key to help end scourge of drug abuse: UN chief

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The world’s drug problem remains an urgent challenge that threatens to exacerbate COVID-19 pandemic impacts and hinder a healthy and inclusive recovery, warned the UN Secretary General ahead of The International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking.

In a statement published on Friday, Antonio Guterres underscored that trusting science is the “hero and lesson of the pandemic”, and the same action based on evidence is crucial for the responses to drugs.

Worsening problem

The World Drug Report published this week by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime ( UNODC ) showed that drug related deaths have nearly doubled over the past decade. Moreover, 10% of HIV cases in 2019, were due to people injecting themselves with harmful substances.

The UN chief warned that although international cooperation has helped limit the proliferation of new psychoactive drugs, the problem is shifting to poorer regions where control systems are weaker.

Meanwhile, dark web drug sales continue to rise, and non-medical use of pharmaceuticals, including opioids, is expanding.

“ Drug trafficking and organized crime fuel and perpetuate cycles of violence and conflict. Armed groups and terrorists’ profit from the illicit drug trade, and the economic fallout of the COVID-19 pandemic has left millions of people even more vulnerable to drug crime and illicit crop cultivation”, Mr. Guterres underscored.

Invest in prevention

The Secretary General pointed out that investing in balanced prevention as well as control of drug use and drug use disorders produces solid returns such as lives saved, healthier populations, improved workforce participation and productivity, and reduced criminal justice costs.

“ Many of the risk factors associated with crime and violent behaviour are also drivers of drug use, and targeted efforts focusing on these overlapping dynamics - including childhood maltreatment and lack of social support - can help to strengthen prevention”, he said.

More partnerships and data

Public-private partnerships - with tech companies, postal and courier services, and shipping companies - represent an essential frontline response in the new fight against drug traffickers, who “are increasingly exploiting the legal cargo trade and postal services to move their illicit product”, added Mr. Guterres, underscoring that better data is also useful to identify trends and enable real-time monitoring of the trafficking routes.

The Secretary General urged Member States to listen to the science and take action, building on agreed international frameworks and drawing on UN support for health and justice initiatives.

He also reminded that greater cooperation and support are needed to help low-income countries take advantage of cutting edge anti-drug enforcement techniques.

‘Share facts on drugs and save lives’

The head of UNODC, Ms. Ghada Waly, echoed the UN chief’s call for leveraging trustworthy, scientific information and the power of community in influencing health choices and addressing the world drug problem.

“Drugs are destroying health and stealing futures, with drug use alone killing almost half a million people in 2019. Awareness of the risks and access to evidence-based treatment and care can help prevent such tragedies”, she said.

In a statement, Ms. Waly explained the theme of this year’s International Day: Share facts on drugs. Save lives . “It highlights the need for evidence-based approaches to equip the public, as well as health and service providers, and decision makers with the tools to inform choices and effective services”, she emphasized.

The campaign highlights key statistics and data drawn from UNODC’s yearly World Drug Report. Thus, providing facts and practical solutions to the current world drug problem, to attain a vision of health for all, based on science.

Ms. Waly urged governments to expand evidence-based prevention and treatment programmes, as well as monitoring and early warning mechanisms to help lower-income countries detect and counter new substances and use trends.

About the day

Through resolution 42/112 of 7 December 1987, the General Assembly decided to observe 26 June as the International Day against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking as an expression of its determination to strengthen action and cooperation to achieve the goal of an international society free of drug abuse.

Supported each year by individuals, communities, and various organizations all over the world, this global observance aims to raise awareness of the major problem that illicit drugs represent to society.

• International Days

United Nations

Office on drugs and crime.

• Drug trafficking
• Research Home
• Publications

Research on drug trafficking

UNODC monitors and analyses global and regional developments in drug trafficking based on regular reporting from Member States, the monitoring of open sources and first-hand information from structured interviews or similar exercises.

Research on drug trafficking contributes to provide an overall picture of the illicit drug supply chain. It covers aspects such as trafficking routes and flows, latest trends and emerging patterns in drug trafficking and drug distribution, criminal actors involved in drug supply and modi operandi employed.

NEW PUBLICATION

World drug report.

The World Drug Report consists of two products, a web-based element and a set of booklets. The latest global, regional and subregional estimates of and trends in drug demand and supply are presented in a user-friendly, interactive  online segment . While  Special points of interest  include key takeaways and policy implications,  booklet 1  takes the form of an executive summary based on analysis of the key findings of the online segment and the thematic  booklet 2  and the conclusions that can be drawn from them. In addition to providing an in-depth analysis of key developments and emerging trends in selected drug markets, including in countries currently experiencing conflict, booklet 2 focuses on a number of other contemporary issues related to drugs. 

Topical research on drug trafficking

UNODC research on  cocaine markets  has undertaken a number of studies aiming at monitoring and analysing trends in the supply and demand of cocaine at national, regional and global levels to identify emerging threats and assess potential future developments, ultimately enabling a pre-emptive response implemented with foresight.

UNODC research on opiate trafficking, notably on opiates originating in Afghanistan, has undertaken studies aiming at addressing the need for systematic, comprehensive and consolidated analytical information about patterns and trends in order to monitor and achieve a better understanding of the global impact of opiates ( opiate related research ).

The UNODC  Global Synthetics Monitoring: Analyses, Reporting and Trends  (SMART) programme works with Governments to assist them in generating and analysing data on the situation with respect to synthetic drugs, in particular amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS) and new psychoactive substances (NPS). ( SMART Updates )

The UNODC  Drugs Monitoring Platform  (DMP) is a common system for collecting, visualizing and sharing drug data. The DMP aims to provide access to real-time data on drug trafficking trends at the micro and macro level, deliver data using interactive visualizations adapted to user specific needs and improve early warning drug threat identification.

Other research on drug supply

Besides its activities on drug trafficking, UNODC research on drug supply also encompasses activities to assess and monitor drug cultivation, production and manufacture  at national, regional and international levels.

Other research on drug markets

Besides its activities on drug trafficking, UNODC research on drug markets also encompasses activities to monitor and analyse drug use and patterns of use at national, regional and international levels.

UNODC regularly updates global statistical series on drugs, including on drug trafficking (drug seizures, drug prices, drug purity, drug-related arrests). These data are available at dataUNODC

Following an extensive review of the current data collection instrument on drugs, the Annual Report Questionnaire, the UNODC, in consultation with experts from the Member States and international organisations, is preparing a revised Annual Report Questionnaire, which will be implemented from 2021.

28-30 August 2019 ,  Second Expert Working Group on improving drug statistics and strengthening the Annual Report Questionnaire (ARQ)

29-31 January 2018 ,  Expert Working Group on Improving Drug Statistics and Strengthening the Annual Report Questionnaire (ARQ)

• Fraud Alert
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• Open access
• Published: 31 January 2017

Drug supply networks: a systematic review of the organizational structure of illicit drug trade

• Gisela Bichler   ORCID: orcid.org/0000-0001-8686-9353 1 ,
• Aili Malm 2 &
• Tristen Cooper 3  

Crime Science volume  6 , Article number:  2 ( 2017 ) Cite this article

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This study presents a systematic review of research using social network analysis to document the structure of organized crime groups involved in drug trafficking. Our first objective is to determine whether the balance of evidence supports the argument that organized crime groups are loosely structured. Second, we aim to assess the relative importance of targeting individuals high in social capital (structural position) versus human capital (access to resources) in efforts to disrupt operations. Examining 34 studies, describing 54 illicit drug supply networks, we find five implications for anti-drug policy, and propose seven recommendations to facilitate meta-analysis and improve cross-network comparison.

Qualitative research examining organized crime groups, with an emphasis on drug trafficking activity, finds varying group structure within a loosely connected trade network. While these assessments are useful, there is little consistency in how authors operationalize organizational forms (as noted by Dorn et al. 2005 ), in part because these analyses are unable to map the actual structure of the group. Deepening our understanding of how illicit drug markets operate is pivotal to designing effective policy and crime control strategies. If structure varies, perhaps by market niche, drug trafficked or group characteristics, then we must tailor crime control efforts so they target the vulnerabilities of specific types of operations. Structure matters.

To standardize our descriptions of criminal group structures and begin the process of verifying the suppositions generated by qualitative research, scholars are turning to social network analysis (SNA). Capitalizing on a suite of empirical tools—theory, metrics, and analytics—crime scientists use SNA to document the interdependence among actors involved in drug trafficking. Rather than describing a group in general terms using researcher generated typologies, SNA studies use common metrics to characterize group structure, pinpoint specific actors and groups that control key market activities, i.e., importing drugs, laundering proceeds, etc., and identify individuals positioned to reestablish trade activity when central figures are removed. Thus, SNA provides an opportunity to re-examine what we think we know about market structure from a fresh perspective.

Examining SNA research of drug trafficking organizations, this systematic review of 34 published studies, describing 55 trade networks, is the first to synthesize what we currently know about the structure of illicit drug trade. We begin with a brief overview of landmark qualitative research and describe how SNA can contribute to the study of the organizational structure of crime groups. Then, we outline our document search protocol, and detail our methods. The results are partitioned into two sections. First, we examine network structure and find evidence confirming the idea that groups and drug markets are loosely organized and that groups have identifiable central figures. Second, we consider the relative importance of social capital (e.g. network position) and human capital (e.g. access to resources), confirming a correlation between social and human capital and that network vulnerabilities, representing key persons, are identifiable. We conclude with a discussion of the implications these findings have for crime control policy and provide direction for future research to facilitate meta-analyses and improve cross-network comparison.

Structure of drug trafficking groups

Group structure.

Contrary to media inspired conceptualizations of organized crime, qualitative research investigating the configuration of drug trafficking organizations finds varying group structures within a loosely connected trade network (for a review of some of this literature see Natarajan and Hough 2000 ). While a thorough review of the field is beyond the scope of the present study, a number of seminal research projects inform hypotheses about the structure of groups involved in illicit drug markets.

Adler ( 1985 ) showed early on that organized crime groups tend to operate similar to legitimate business. Using ethnographic methods, she revealed that drug trafficking operations are loosely structured, often involving informal agreements among market participants. Arguing that market structure is to some extent dependent upon the source of the drug handled; the specialized importation of foreign drugs requires fewer people and less formal structure than domestic drug production. Domestic drug production is also more likely to mimic a legitimate organization due to local competition.

Interviewing 40 incarcerated high-level cocaine and marijuana traffickers, Reuter and Haaga ( 1989 ) discovered that their networks typically take the form of small partnerships consisting of temporary and dynamic coalitions of dealers. Acknowledging methodological limitations associated with the sample, Reuter and Haaga make several key observations about the markers of ‘success’ in the industry that are of relevance to the present study. (1) There are few barriers to getting involved in the market; namely, access to capital, effort, luck, and use of violence are not required for success. (2) Traffickers are not limited to working regionally—the market is national. In the wholesale market, experience and the willingness to make and take opportunities limits involvement. (3) Large or long lasting networks exist, but they are not required for success in high-level drug operations.

To this point, Eck and Gersh ( 2000 ) examined 620 cases gathered from federal, state, and local drug investigations in the Washington-Baltimore High Drug Trafficking area (W/B HIDTA) from 1995 to 1997. The results show that 60.4% of cases involved individuals or actors conspiring with a loose-knit association. Further, of the 39.1% involved in some form of a criminal organization, most (66.7%) comprised groups of less than 21 people. After studying operations in greater detail (e.g., communications patterns, transactions, and security), the authors conclude that drug trafficking more closely resembled a cottage industry of small, somewhat temporary sets of people, and that there were few instances of large, hierarchically-organized distribution networks.

Qualitative studies of drug operations trafficking crack, cocaine, and heroin throughout the 1990s and 2000s found similar results. For instance, Dorn et al. ( 2005 ) reviewed upper-level drug trafficking literature, concluding that drug traffickers are diverse and driven by different motivations. These differences are reflected in group structure and vulnerability: business criminals motivated by profit are more likely to have a durable core with several connections to different groups and individuals than ideologically motivated offenders (Dorn et al. 2005 ). In his interviews with Colombian, drug cartel informants, Kenney ( 2007 ) shows that trafficking networks are flexible and react to opportunities and constraints by expanding and contracting in size and reach. Research by Spapens ( 2010 , 2011 ) also supports these findings. He shows that drug market monopolies are rare and difficult to maintain. He highlights the differences between legitimate and criminal markets, focusing on the need for trust in illicit business.

This literature led to the following working hypothesis: while several structures exist, most operations are loosely connected networks that can quickly react to shifting market conditions . What is not clear from this body of work, however, is whether mapped networks exhibit loose connectivity and to what extent this structure pertains to specific, clearly defined groups of actors, and to what extent these patterns characterize general market structure. A key issue in understanding the form and function of a network is to establish membership boundaries, because including peripheral individuals who are not really part of the group can significantly alter how we describe the network. A dense, cohesive group with a single leader will appear to look like a loosely connected set of clusters if people linking groups together are also included. Thus, it is important to consider group structure (within a definable crime group) and market structure (connections between different groups in a distribution chain) independently—it is possible that within group structure can be hierarchical even when the market as a whole exhibits the properties of a loosely connected network. Moreover, with each author developing their own typology of group structure it is difficult to conduct the cross-study comparisons needed to establish general patterns. Standardized metrics are needed to describe the nature and distribution of organizational structures.

Role differentiation

The importance of role differentiation by activity (i.e., fetching precursor drugs versus cooking methamphetamine) or market niche (i.e., cross-border smuggling versus wholesale supplying) also emerges from the review of qualitative research. Variation in organizational structure means that disruption efforts will need to be tailored to the type of operation and the inherent resilience of the group structure. For instance, through extensive interviewing of 296 subjects involved in crack, cocaine, and heroin distributions, Johnson et al. ( 2000 ) found evidence of role differentiation in response to police attention: countermoves involved parsing drug market activities into specific tasks, (e.g., separating holders, transporters, deliverers, money counters, versus guards, etc.) in order to be flexible and resilient to crime suppression activities. Their research also uncovered that market niches, such as low-level distribution, dealing, and upper-level distribution, show variation in organizational structure. This suggests that market forces at each level of trade impose unique constraints upon individuals engaged in drug trafficking.

Even within money laundering, a function we generally recognize as a relatively specialized facet of drug trafficking, we find evidence of the varied, and thus flexible, nature of operations (Schneider 2010 ; Soudijn 2012 ). For example, studying 31 Dutch cases involving large-scale cocaine importation, Soudijn ( 2014 ) discovered that only half of the investigations (14 cases) involved people providing financial services typically associated with money laundering. Contrary to conventional wisdom, however, the study uncovered a wide range of financial activity and financial facilitators were not accountants or lawyers; rather, individuals were involved in either sending money between countries (e.g., smuggling cash and hawala banking) or they participated in activities to give money a legal appearance, such as investing in the legal economy. Though not commented on by Soudijn ( 2014 ), this suggests human capital—individual resources and skill sets—influences whether, and in what capacity, someone is involved in drug market activities. Human capital may also differentiate leaders and critical personnel from easy to replace subordinates.

More recently, Natarajan et al. ( 2015 ) examined 89 organizations uncovered through major investigations of the Drug Enforcement Administration (50 cases constituted the nation-wide sample) or prosecuted in New York City (39 cases) from 1997 to 2007 with the aim of testing a system of classifying groups along two dimensions—organizational structure and tasks. Most notably, they find that data source impacts structural variation. For instance, when using New York City data, 12.8% of groups have a corporate organizational style and 30.1% were communal businesses, whereas, federal cases tended to involve corporate (54%) or communal businesses (42%). Where corporate organizational style includes a formal hierarchy and division of labor and communal businesses are comprised of members linked by at least one common characteristic, i.e., religion, nationality, neighborhood, or race. Additionally, 41% of New York cases and 62% of federal cases concerned groups involved in multiple niches (e.g., smuggling, wholesale, and regional distribution). Again, having a flexible, informal structure and being involved in a range of activities speaks to the potential impact that the collective resources and individual human capital play in shaping operational structure.

These studies suggest that drug trafficking is comprised of entrepreneurs exploiting their social and human capital. Our second working hypothesis follows from this idea. The hypothesis states, varying structural properties emerge for different types of market involvement and that market leaders and critical personnel (central individuals) are those with the greatest human capital. Soudijn ( 2014 ) and Natarajan et al. ( 2015 ), however, raise the concern that what we think we know about organizational structure is to a large part, pre-determined by the focus of and resources deployed during investigations, as well as the prosecutorial discretion of attorneys at the local and federal levels. Thus, we may find that variation in the predominance of central individuals is contingent on the scope of the study and source of information.

Network analysis of trafficking networks

While SNA-oriented study of organized crime is relatively new, the material advantage of using network science to study criminal organizations was lauded over two decades ago [see for example Jackson et al. ( 1996 ) and Sparrow ( 1991 )]. Because we are still in a relatively nascent stage of development, crime scientists are still working through SNA theory and metrics to identify the most appropriate mechanisms to test our ideas about the structure of crime groups. With this caveat in mind, two themes dominate our efforts to map the structure of illicit drug trafficking.

Criminal network structures

Crime scientists working with SNA have come to view criminal networks differently from other social networks because they operate in hostile environments. For instance, Morselli writes, “Criminal networks are not simply social networks operating in a criminal context. The covert settings that surround them call for specific interactions and relational features within and beyond the network (2009; 8).” With various agents of the criminal justice system working to constrain illicit trade, individuals profiting from criminal enterprise must work in secrecy, under a cloak of invisibility; whereas, legitimate trade activity may organize to maximize the efficiency of operations. This ongoing challenge shapes how the group, and overall market, operates. As stated in our first working hypothesis, qualitative investigations suggest that drug operations are primarily loosely connected networks capable of rapid change in response to shifting market conditions. While direct SNA metrics of these concepts do not exist, we can explore comparable concepts of network density (or sparseness) and centrality, and what this means for operational structure.

Figure  1 illustrates the difference between dense and sparse operations and introduces two types of central positioning—hubs and brokers [(see Borgatti and Everett 1992 , 2006 ) or for a more information about network centrality and associated metrics visit https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Centrality or http://www.faculty.ucr.edu/~hanneman/nettext/C10_Centrality.html ]. This begins our discussion of how operational structures may indicate a preference for efficiency or secrecy (security). Note that in this hypothetical example, the circles represent people involved in the manufacture and trafficking of methamphetamine and the arrowheads indicate the flow of communications through the network.

Network structures characterizing security and efficiency

If we look at person 6, denoted by a grey circle, in Fig.  1 a, we see their position in the network allows them to exchange information with most others in the network. This information exchange is efficient and may be quick as there are few intermediaries required to reach other group members. In this example, density is high, meaning that most people connect directly to each other. Higher network density positively effects the network’s efficiency, provided messages take direct paths through the network. Arguably, this structure may also increase trust among individuals in the network [see Coleman ( 1988 ) and Granovetter ( 1981 ) for more details on trust and network closure]. An additional benefit is that with the removal of any individual, the group would continue to function: it is highly resilient to attack because of its high level of interconnectivity. While more efficient and resilient to attack, the structure reduces operational security. This means the network is not “secure” against efforts by law enforcement to uncover information about operations. For example, if we arrest person 6, or anyone else for that matter, they have knowledge of all group members and could implicate everyone in an investigation. Compare this network structure to Fig.  1 b; here, we see that if person 6 were to act as an informant, they could only implicate the person they receive information from, person 3, and the person they transmit information to, person 8. The network is relatively secure, because it is sparse and few connections exist among people in the group. The drawback is that rebuilding operations can be lengthy and difficult when crime control efforts remove a centrally placed individual.

Sparse, or loosely connected networks, typically include individuals centrally positioned as hubs and brokers. Individuals with a lot of direct connections (such as person 3 in Fig.  1 b), relative to others in the network, are hubs. Theoretically, we consider hubs to have the greatest degree of influence in the network; they can directly share information with more people than anyone else can. Brokerage is a different idea about central positioning—brokerage positions enable someone to control the flow of information between any randomly selected pair of other actors in the network. Returning to Fig.  1 a, since any effort to communicate with person 1 or 2 must go through person 3, person 3 is in a better position to broker information within the group. These structural positions offer a strategic advantage for crime control when networks are sparse: disruption efforts that aim to remove central actors, namely hubs and brokers, stand the greatest chance to disrupt network functions.

Social and human capital

Another social network argument is that individuals positioned with ties to unique clusters of people have greater social capital (Burt 1992 , 1997 ). Bridging different groups of people has a strategic advantage; individuals become indispensable to the overall group because they alone “hold” the group together and they ensure that they are the first to hear new information as it passes through the network. When combined with human capital, that is having unique skills or access to resources, a well-equipped bridge has great potential to maximize their success. When applied to organized crime groups and drug markets, we may hypothesize that varying structural properties emerge for different types of market involvement. Owing to the idea that some activities are more important to operations (e.g., money laundering and smuggling) and that, market leaders and critical personnel (central individuals within a group or connecting different groups) are those with the greatest human capital.

As illustrated in Fig.  2 a, individuals 3 and 6 have equivalent social capital. They each have efficient connections, meaning they established a single relation with each of three different clusters of people. Since the clusters do not have other connections joining them to the other groups of people, individuals 3 and 6 have unique positions. Sitting between several subgroups, they have the opportunity to reap the most benefit from the information they access from each cluster. This network position presents opportunities to use or act on information first and may serve to enhance the success of persons 3 and 6. In doing so, their actions may enhance the overall success of the entire network. Notably, if we factor for the ability to act on this information, meaning that we consider the individual attributes and resources of each person, we may discover that despite having similar social capital, person 3 (the meth cook as indicated in panel b), has greater human capital, and so, may be better able to use their social capital to their advantage. The argument being, couriers have a less specialized skillset making person 6 easy to replace, whereas with greater individual resources, the meth cook would be harder to substitute. In this scenario, positional advantage is not sufficient; it is only when the information benefit accrued from social position intersects with human capital that material advantages are likely realized.

Network structures characterizing social and human capital

Present study

Adapting the working hypotheses derived from qualitative research to fit within an SNA framework, we sought to answer two sets of questions.

Does the SNA literature identify specific network structures common to drug trafficking organizations that are consistent with the findings of qualitative research? If so, is there a difference between group structures and market structures? Moreover, given methodological shortcomings, what strategic implications can we derive from these findings to aid crime control efforts aimed at disrupting drug trade?

What is the relative importance of social capital (position within the network) and human capital (access to unique resources and skills) in determining who are the critical actors or groups within an illicit drug market? By using such information, do crime control efforts gain an advantage in efforts to disrupt market activity? Do the methodological shortcomings associated with studying criminal networks influence these findings?

Source identification

To ensure our search protocol was systematic, thorough, and efficient (fewest number of false positives), we identified an optimal set of search terms through an iterative process using a notable hit weight selection criterion. Footnote 1 To calculate the notable hit weight for each set of possible search terms we divided the number of articles found on Google Scholar written by notable authors Footnote 2 by the total number of matches identified. We assume that a search term or phrase that returns a high yield of materials produced by known, active scholars in the field will likely be more effective in uncovering similar types of research produced by other authors with a smaller body of work. Starting with a preliminary set of potential terms, Footnote 3 drawn from the keywords listed in articles written by notable authors, we systematically removed all poorly preforming items. For instance, we removed the search term “co-offending” because it generated too many false positives—few articles pertained to drug trafficking networks. As reported in Table  1 , this process resulted in six best preforming sets of keywords. Next, we tested various keyword combinations to build an optimal set of terms, settling on “Illicit drug network structure analysis trafficking” + “network analysis” which achieved a notable hit rate of 90:1,560, a value that was 2.8 standard deviations above the mean of all other tests. Footnote 4

We used EBSCO Host, JSTOR, Simon Fraser University’s Fast Search, and Google Scholar to search for sources. Each document was scanned against a set of inclusion criteria: the document must be published in English, with a scholarly outlet, after 1990, and contain social network analysis of at least one drug trafficking network using one or more recognized social network metric and/or analytic procedure. Moreover, the specified focus of the research had to be drug trafficking; articles looking at the overall structure of organized crime groups (e.g., Campana 2011 ; Varese 2011 , 2012 ) were not included as all legitimate and multiple types of illicit activity were combined into a single network and our aim was to investigate only the portion of their operations involved in illicit drug trafficking. Each source appearing to satisfy the criteria based on a scan of the title, abstract and results was retained, and later read closely to confirm eligibility. Additionally, the research team examined the references of all sources for additional articles.

Figure  3 illustrates the screening process used to identify suitable studies. Thirty-four sources met the inclusion criteria (see reference section “Sources for systematic review”). Of note, many potential items were excluded due to a lack of network statistics: we were unable to include several important studies discussing the utility of SNA or theoretical concepts of interest to the study of dark networks (e.g., Kenney 2007 ; Spapens 2010 ) and seminal inquiries into group structure using qualitative methods (e.g., Natarajan et al. 2015 ; Soudijn 2014 ; Spapens 2011 ), because they did not present actual network metrics.

Illustration of study identification process

Description of sources

Of the 34 studies identified, 76% were case studies; where 41% focus on the workings of a particular group and 35% examine the distribution chain involving a central group but including all of their associations to other groups (see Table  2 ). About 18% of the studies investigated a population of actors known to be involved in drug-related criminal enterprise. Footnote 5 Concerning geographic coverage, most research examined groups with central operations in North America or the Mediterranean. Notably, only one study sought to examine a global network (not reported in the Table  2 ). Collectively, most of these studies examine organized crime groups involved to some extent in the trafficking of cocaine. While we searched articles from 1990 to 2015, 71% of sources were published since 2010. As reported in Table  2 , most research aims to describe networks or explore research questions about the structure of the drug trafficking organization, using descriptive statistics or simple hypothesis tests. About 79% of studies are cross-sectional, with data aggregated from police intelligence information. Publication venues tended to be peer review (82%) and only 21% of studies were funded.

Sample description

In this study, we originally intended to use the network as the primary unit of analysis instead of published studies. Footnote 6 The 34 sources identified describe 55 networks, some of which are subnetworks based on different extractions. The meta-analytic database constructed for this study included

Details about the methods used and the network generation process (e.g., description of data source, a sampling description, time frame, boundary specification, Footnote 7 type of drugs trafficked by the network, and the directionality and valuation of connections Footnote 8 );

descriptions of each network (e.g., total number of actors in the network, number of connections among them, density, number of components, as well as the average, standard deviation, and degree of centralization for measures of actor positioning); and,

specifics about the analysis performed, i.e., whether the analysis was dynamic or cross-sectional, what tests were performed to answer stated research questions or hypotheses, and if they conducted a sensitivity analysis.

Much to our chagrin, there was little consistency in the information reported about each network, few commonalities exist in the analysis conducted, and stated research questions or hypotheses varied widely. For example, one of the most fundamental descriptive statistics to report about a network is density—the number of observed connections in the network relative to the number of links that could be present if all actors connected to each other. Descriptions of only 26 networks (48.1% of the networks discussed in the source articles) reported density. The simplest information, the number of actors and links present in the network, was more broadly reported, 85.2 and 53.7% respectively. This is not particularly encouraging given these details are equivalent to reporting the sample size in other research domains. Common descriptive statistics are even more elusive: only 12% of the studies report all standard descriptive statistics for each network (e.g., average and standard deviation for degree centrality, density, average path length, and number of actors and links) and 24% of articles report standardized values, required to directly compare different networks. Moreover, studies ranged in methodologies from descriptive core analysis (e.g., study Bouchard and Konarski 2014 ) to regression models (e.g., study Grund and Densley 2012 ) to simulation experiments (e.g., study Duijn et al. 2014 ). Not all is lost, however, as two critical themes emerged from our inspection of network-based studies of organized crime structure; in the results section that follows, we discuss the criminal network structure, specifically the trade-off between efficiency and security, and the relative importance of human capital versus social capital.

Criminal network structure

Our first set of research questions examine whether the SNA literature finds specific network structures common to drug trafficking organizations; if there are differences between group structures and market structures; and, whether these structural patterns offer strategic implications to aid crime control efforts aimed at disrupting the illicit drug trade. Of the 34 studies included in this review, 14 examine operational structure in detail (see Table  3 ) and characterize the research objective as exploring the efficiency and security trade-off. Footnote 9 Networks engaging in illicit activity have to balance the need for efficient business connections and communication with security and secrecy (Baker and Faulkner 1993 ; study Morselli et al. 2007 ). Theoretically, this balance is not as important in legitimate, conventional networks (study Duijn et al. 2014 ). This trade-off might account for operational structures described in qualitative research—the preponderance of loosely structured networks of entrepreneurs.

Across the 15 networks described in these 14 studies, the statistics used fall under two broad categories—centrality and embedding. Centrality measures are marginally more common. Specifically, eight out of 14 (57%) studies used both degree and betweenness centrality, and three studies used closeness centrality. Degree centrality is the count of ties attached to a given individual (Freeman 1979 ). Individuals with high degree centrality have more connections. Betweenness centrality is the number of times that an individual sits along the shortest path between all others in the network (Freeman 1979 ), and represents the extent that an individual mediates connections and information. Closeness centrality assesses the ability of an actor to communicate along the shortest path to all others in the network (Freeman 1979 ). Irrespective of the type of centrality, when networks exhibit lower overall centralization, it means that a smaller portion of the network is dependent on a single actor. Notably, this structural dependence does not necessarily suggest hierarchical control: centralization would only be interpreted as reflecting hierarchical organization if the direction of actor connections indicated chain of command. Overall, the studies show that drug trafficking networks have higher centralization than conventional networks (study Calderoni et al. 2014 ), simulated networks (study Malm and Bichler 2011 ), and terrorist organizations (studies: Morselli et al. 2007 ; Xu and Chen 2008 ). The studies also show that centralization increases with the threat of law enforcement targeting (Morselli and Petit 2007 ).

Six out of 14 studies (43%) reported embedding measures. Statistics measuring how individuals are embedded in larger social structures include density, path length, clustering, efficiency, and transitivity. Footnote 10 Embedding measures are tools that allow social network analysts to contextualize and understand the entire population and how network structure constrains or enables actors in the network. Of note, only two studies combined centrality and embedding statistics to explain the security and efficiency trade-off (studies: Calderoni et al. 2014 ; Morselli et al. 2007 ). Overall, the studies show that individuals in drug trafficking networks are more embedded than conventional networks, and less embedded than terrorist organizations, as indicated by lower path length and clustering coefficients (studies: Mainas 2012 ; Morselli et al. 2007 ; Xu and Chen 2008 ).

A group’s objectives and operational tempo appear to moderate its network structure. Networks whose primary purpose is to make money tend to favor efficiency (greater density), while networks with more ideological goals or a longer time to act favor sparseness with fewer central actors (studies: Bright and Delaney 2013 ; Morselli et al. 2007 ): this finding generally concurs with Dorn and colleagues (2005). Overall, the studies included in this review show that drug trafficking network structure appears to be lower in centralization and density than both legitimate networks (studies: Calderoni et al. 2014 ; Duijn et al. 2014 ; Malm et al. 2010 ) and general co-offending networks (study Duijn et al. 2014 ), and more centralized and dense than terrorist networks (studies: Mainas 2012 ; Morselli et al. 2007 ; Xu and Chen 2008 ). Footnote 11

Only two of the studies looked at change in organizational structure over time and both used descriptive statistics; none incorporated dynamic simulation-based models such as exponential random graph models (ERGM). Bright and Delaney ( 2013 ) found that as a drug network’s profit orientation increases, the structure centralizes and changes from one favoring security to efficiency. They also show that a shift in roles and increase in size favors efficiency over security (study Bright and Delaney 2013 ). Morselli and Petit ( 2007 ) investigated how law enforcement targeting effects the efficiency and security trade-off (study Morselli and Petit 2007 ). They concluded that as law enforcement targeting and seizures increase, network structure centralizes (density increases) to become more secure.

Eight of the studies assessed the network position of group leaders (studies: Calderoni 2014 ; Calderoni et al. 2014 ; Duijn et al. 2014 ; Hofmann and Gallupe 2015 ; Malm et al. 2008 ; Morselli 2009 , 2010 ; Xu and Chen 2008 ). Footnote 12 The rationale for this focus is that leaders of groups who favor security will seek to protect themselves from the gaze of law enforcement by distancing themselves from others in the group. The results of this research are also mixed. The majority of the studies show that group leaders have both high betweenness and degree centrality, suggesting that they are central actors (studies: Calderoni 2014 ; Calderoni et al. 2014 ; Duijn et al. 2014 ; Hofmann and Gallupe 2015 ; Tenti and Morselli 2014 ); however, Morselli ( 2009 , 2010 ) found that leaders were peripheral to the core of group communication. Incorporating geographic distance with social network metrics, Malm et al. ( 2008 ) found that leaders were central in the network, but distanced themselves geographically from drug production sites (study Malm et al. 2008 ).

As mentioned at the outset of this article, it is important to determine the structural differences of groups operating within the drug market and the market itself. The majority of the studies focused on market structure, including groups and individuals occupying different niches (studies: Calderoni 2014 ; Calderoni et al. 2014 ; Mainas 2012 ; Malm and Bichler 2011 ; Morselli 2009 , 2010 ; Morselli and Petit 2007 ; Tenti and Morselli 2014 ). Only a few studies focused specifically on groups (studies: Bright and Delaney 2013 ; Hofmann and Gallupe 2015 ; Morselli et al. 2007 ; Xu and Chen 2008 ). The findings indicate little difference between market and group structure. The articles reviewed unanimously show that both groups and networks operating within a drug market expand outward from a core in short chain-like structures, rather than from multiple cells (studies: Calderoni et al. 2014 ; Duijn et al. 2014 ; Mainas 2012 ; Malm and Bichler 2011 ; Natarajan 2000 ; Tenti and Morselli 2014 ; Xu and Chen 2008 ). These results also confirm that drug markets conform to small-world properties, Footnote 13 where communication can reach every member of the group with a relatively small number of intermediaries, and network structures are relatively sparse (studies: Mainas 2012 ; Malm and Bichler 2011 ; Morselli and Petit 2007 ; Salazar and Restrepo 2011 ; Xu and Chen 2008 ). Generally, these findings are consistent with the results of qualitative research. It follows that law enforcement efforts to disrupt illicit drug trafficking should consider the structure of the target network when developing strategies (e.g., study Malm et al. 2010 ); however, it is important to be cognizant that their targeting may affect network structure (e.g., study Morselli and Petit 2007 ).

There is however, a caveat to these findings. There is little consistency in the examined research as to how structural characteristics reflect the concepts of efficiency and security. One group of research finds that high centralization (usually coinciding with lower density) reflects more efficient and less secure networks (studies: Bright and Delaney 2013 ; Calderoni et al. 2014 ; Mainas 2012 ; Malm and Bichler 2011 ; Morselli et al. 2007 ). The other group suggests that decreased centralization (increased density) reveals more efficiency and less security (studies: Duijn et al. 2014 ; Morselli 2010 ; Morselli and Petit 2007 ; Salazar and Restrepo 2011 ). The research focus is one possible source for this contradiction. The former group investigates the natural evolution of drug trafficking groups or compares drug trafficking groups to other groups with notably different objectives and frequency of action; whereas, much of the latter group investigates changing network structure due to increased enforcement activity. Thus, while we see some consistency in the metrics used to describe drug trafficking networks, researchers need to consider the context of networks when applying theory and drawing theoretical conclusions.

Relative importance of social capital versus human capital

Individuals positioned with ties to unique clusters of people have greater social capital (Burt 1992 , 1997 ); however, if we factor for individual attributes and resources, we may find that the role a person plays in the drug distribution process is more telling. Thus, our second focal area is to examine role differentiation and to determine whether the existing SNA literature reveals something about the relative importance of social capital (position within the network) and human capital (access to unique resources and skills) when we attempt to identify critical actors or groups within an illicit drug market. In examining this issue, we ask whether efforts to disrupt market activity gain an advantage by considering these factors. Of the 34 studies looking into the organizational structure of illicit drug trade, 12 examine the social capital of individuals involved in drug market activity by the resources possessed or role they play within a specific group’s operation or across a drug distribution chain. Footnote 14 Across the 16 networks described, two SNA metrics are commonly used to assess social capital—degree and betweenness centrality. Footnote 15 The attributes used to reflect human capital are typically associated with operational roles (reported for 87.5% of the observed networks) or status and/or rank within the group (50% of the observed networks). Only two studies specifically investigate human capital using actor attributes associated with access to resources and involvement in specific activities.

Operational roles

While each author used a different set of operational roles to classify drug market participants, evidence is beginning to emerge to suggest that traffickers, those involved in smuggling or organizing shipping consignments, have higher social capital than individuals or groups involved in other roles, for example:

Examining two case studies, Calderoni ( 2012 , 2014 ) observed higher average degree and betweenness centrality, but lower clustering coefficients for individuals involved in finding drugs abroad and importing to Italy.

Investigating all known drug groups working in Western Canada (British Columbia and the Yukon Territory), Malm and Bichler ( 2011 ) considered simple involvement (single niche of activity) versus complex activity (participation in two or more operational roles), finding that the people involved in complex transport and complex supply had higher average degree and betweenness centrality scores and low clustering coefficients (study Malm and Bichler 2011 ).

Studying four mid-level criminal organizations operating in the Spanish cocaine market, Framis ( 2014 ) discovered that within each group someone involved with importing/transporting was most central to operations (study Framis 2014 ).

Notably, only one study explored the social capital of one smuggler throughout their career. Morselli ( 2001 ) found that while the network structure varied, at no time was it a hierarchical drug trafficking organization (study Morselli 2001 ). Arguably, at the most successful period of his trafficking career, the central figure of this network (Mr. Nice) exhibited his greatest level of social capital: highest level of efficiency and lowest effect size—two measures of social capital suggested by Burt ( 1992 , 1997 ). Interestingly, consignments were of medium size (averaging about 3 kg) and showed little fluctuation.

Examining group structure and between group crime activities for 9 groups of co-offenders involved in Italian the cocaine market, Tenti and Morselli ( 2014 ) discovered that groups occupying the same niche in the drug distribution chain exhibited variation in structure (study Tenti and Morselli 2014 ). Moreover, highly central individuals were located a different levels of drug distribution; highly central people did not concentrate in a particular role within the industry. Since the configuration of groups varied, so too, did the network resilience among groups. With many partnership agreements approximating a resource-sharing organizational model, the chain-like structure of the network exhibited low density with interacting clusters (subsets) of people.

Only two studies specifically investigate the relative importance of money laundering. Malm and Bichler ( 2013 ) find that self-launderers who were also involved in smuggling or supply were the most highly ranked brokers in the network: this is indicative of higher social capital (study Malm and Bichler 2013 ). Moreover, there were considerably more self-launders found in the network of co-offenders (82/102 or 80%) suggesting that with recent technological developments in the financial sector (i.e., hawala banking, bitcoins, person-to-person transfers) money laundering is “de-professionalizing.” Morselli and Giguere ( 2006 ) add that drug distribution networks include influential participants who appear to work in legitimate occupational settings; of these individuals, those involved in financial activities are critical seeds, introducing others to the network. The authors conclude that these seeds are likely to hold the key to understanding the opportunity structure of criminal enterprise (study Morselli and Giguere 2006 ).

Access to resources/specialized skills

Few studies directly examine the relative importance of human capital (access to resources and specialized skills) in comparison to social capital. In a series of studies examining the operations of a methamphetamine trafficking group working out of Australia, Bright and colleagues (studies: Bright et al. 2012 , 2014a , b , Bright and Delaney 2013 ) demonstrate the high correlation between human capital and social capital, where the human capital measure captured a range of tangible and intangible resources. Investigating the market disruption potential of using social and human capital to identify targets for law enforcement action these authors find that degree targeting (individuals with the highest degree centrality) and a mixed identification strategy incorporating human capital and social capital perform the best as gauged by facilitating the greatest reduction in the size of the largest component (group of connected individuals) and maximum disruption of market functionality (study Bright et al. 2014b ). These authors, however, caution that law enforcement strategies must remain flexible because people transit in and out of networks causing centrality scores to fluctuate over time (study Bright and Delaney 2013 ). A point well supported by Duijn et al. ( 2014 ).

Testing the simulated effectiveness of a wider range of targeting tactics, Duijn et al. ( 2014 ) show that several strategies have the potential to disrupt the Dutch marijuana industry (study Duijn et al. 2014 ). Comparing five disruption strategies (e.g., random, human capital, degree centrality, betweenness centrality, and human capital and degree centrality) and three recovery mechanisms (e.g., random, preference by social distance or degree centrality), networks were found to exhibit greater density, and thus more resiliency, after attacks targeting those with the most human capital. Moreover, individuals playing instrumental roles were more vulnerable (e.g., coordinators and international traders). These authors assert that disruption strategies must be long term efforts as networks recover to attack in such a manner that they become more efficient and resilient (as discussed earlier in this article).

Disrupting drug markets

This study sought to synthesize what we know about the structure of drug trafficking organizations as revealed by SNA scholarship. We reason that qualitative research involving conventional analytic techniques is invaluable to developing ideas about the structure of criminal enterprise, and that to build on this body of work we must apply SNA metrics. By applying SNA metrics, we can standardize how we describe network structures thereby supporting cross-study comparisons about the relative positional importance of people and groups. In doing so, SNA-based research offers a strategy to validate hypotheses in a way that provides direct crime control implications. While still in a preliminary stage of development, five implications emerge from this systematic examination of the body of SNA research in this area.

Drug trafficking networks are more apt to be sparse with central individuals connecting the group and linking between different groups suggesting an operational preference for security. This result suggests that targeting central individuals may fragment the network (e.g., study Duijn et al. 2014 ); however, results also suggest there may be a number of individuals waiting to replace central figures. Police need to recognize that increased law enforcement attention will cause the organization to adapt and become more decentralized, thus more difficult to target specific individuals (e.g., study Morselli and Petit 2007 ). Disruption is a long-term strategy (e.g., studies: Bright et al. 2012 , 2014a , b , Bright and Delaney 2013 , Duijn et al. 2014 ).

Leaders of drug trafficking networks and those with important roles are identifiable through centrality analysis, if there is sufficient information about group connections (e.g., studies Calderoni et al. 2014 ; Duijn et al. 2014 ). Notably, missing or dated information can obscure central actors. Thus, efforts to map criminal networks should regularly extend beyond criminal justice sources to include current affiliations, family connections, and legitimate business relations to ensure the most important actors in the group are correctly identified.

Use a range of metrics and analytic techniques to identify central players to target, i.e., spectral embedding (study Calderoni et al. 2014 ), attributes/roles (studies Bright et al. 2014a , b ), meeting participation and communication style (studies: Calderoni 2012 ; Calderoni 2014 ), and legitimate connections (study Morselli and Giguere 2006 ). There are many centrality statistics, each tapping a different aspect of social structure, when combined with decisions about actors and which relations to code, this creates a versatile tool kit through which to understand group structure. Examining the structure from different perspectives will better expose network vulnerabilities.

While disruption efforts will vary in effect, degree targeting or degree/human capital strategy performs best. Removing well-positioned and well-resourced actors from the trade network should split the network into smaller components and maximize the potential disruption of market activity (study Bright et al. 2014b ). While it is possible to trigger cascading failure with targeted progressive attacks on bridges (study Xu and Chen 2008 ), the success of crime control policy will depend on the drug market niche that the targeted individual occupies and the complexity of their drug market involvement (study Malm and Bichler 2011 ). Analysts are advised to identify central actors for each market niche.

Map networks repeatedly (over time). Anti-crime strategies need to be flexible as networks continually evolve; attacks on the network, from within due to conflict and launched externally by the criminal justice system, lead to structural evolution. Actors change, centrality scores fluctuate, and roles/attributes adjust (e.g., study Bright and Delaney 2013 ). Targeting individuals for removal from the network based on human capital stands to increase network density, exposing more of the network as replacement people often create new paths and shortcuts, which raises the efficiency, and inherent resiliency, of the network (e.g., study Duijn et al. 2014 ). Thus, old network maps are useful as benchmarks against which to assess the efforts of disruption tactics.

At this point, we draw the readers’ attention to the methodological shortcomings associated with studying drug trafficking networks.

Research limitations

Due to three methodological shortcomings, the findings reported above are of limited generalizability. First, as reported in Tables  3 and 4 , this body of work primarily uses evidence presented in court or information extracted from police data (intelligence, investigations, or co-arrests). As most researchers using juridical materials to glean network information from electronic surveillance generated during the investigation, police information is the principal data source. Footnote 16 Only one study (study Morselli 2001 ), explores a network built from an autobiography supplemented with investigatory (DEA electronic surveillance) and news reports. This overreliance on data from the criminal justice system means that we must acknowledge that the efficiency and security trade-off and the intersection between human and social capital may be different among groups involved in illicit drug trade that do not come to the attention of law enforcement. Moreover, observed networks may be incomplete, as some actors involved may remain unidentified or mislabeled as being unimportant in the drug trade.

Second, the search strategy used in this systematic review was limited to articles written in English, accessible through a scholarly outlet, and published since 1990. Therefore, it is quite possible that relevant studies were missed. In this vein, most of these studies examine markets based in Western, consumer nations with extensive coastlines, few shared land borders, and pivotal positions in world trade based on port/shipping activity. Footnote 17 When considered in tandem with the reliance on law enforcement data as discussed above, it is not surprising that the investigatory focus of most of these studies is on groups importing or distributing cocaine and other illicit drugs produced externally. Notable exceptions being Duijn and colleagues (study Duijn et al. 2014 ) who studied cannabis cultivation in the Netherlands and the research group led by David Bright (studies: Bright et al. 2014a , b ; Bright et al. 2012 ) who investigated the methamphetamine trade in Australia. Being situated as an entrepôrt may affect the capital, human and social, associated with individuals involved in smuggling or transportation roles. Moreover, this context may also unduly accentuate the central positioning of individuals found to be involved in smuggling activity. Had researchers undertaken similar studies in countries with less exposure to the currents of global trade, the organizational structures observed may be considerably different.

The third methodological issue to acknowledge is that most of the observed networks (76%) were case studies—43% focused on a specific group and 33% mapped a distribution chain. This disproportional inclusion of purposively selected case studies, chosen in part due to data availability, leads us to conclude that it is premature to suggest that these findings apply to all groups involved in illicit drug trade. With more egocentric and population-based research, we will be better equipped to assess the generalizability of these case studies.

Advancing the field

Synthesizing prior research through meta-analyses and systematic reviews is a critical exercise in the advancement of scientific inquiry. Notably, the nascent stage of SNA research in crime science hampered our attempt to synthesize what we know about the organizational structure of illicit drug trade. Reported results were primarily descriptive rather than explanatory, and there was a marked lack of consistency in reporting standards and methods. Moving forward, in order to facilitate cross-case comparison, replication, and rigorous meta-analyses, we suggest that research using social network analysis should incorporate the following reporting standards.

Researchers and analysts must clearly describe how they generated the networks. Network generation involves making decisions about what constitutes a link between actors and where to obtain information about these connections, as well as whether the relations have an inherent value or directionality. Thus, a clear statement is needed to alert the reader as to what constitutes a tie, the different types of ties (if appropriate), whether ties were valued (or binary), and whether the network was directed (or symmetrical). After generating the initial network, researchers often extract a subsample for analysis (i.e., principal component). A clear explanation of subsample extraction is necessary. It is important to provide these details as decisions made here, may radically influence the results. Even though editorial preferences will relegate some of these details into footnotes, it is important not to cut this information in the final edits. This information reveals how methodological decision-making influences the results and helps to promote replication.

Structural differences among groups are often associated with how individuals are connected; thus, investigations must be specific about what constitutes a connection between people (or groups). This means that we should invest more effort into uncovering what the important binding mechanisms are and what advantages different types of bonds have for drug trafficking operations (study Malm et al. 2010 ), i.e., brokers who do not use violence are more trusted and deeply connected than brokers who do (study Morselli 2001 ), and family/kinship relations are used for money-laundering and these connections are difficult to sever (studies: Hofmann and Gallupe 2015 ; Malm and Bichler 2013 ).

Researchers and analysts must describe sampling procedures and how they determined network boundaries. SNA research uses many different sampling strategies, including hybridized techniques using multiple procedures. Even within research using a case-study approach, focal individuals referred to as seeds, are often selected as the starting point around which a network is generated. Using selection criteria, we add individuals to the network based on some type of association with the seed individuals. While most authors often provide this information, they do not always explain where the network stops—the network boundary. Conceivably, one could continue for several steps out from a focal individual, i.e., should the friend of a friend of a friend still part of the same group. A pre-determined network boundary should be established and reported. Without these details, replication and cross-study comparison is limited.

Irrespective of the stated research objectives, we must report a set of basic descriptive statistics. Due to the novelty of SNA research in criminology, authors tend to devote attention to explaining the metrics used to answer research questions. There are a set of descriptive statistics, however, that provide a framework for understanding structure. Basic descriptive statistics to report include: the number of nodes and links, density, number of components, average path length, average degree, and degree centralization for each network under examination. If a subset is drawn, then two sets of values may be necessary—descriptive statistics for the full network and descriptive statistics for the subset. The scientific method stipulates that basic descriptive statistics are required when reporting results; SNA is not exempt from this foundational tenet.

We need to report standardized values for all metrics used to test hypotheses or answer research questions. Network size influences many statistics, and as such, statisticians have developed standardized versions of the key metrics, referred to as normalized values. While raw values have an inherent interpretability, and as such, are widely preferred, study results should also include normalized values where possible (i.e., standardized centrality measures). Reporting normalized values will enable meta-analyses that will advance this field of research.

With such a rich body of existing research, replication should take precedence. In what was likely an endeavor to explore the breadth of SNA methods and techniques, scholars in this field examined networks in a variety of ways. Now, the focus can shift to replication, to see if different networks share similar properties when the same analytics are applied. To this end, research collaborations among scholars working in different nations might help to foster more replication and cross-network comparison.

It is important to construct titles, select keywords, and write abstracts using standard terms and phrases to ensure that related research is identified, irrespective of search engine used. In this study, we found 26% of the source articles by reading articles and examining the references listed. Moreover, we had high false positives: wading through hundreds of documents to find a handful of appropriate items is not efficient. Including standard terms and phrases would improve the research process twofold. First, it will decrease the likelihood of missing important studies when conducting a literature review; and second, standardized language will improve the efficiency of source identification during meta-analyses and systematic reviews.

Conclusions

Despite the early stage of SNA research in crime science, there are reasons to be optimistic. Data sharing and research collaborations that seek to compare criminal networks are forming. These partnerships often include an international group of scholars who facilitate cross-country network comparisons and a sharing of expertise (i.e., the University of New South Wales Criminal Networks Research Group http://www.cnrg.unsw.edu.au/ ). Notably, the Illicit Networks Workshop, a working group dedicated to the advancement of a networked criminology, is currently in its eighth year of bringing together scholars from across the world to share ideas and research (Malm and Bichler 2015 ).

Research funding opportunities for social network research in criminal justice are also emerging. For example, the Violence Reduction Initiative has held webinars bringing together practitioners and academics to educate and share experiences in using SNA for crime reduction. Additionally, the National Institute of Justice has solicited research proposals for the application of SNA to reduce violent crime and increase predictive policing capabilities. We encourage more funding agencies to support research specifically focused on the application of SNA to criminal networks.

In conclusion, while we were limited in our analyses by the lack of standardized reporting and methods used over the 34 studies we reviewed, this systematic review still enables us to answer our three research questions and greatly contributes to the field of organized crime and drug research. The studies included in this review enable us to assert with confidence that drug trafficking networks tend to spread from a relatively dense core in short chain-like structures. The studies also show that these structures are apparent across the drug distribution system. Disruption strategies targeting individuals with high centrality and human capital are likely to include the leaders and other visible members of the drug distribution network, and this should, lead to a more successful crime control.

As aptly pointed out by one of the reviewers, systematic reviews are typically inefficient, partly to ensure that the search uncovers the population of studies or as much of the population as possible. Given the high volume of materials uncovered in preliminary tests of search terms that did not include the type of study we sought, the research team decided to develop a process to improve search efficiency without losing our ability to identify obscure publications.

The list of scholars known to use social network analysis in studies of drug trafficking groups includes: Gisela Bichler, Martin Bouchard, David Bright, Francesco Calderoni, Paolo Campana, Aili Malm, Carlo Morselli, and Mangai Natarajan.

The original terms to describe the research were: drug trafficking, organized crime groups, cartel, social network analysis, group structure, drug markets, co-offending networks, and illicit drug distribution.

This means that there were potentially 90 useful documents within a pool of 1560 items uncovered in the key word search.

Research investigating a population of individuals known to be involved in drug trafficking typically involves a data mining process wherein the network generated includes everyone known to police. This often involves consolidating information from different data systems. From this point, selection criteria are applied to hone the file, i.e., for a co-offending relation to exist the individuals must be known to commit at least two crimes together. This contrasts with case study approaches, which define a group of individuals, usually by known membership or coactivity with known members of a group.

As noted by one of the reviewers, in systematic reviews and meta-analyses, there is a parallel distinction between using findings and studies. We argue that networks (i.e. reviews focused on research findings) are appropriate because in much of the scientific literature, a single report will describe, and often systematically compare, the structure of multiple networks. This means that if the article were the unit of analysis, the research team would have to select one network for inclusion in the study. Choosing between networks leaves the current project open to the criticism that researcher bias tainted the selection process. Thus, the research team decided to use all networks described in each study. As the reader will learn shortly, a problem occurred forcing us to report on studies.

To build a network, it is essential to predefine who is eligible for inclusion in the “group”. This is an important decision in the research process as being overly restrictive or too broad may significantly alter the results.

Directed networks are such that the connections among actors have an inherent directionality because whatever is passing through the network (i.e., drugs, information, and money) flows from one person to another. Moreover, connections can be valued to indicate the amount of something passing between actors, the value of the exchange, or the strength of the relationship. Specifying these details about how the network was constructed is critical as it changes the way we interpret structural statistics.

Seven other studies (studies Berlusconi 2013 ; Boivin 2014 ; Bouchard and Konarski 2014 ; Calderoni and Piccardi 2014 ; Canter 2004 ; Grund and Densley 2012 ; Hutchins and Benham-Hutchins 2010 ; Salazar and Restrepo 2011 ) examine network structure and employ centrality and embeddedness measures, however, significant divergence in research aim and theoretical framework prohibit their inclusion here. With this said, results are included in this section where appropriate, in the text or as a footnote. Of interest to the reader, only one study (study Canter 2004 ) attempts to use six indices of organizational structure to generate a typology of criminal organizations. This study finds a range of structure from very loose networks with no central figures to highly structured operations. Two factors account for this variation—size of the group and centrality of leadership. Canter (study Canter 2004 ) concludes that there are three types of criminal organizations—ad hoc groups, oligarchies, and organized criminals, the former exhibiting the smallest group size and the latter being the largest.

Path length refers to the average geodesic distance (average length of the shortest paths) linking each pair of people in the network; the clustering coefficient captures the extend of clumping (areas of high and low density) in the network; efficiency is a standardized metric (controlling for network size) that captures the non-redundant nature of an individual’s connections, meaning that they have ties to unique clusters of people that do not otherwise connect; and, transitivity refers to the occurrence of triadic configurations (sets of three people all connected to each other) relative to intransitive structures (groups of three where there are only two links among actors).

One study explored internal co-offending (study 16), finding that members of an ethnically diverse, but racially homogeneous street gang were more likely to co-offend with other gang members from the same ethnic group, suggesting the existence of distinct internal co-offending structures.

Notably, several other studies examined group leaders, albeit from different perspectives. For instance, two studies used centrality statistics to help uncover core-periphery structures (studies Baker and Faulkner 1993 ; Borgatti and Everett 1992 )—this perspective argues that within each network a cluster of core actors dominate, and accrue the most benefit, from the network. Adopting a world-system perspective, Boivin (study Boivin 2014 ) examined the relative position of nations within global drug distribution, comparing cocaine, heroin, and marijuana markets to legitimate trade relations. He found distinct clustering of core nations and greater centralization in cocaine distribution than marijuana. All networks were significantly less dense than legitimate trade networks. Bouchard and Konarski (study Bouchard and Konarski 2014 ) examined whether a small set of targeted gang members were in fact central to the co-offending network and part of a core group of members; however, only 4 of the 6 most central individuals in the core group were identified by law enforcement. Another set of studies concluded that the central figures in drug markets and groups could be identified using SNA techniques with networks generated from law enforcement and surveillance data (studies Berlusconi 2013 ; Hutchins and Benham-Hutchins 2010 ). Notably, Berlusconi (study 1) found that degree and betweenness centrality are robust in identifying key players under conditions of missing data; and, Hutchins and Benham-Hutchins (study Hutchins and Benham-Hutchins 2010 ) suggest that SNA data mining techniques offer efficient methods for identifying distinct clusters despite low network density and that a small number of highly central brokers (betweenness centrality) are visible. As these studies were not explicitly aiming to examine structure from a security and efficiency perspective they are not included in Table  3 .

Networks exhibit small world properties when “global” connectivity patterns generate networks wherein all actors connect to each other through relatively short chains—typically, six or fewer segments connect all actors in the network (e.g., Granovetter 2003 ; Watts and Strogatz 1998 ). Illustrating this point with an examination of a Colombian drug trafficking network—Cartel del Norte del Valle—Salazar and Restrepo (study 32) document that the average distance between any pair of members was 3.7, in part due to high levels of betweenness. They also found that information shocks, search for threatening nodes, and ultimately, lethal violence flowed through the network in clusters. US policy and major interdiction efforts over the course of 15 years resulted in a decline of centrality and network size, which corresponds with a lengthening of average distance among members from 3.7 to 4.6.

To be included in this analysis, the study must report average scores by role using a graphic or statistic. Notably, we excluded three important studies for this reason. (1) Coding communications about illicit activity for a group of 294 individuals involved in heroin dealing in New York City in the 1990s, Natarajan ( 2000 ) maps the organizational structure by role, but does not provide average metrics, nor does she specifically investigate social capital (study Natarajan 2000 ). (2) Natarajan ( 2006 ) examines social power using Bonacichi’s power analysis and only reports mean power scores for core members (a group of 38 individuals critical to heroin trafficking) that include sellers, retailers, brokers, and secretaries (study Natarajan 2006 ) and did not report power scores by role. (3) Garay-Salamanca and Salcedo-Albarán ( 2012 ) looked at the social capital of key leaders; however, they did not examine the position or human capital of other members of the three networks investigated.

This widespread use of general centrality measures is a bit surprising given that the originators of social capital theory suggested other metrics to operationalize this concept. For more information about a set of alternative measures of social capital, see Burt ( 1992 , 1997 ).

Several authors, Varese and Campana (Campana 2011 , Campana and Varese 2012 , Varese 2011 , 2012 ), Natarajan (studies: Natarajan 2000 , 2006 ), and Calderoni (Calderoni et al. 2014 , 2015 , and studies: Calderoni 2012 , 2014 ) to name a few, aptly demonstrate the utility of using police data, particularly information gleaned from wiretaps. Berlusconi ( 2013 ) supports this research and concludes that structural measures are robust when the data come from a purposive sample of all wiretaps among all criminal network members (study Berlusconi 2013 ). However, reliance on a single source or type of law enforcement data raises important methodological concerns, namely self-censorship, coverage gaps, unknown network boundaries, limited sample sizes, biased samples, and potential incongruence between the content of the conversation and subsequent action (Varese 2012 ).

Boivin ( 2014 ) is a notable exception: His research used drug seizure information for 194 countries reported to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) by organizations tasked with monitoring and controlling drug trafficking (study Boivin 2014 ).

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Authors’ contributions

GB was principal investigator, leading the team of co-authors, AM and TC, who all were involved in executing the study and drafting the manuscript. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Gisela Bichler is a Professor in the Department of Criminal Justice at California State University, San Bernardino. Generally, Dr. Bichler’s research explores the interplay between the environment and offending behavior, using quantitative methodology from social network analysis and crime pattern analysis. Recent publications include the Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, Crime and Delinquency, Crime Patterns and Analysis , Global Crime and the Security Journal . She is founder and co-director of the Center for Criminal Justice Research—CSUSB. Email address: [email protected].

Aili Malm is an Associate Professor in the Department of Criminal Justice at California State University Long Beach. Generally, Dr. Malm’s published research centers on the intersection between policing and social policy, concentrating in topics associated with social network analysis. Recent publications include the Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, Crime and Delinquency, Crime Patterns and Analysis, Global Crime , and the Security Journal . Email address: [email protected].

Tristen Cooper is a Research Associate with the Center for Criminal Justice Research, California State University, San Bernardino. His research interests include data mining, social network analysis, and national securities studies.

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Bichler, G., Malm, A. & Cooper, T. Drug supply networks: a systematic review of the organizational structure of illicit drug trade. Crime Sci 6 , 2 (2017). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40163-017-0063-3

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• J Migr Health

The prevalence of drug use and illicit trafficking: A descriptive cross sectional study of irregular migrant returnees in Nigeria

Ikenna daniel molobe.

a Unified Initiative for a Drug Free Nigeria (UIDFN), Lagos, Nigeria

b Non-Communicable Disease Research Group, University of Lagos, Lagos, Nigeria

Oluwakemi Ololade Odukoya

c Department of Community Health and Primary Care, College of Medicine, University of Lagos, Nigeria

• • Drug use prevalence in irregular migration among study participants is 61.3%.
• • Alcohol and marijuana is mostly the drug use among irregular migrants.
• • Migration frustration and trauma are the major reason for drug use.
• • Marijuana is most trafficked drug by irregular migrants.

The study assessed the prevalence of drug use and drug trafficking among Nigerian returned migrants from Libyan detention centers in the transit or destination along the Mediterranean irregular migration route. This is a descriptive cross sectional study. The study population was restricted to migrants who returned from May 2017 and April 2018. A total of 382 (238 male and 144 female) were contacted and provided information for this study. These participants were recruited using judgemental and snowballing techniques. Both quantitative and qualitative methods of data collection were used. Results showed that 61.3% of the respondents used drugs during their migration. Drug use was predominant among those in the younger age group (26–30) accounting for 24.9%. The study revealed reasons for respondents’ drug use which were as a result of migration frustration and trauma, or compulsion. The findings on drug trafficking revealed that 15.7% of the respondents engaged in drug trafficking during their migration, and 28% of the respondents that trafficked drugs had previous experience of arrest or detention by law enforcement agent (in Libya). Findings from this study showed high prevalence of drug use among irregular migrants. Experience of migration frustration and trauma were among the factors that contribute to drug use among the migrant population. The study also discovered that some of the migrants who got into illicit drug trafficking were to raise money for survival while some were compelled into the business. The high prevalence of drug use among irregular migrants from findings draw attention to the important implications for public health and social security, while drug trafficking in existence among migrants calls for need of social reintegration.

Introduction

Irregular migration, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM), can be defined as entry into another country in contravention of immigration laws of that country. Therefore, irregular migrants include, among others, clandestine, illegal, unauthorized, unlawful, undocumented, aliens without residence status, illegalized people, non-compliant, and without documents ( International Organization for Migration 2011 ).

According to IOM, many young people felt deceived about better options for life and work if they migrate ( International Organization for Migration 2011 ). These young people often fall into wrong hands of organized recruiters who facilitate their movement outside the country ( International Organization for Migration 2004 ). In reports, such as of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and United Nations Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute (UNCRI) on organized crime and irregular migration, human trafficking from Africa to Europe; some of these migrants are introduced into drug trafficking ( UNCRI 2004 ; UNODC 2006 ). These migrants also face a lot of hardship and could be frustrated both on their way and to their final destination ( UNODC 2011 ). Sometimes irregular migrants end up being stranded as many go into drug peddling, commercial sex work, street begging ( UNCRI 2004 ; UNODC 2011 ; García and Laura, 2009 ), or even drug use as a result of psychological trauma ( Borges et al., 2012 ). Some irregular migrants end up in prisons as a result of penalty against crimes committed and therefore constituting nuisance to the country where they migrated into ( García and Laura, 2009 ).

As reported by the International Centre for Migration Policy Development (ICMPD), victims in most cases appear to be aware that they will be expected to work as drug peddlers at their destination, but it seems that they are often ignorant of the full implications ( International Centre for Migration Policy Development 2004 ). Having committed themselves to drug traffickers or to the consortium that will control their activities, they become bond slaves without the right to opt out of their contract and are liable to be subjected to abuse of various sorts ( International Centre for Migration Policy Development 2004 ).

Drug trafficking and drug use are present in transnational migration and among irregular migrants. As revealed in the study on Mexican immigration to the US and drug opportunities, irregular migrants are exposed to drugs and drug related behaviours and traditional approaches to address this are sparse ( Borges et al., 2012 ). As a consequence, in such communities, a drug use culture is evolving; a culture that, if allowed to take root, will set the foundation for potentially serious future drug problems.

Studies, as described in the epidemiology of substance use among forced migrants by Horyniak, Melo, Farrell, Ojeda, and Strathdee; and the healthy immigrant effect: patterns and evidence from four countries by Kennedy, Kidd, McDonald, and Biddle; irregular migrants may be at risk for drug use for some reasons, including coping with traumatic experiences, pre-and post-migration stress, co-morbid mental health disorders, acculturation challenges, and social and economic inequality ( Horyniak et al., 2016 ; Kennedy et al., 2015 ). Migrants, who also have passed through ill-treatment and abuse such as experienced by irregular migrants, can face marginalization, stigmatization and discrimination ( Fozdar and Hartley, 2014 ; Capps et al., 2015 ), which is an important factor in determinants of health, and may contribute to feelings of stress and loss of hope which may, in turn, lead to drug use problem ( Frohlich and Potvin, 2008 ; Steel et al., 2009 ). In addition, study by Anikeeva, Bi, Hiller, Ryan, Roder and Han; and Gushulak, Pottie, Roberts, Torres, and DesMeules, express that migrant health decreases over time to a range of factors, including reintegration challenges and barriers to health service use ( Anikeeva et al., 2010 ; Gushulak et al., 2011 ; Gorman, 2014 ; Mojtabai et al., 2014 ).

Activities of drug trafficking networks and among irregular migrants constitute the extent of this drug problem. Drug traffickers and trafficking networks have found irregular migrant communities (migrants with false or no legal documents, smuggled migrants and trafficked persons) and their social networks very useful for their activities ( Horyniak et al., 2016 ). Over the years, through these networks, countless migrants have made their way north to make a living ( International Organization for Migration 2016 a, 2016 b). In specific terms, drug trafficking organizations contribute in facilitating the movement of illegal migrants into other countries using highly functional groundwork within the social network to achieve their purpose. At present, drugs flow through these networks, and an undetermined number of irregular migrants are being used for major distribution ( Slack and Whiteford, 2010 ; Triandafyllidou et al., 2012 ). In the same communities, drug trafficking organizations and networks also target at-risk young people turning them into drug consumers as well as recruiting them to sell drugs, in some cases there are some migrants whose sole objective in migrating is to traffic in and sell drugs ( García, 2007 ; Cook, 2007 ).

Nigeria presently faces a high rate of unemployment and conflicts, and youths are illegally migrating to other countries and involved in drug trafficking and drug use during their migration. Some of them were introduced by organized recruiters or migrant smugglers who facilitate their movement with drug trafficking within and outside Nigeria through their network system ( Carling, 2014 ). Some of the irregular migrants that got stranded take to drug peddling, commercial sex work, street begging, among others, in order to survive. Some also fall victims of drug use as a result of psychological trauma ( Borges et al., 2012 ), while some end up in prisons due to crime committed and thereafter repatriated to Nigeria after serving their time. On return to Nigeria, some of these migrants, particularly young people, are roaming the street without any meaningful achievement while some have re-migrated or suffered psychological trauma due to frustration. Some have also fall victim of drug use due to post migration trauma ( International Centre for Migration Policy Development 2004 ; International Organization for Migration 2016 a, 2016 b). Europe has become one of the major continents with high rate of irregular migrants from Nigeria ( UNODC 2011 ).

Study objectives

• 1 To assess the prevalence of drug use among irregular migrants.
• 2 To examine the patterns of drug use among illegal migrants.
• 3 To investigate the nature of illicit trafficking among irregular migrants.

Description of the study setting

This study was carried out in Edo and Delta states of Nigeria among identified migrant returnees who were brought back from Libya by IOM and the Federal Government of Nigeria. These returnees were migrants of irregular migration who travelled by road and through the Sahara desert and intended to migrate to Europe through the Mediterranean Sea in search for greener pasture, and were stranded in Libya. According to the IOM Nigeria report, Edo states and Delta states account for communities of high emigration and high returns among the irregular migrant population in Nigeria. This informed the rationale behind chosen the two States for the study. Again, the states accounted for high potential migrants, and stranded and transiting migrants along Mediterranean Sea. Going by the IOM report of 2018; 6, 978 migrants returned as at February which extended to 7709 as at March and 8500 as at April; and Libya accounts for the highest population of migrants by countries; among these returnees ( International Organization for Migration 2018 ).

Type of study design

The study adopted the descriptive cross sectional survey design, as the research was only interested in determining the independent and dependent variable without manipulating any of them.

Description of the study population

The population of the study was restricted to migrant returnees from Libya who returned between May 2017 and April 2018. The criterion for participation in the survey was that the respondents must have returned three months and have had reunion with their family before the interview or had undergone reintegration programme. The migrant returnees who have undergone reintegration programme are those that have received support from organizations upon their return aims to address their economic, social or psychosocial needs. The age consideration for the selection of respondents was within 18 – 50 years. This age bracket was the most predominant among the irregular migrants according to IOM. It was ensured that both genders were represented in the study.

Sampling techniques

The study used judgemental and snowball sampling methods, and copies of questionnaire were properly administered to 382 participants (238 male and 144 female). In applying both sampling techniques, the study employed the use of a migration consultant, who is also a migrant returnee, working with the migrant returnees on reintegration and familiar with the community, who assisted in identifying and contacting the returnees (judgemental) and each identified migrant returnee assisted in recruiting other returnees (snowball) within their social network for this study. The sampling methods were adopted due to difficult to locate and hidden nature of the population. In addition to the administration of questionnaire, 4 focused group discussion (FGD) were conducted with 12 selected participants in each group. The FGD comprised 2 male and female sessions respectively. In total were 24 male and female FGD participants respectively. In-depth Interview (IDI) was conducted among 10 selected participants.

Data collection instruments and procedure

The study employed both quantitative and qualitative methods. The research participants responded to In-depth Interview (IDI) and Focus Group Discussion (FGD) guide and interviewer administered structured questionnaire. The instruments were developed by the authors from the literature review and with consultations and guide from migration experts and professionals in the field of drugs and addiction. In addition, the IDI and FGDs were conducted with the participants to gain a deeper understanding of their experiences. Adopting this mixed method is important because it assists in developing robust explanations to the complexities of irregular migration, drug trafficking and drug use.

Through non-probabilistic purposeful sampling, 10 volunteer migrant returnees who had engaged in either drug trafficking or drug use were interviewed and it was ensured that important elements were selected to participate in the interview. Attention was focused on selecting informants from diverse groups that represent the community, such as irregular migrants, smuggled migrants, and trafficked persons. A total of 4 FGD sessions were conducted: 2 male and female sessions, respectively.

Methods of data analysis

The quantitative data was analyzed using SPSS statistical tool (version 21.0). The data presented in this study is in accordance with the stated method, sample size, data collection instrument and method of data analysis. The quantitative analysis of findings and variables were based on descriptive statistics using frequency distribution and chi-square. The qualitative primary data obtained were manually analyzed by content analysis, reviews and discovery process, and by generating themes from FGD and in-depth interviews. Responses were coded into themes accordingly and categories abstracted into sub themes and data saturation was reached when no new information is discovered in data analysis. Comparison and verifying of conclusions were carried out and organized according to the set objectives of the study. Remarkable and very important quotes from the respondents were noted and referenced in the report.

Ethical approval

Ethical approval for this study was received from the Health Research and Ethics Committee of Lagos University Teaching Hospital (LUTH). Confidentiality and anonymity was assured and informed oral consent obtained from all the respondents after explaining the purpose of the study in detail.

Table 1 shows the summary of the socio-demographic characteristics of the respondents. The male constitutes the highest number in the study participants, representing 238(62.3%). Most of the respondents 259(67.8%) only have secondary school level education. Marital status showed that most of the returnees 226(59.2%) were single. The age group of 26 – 30 years was the most dominant among the study population.

Demographics characteristics of the respondents.

Country of migration

In terms of the country in which the respondents intend to migrate for a new living, this study revealed, as shown in Fig. 1 , several countries in Europe and few countries in North Africa. Italy was the most frequent, with 36.9% among the respondents, followed by Libya (23.6%). Germany (18.1%) and France (11.3%) also recorded high response rate among the respondents. As revealed in the study, the road was the main route of migration by all the respondents. Among 76.1% of the respondents who had the intention to cross through the Mediterranean sea, 52.5% of them were those who have already entered the Mediterranean Sea but were either stranded or caught on the sea and consequently could not cross to Europe or concluded their journey to their intended country of destination ( Fig. 2 ).

Respondents intended country of destination.

Respondents’ transit countries.

Transit countries

Niger was a major route and transit country for illegal migration. All the respondents passed through and stopover in Niger. The major stopover cities in Niger were Agadez and Zinder along the desert area. Another major transit country was Chad 134(35.1%), as some passed from Niger to Chad and then entered Libya ( Fig. 2 ). Libya was the major transit for those destined for countries in Europe. Most of the respondents 368(96.3%) do not possess legal travel documents while crossed the borders. The majority of them were smuggled 374(97.9%) and trafficked 369(96.6%) into other countries during the migration. Those smuggled were migrants of whom their network recruiters illegally facilitated their entry into another country, while those trafficked were exploited by traffickers for the purpose of force labour or commercial exploitation. However, as respondents revealed, most of those smuggled from one country to another were also trafficked at some point during their migration.

Drug use among migrants

Respondents that have used drugs during their migration.

The study showed that 234(61.3%) of the respondents have used drugs during their migration. Drug use was predominant among those in the younger age group (26 – 30) accounting for 24.9%. Among male respondents, more than three quarter 170(71%) of them used drugs, while about 64(44%) among female respondents also used drugs. Of the total 234 respondents (61.3%) who reported to have engaged in drug use during migration, about 35(15%) of them were reported to have been engaged in drug use before leaving the shores of Nigeria.

Reason for drug use during migration

The respondents when asked the reason for their drug use during migration, among the 234 respondents that have used drugs, ‘frustration’ 189(49.5%) was the leading cause of their drug use. This was followed by their being ‘stranded’ 109(28.5%) and ‘trauma’ accounting for 95(24.9%) among the respondents. One respondent stated, “I lost my two brothers inside the sea and because of that I take drugs to forget thinking, and also I was jailed in prison” (IDI-10, male respondent). Few of the respondents revealed that eagerness to continue the journey (9.4%), peer pressure 25(6.5%), no employment in the country of migration 14(3.7%) and introduction to drug business 13(3.4%) as factors that led to their drug use. Some respondents who shared their experiences stated that they use drugs to make them feel less hungry, while some were compelled to use these drugs as the following statement reflect: “In Libya, those who kidnapped us also give us these drugs, so that we will do whatever they ask us to do” (FGD-09, male respondent). Some of the respondents shared their experiences regarding taken these drugs under compulsion, as one respondent explained, “The Libyans forced me to take drugs. I was selected to take care of my fellow returnees and for this purpose they use to give us drugs to make us aggressive” (IDI-03, female respondent).

Access to drugs was noted to have also contributed to the reason for the drug use among the respondents, while some of these drugs were sold in the camp or prisons in Libya. Examples of these drugs include marijuana, hashish, shisha and tramadol.

Types of drugs used during migration

In terms of drug-types used during migration as shown in Fig. 3 , the largest number of the respondents indicated the use of alcohol (43.2%), followed by marijuana (33.8%) and hashish (24.6%). Tobacco (cigarette) use was 18.1%, Tramadol use 15.7%, shisha (14.9%) and codeine accounted for 11.3%. Other drug-types found in used by the respondents were opium (5.9%), cocaine (1.8%) and flunitrazepam (1.8%).

Type of drugs used by the respondents during migration.

Illegal activities engaged in by the respondents during migration and are linked to drug use

Respondents were asked whether they got involved in any illegal activities or crime in the country of migration, and if the crime is related to drug use. In their responses, the illegal activities or crime engaged by the respondents during migration were drug business (50.8%), commercial sex work and stealing, 40.7% and 8.5%, respectively. Likewise, some migrants in cooperation with the Libyans were involved in abduction of other migrants and negotiation of ransom. Most illegal business actitivies were performed in Libya by the Nigerian migrants. While some engaged in these activities as a means of survival, some were forced into the acts through trafficking. Among the respondents involved in illegal business activities or crime during migration, 22% of the respondents’ illegal businesses have a link to drug use. On further exploration, the respondents talk about drugs being given to them by the traffickers before embarking on stealing or prostitution. The drug business led some into drug use while possessing the drugs.

Respondents’ drug use and problematic drug users

Table 2 showed the prevalence of drug use among the migrant returnees in the survey. Of the 234 (61.3%) who use drugs, 124 (52.99%) responded that they became problematic drug users or drug dependent. And only 38 (30.64%) of them seek for help in Libya. A respondent said, “My friend introduced me to drugs in Niger during our journey. I was addicted to these drugs, particularly shisha, because if I don't take it I will not be okay, whenever I take it I will be calm and will be okay. It was not easy for me to stop drugs, because I was actually getting used to it” (IDI-07, male respondent) Table 3 .

Respondents drug use and problematic drug use.

Kind of help support in Libya.

On further probe, the respondents were of the views that help for problematic drug use or treatment seeking could not be easy for the irregular migrants and most were held hostage in the transit countries. In Libya, the respondents who became problematic drug users, 6.45% seek for help in a treatment center (health clinic or Nongovernmental Organisation [NGO]), 3.23% seek for rehabilitation in NGO or faith-based centre, while 0.81% seeks for counselling in NGO. Other respondents (20.15%) only discuss their drug use disorder with their friends.

Respondents who use drugs on their return to Nigeria

The study also depicts that among the total respondents (382) in the survey, 147 (38.5%) used drugs on their return to Nigeria. This result, when compared to percentage that used drugs in immigration, 234(61.3%) used drugs during their migration while 147(38.5%) used drugs on their return to Nigeria. The respondents when asked the reason for drug use when they returned to Nigeria, 80 (30.4%) responded that they were already dependent on drugs, 76 (28.90%) responded that they were frustrated on their return to Nigeria, 63 (24%) responded that they resort to drug use due to lack of employment, and 44 (16.7%) alleged that pre and post-migration stress and trauma contributed to their drug use problem in Nigeria.

Drugs used by the respondents on their return to Nigeria

The drugs used by the respondents on their return to Nigeria where alcohol (34.1%), marijuana (25.8%), cigarette tobacco (12.1%), shisha (10.2%), tramadol (7.3%), codeine (6.7%), hashish (2.2%), flunitrazepam (1.0%) and cocaine (0.6%). Alcohol and marijuana abuse were most dominant among the respondents ( Fig. 4 ).

Drugs used by respondents on their return to Nigeria.

Respondents that continued drug use after undergoing reintegration programme or after three months reunion with their families in Nigeria

Of the 147 (38.5%) among the study population that uses drugs on their return to Nigeria, 136 (93%) continued to use drugs after undergoing reintegration programme or after 3 months reunion with their family. One respondent stated, “I got addicted to drugs. There are times if I have not taken these drugs, it will look as if I am shivering, but I hide it from my parents when I came back to Nigeria, I do go to buy these drug such as tramadol and marijuana, and once I take it, I will just take tom-tom (candy)” (IDI-05, female respondent).

The qualitative study of this survey revealed that the reintegration programmes undergone by the respondents were mainly on business and entrepreneurship skill training and empowerment programmes in the aspect of business establishment for the migrant returnees. The training comprised enterprise development modules such as how to generate business ideas, how to start your business, how to develop a business plan, record keeping, and business partnership and cooperatives. None of these programmes has a psychosocial and behavioural therapy component that addresses the issue of drugs and addiction among the migrant returnees. The result of this study shows that the current reintegration programme and family reunion has not expressively reduced drug use among these migrant returnees.

In relation to the reason for the migrant continued drug use after their reintegration programme or three months family reunion, 59 (43.4%) were still dependent on drugs, 31 (22.8%) were still frustrated, 28 (20.6%) were still passing through pre and post-migration stress and trauma, and 18 (13.2%) still use drugs as a result of no employment. The respondents 58(39.7%) who use drugs complained to have other medical effects associated with their drug use, such as acute cough, amnesia, chest pain, constant fever, headache, high blood pressure, internal pain, stomach pain, throat pain, itching and mental challenge.

Respondents who have been involved in treatment programme specifically related to drug use in Nigeria

The study shows that most respondents 125(85.3%) that use drugs did not seek treatment since their return to Nigeria. Of those who did seek treatment, 22(14.7%) were males. None of the females seek for treatment upon their return in Nigeria. Stigmatization remains one of the reasons for none-treatment seeking among the migrant returnees.

Stigmatization and discrimination face by the migrant returnees upon their return and as a result of their drug use

The respondents in this study complained that they have faced stigmatization and discrimination upon their return to Nigeria. Apart from the stereotype stigma that have been placed on migrant returnees from Libya who are associated with irregular migration and human trafficking, the migrants’ drug use problem also increases the societal stigma and discrimination encountered by these population as the following statements illustrate: “Some of our girls that travel to Libya and came back, if people knew you came back from Libya, it is big stigma in Edo state, they feel maybe you have smoked or taken the whole drugs in Libya and they see us as abnormal human beings”( FGD-19 , female respondents); “Because of the stigma, most of us that came back from Libya, our smoking and drug taking increased, immediately we came back, with countless interviews, facing cameras. With your face on TV, your friend may call his family that they saw you and that you are back to the country from Libya, walking on the streets, some people start murmuring against you, that he is a Libyan returnee, he has been involved in crime in Libya, these are stigma, and it makes one go crazy” (FGD-05 – male respondents).

Drug trafficking among migrants

Respondents’ engagement in illicit drug peddling or trafficking in country of migration.

Of the total respondents of 382, 60 (15.7%) disclosed that they trafficked drug during their migration (in Libya or other transit countries) and among them were 40 (10.5%) who also carry these drugs on their way through the journey. On further probes, the respondents revealed that the majors ways of doing this is to boycott border checks through alternative (secret) route or to hide it in a secret place in the migrant luggage, cloths, underwear or food. Some of the respondents disclosed that they kept the drugs in their body by swallowing them while others ‘settle’ by bribing the officers on duty. Among the total female respondents (144) in the study, 4% of them were reported to be involved in drug trafficking. The information gathered from FGD further revealed that pregnant women among migrants are also used in the drug trafficking.

Drugs trafficked or peddled by respondents during migration

The respondents that attested to their involvement in either drug business, mentioned the following drugs as the major drug with highest drug trafficked volume or that move sales of which they were involved, and these were: Marijuana (76.7%), Hashish (50%) and Tramadol (43.3%). Other drugs trafficked or peddled were listed in Fig. 5 . The local gin (spirit) observed in this study were those not under normal government regulation. This illicit gin has been reported to be toxic and banned in some countries such as in Nigeria by the National Agency for Food and Drug Administration (NAFDAC).

Drugs trafficked or peddled by migrant during migration.

Groups or persons responsible for respondents’ introduction to drug business

Among groups or persons through whom respondents were introduced to drug business, findings shows that the highest influence on the migrants towards drug business were through migrant smugglers (46.7%), followed by human traffickers (45%) and friends (25%). Some of the respondents also disclosed through in-depth interviews and focus group discussions that their family members introduced them to drug business. Further investigations revealed that some respondents in this category got into drug business in Libya or transits countries due to survival and frustration experience.

The respondents also claimed compulsion by some Libyan rebels or officers in their prisons or refugee camp to sell drugs for them, while some of migrants were people that started drug business before leaving Nigeria. The reasons for being involved in illicit drug business during migration, as mentioned by the respondents who were directly involved in drug business, the most reason stated was to raise money (33%) for their journey. This was followed by compulsion or being forced into drug business (32%), as this was supported by information obtained from the focused group discussion in which many of the migrant claimed that their camp officers and human traffickers put them under threats and compulsion to the drug business. Other major reasons for the respondents’ engagement in dug business were frustration (3%) and solely for survival (i.e. to earn a living) (15%). The other remaining respondents (17%) involved in the drug business did not give any tangible reasons for their involvement in drug business. The following statements illustrate: “ Some of this human traffickers will approach you that they can help you go to Europe, they will charge you 700,000 Naira and you will pay them, but once you get to Agadez in Niger, there will be a disconnect, these traffickers phone numbers will be switched off, then other traffickers will come in and approach you to carry drugs for them, since you don't have money with you, you will agree to do it, poverty, frustration are responsible for drug trafficking, sometimes this human traffickers force it on you” (FGD-02, male respondents); “I deal on drugs, I sell drug to gather money, to travel to Libya, when I got to Libya I continued selling drugs to survive, even after returning to Nigeria, I still deal on drugs even now, just for me to survive” (FGD-08, male respondents).

Respondents arrested for possession of illegal drugs during their migration

In the study population of 60 migrant returnees involved in drug business, only 28% of them have had been arrested or detained by law enforcement agent (in Libya) due to their illegal action on drug business. Among this population, 28% have had experience of arrest, 12% were females. Information gathered from the focus group discussions revealed that some of the irregular migrants involved in drug business bribe some law enforcement agents to escape legal prosecution.

Irregular migration along the Central Mediterranean route is increasingly dangerous for migrants ( International Organization for Migration 2016 a). This study revealed the prevalence of drug use among migrant returnees. Irregular migrants, according to Fazel, Wheeler, and Danesh, usually witnessed or personally experienced pre and post-migration stress and trauma, including experience of frustration ( Fazel et al., 2005 ), as revealed in the findings of this study. As such, the above factors make them vulnerable to drugs use, and it is no surprising that the prevalence of drug use is high among this population. The challenges and other process of psychological change that follow the experience in irregular migration may lead migrants to have engaged in drug use ( Berry, 1997 ). In this study, drug use was predominant among the age group 26 – 30, accounting for 24.9% among the respondents. The study also depicts high percentage (89.51%) of non-treatment seekers among migrants who are problematic drug users in the country of migration.

There is a dearth of literature on irregular migrants and drug use, precisely in Africa, but a growing body of research, predominantly conducted among vulnerable populations of those with problematic drug use has found non-treatment seeking to be high among this population. According to the 2014 United States National Survey on Drug Use and Health, people may be reluctant to seek treatment for drug use because of denial of their drug use disorder, societal stigma, and time constraints ( Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration 2019 ). In United States, about 85% of those with problematic drug use have not received treatment. In this study, the illegal status of the respondents also poses a challenge in seeking treatment in the country, of which they do not have legal position. The present reintegration programmes or the family reunion has not contributed to reduction in drug use among the migrant returnees. Of the 147 (38.5%) respondents among the study population that use drugs on their return to Nigeria, 136 (93%) continue to use drugs after undergoing reintegration programmes or after three months reunion with their family. Only 11 (7%) have stopped using drugs. It was observed that the present reintegration programmes by government, non-governmental, intergovernmental and international agencies that have been provided for these migrant returnees lacks psychosocial and behavioural therapy component that addresses the issue of drugs and addiction among the migrant returnees. Rather, the reintegration was mainly on business and entrepreneurship skill training and economic empowerment.

Although, some studies have established that employment can reduce the likelihood of drug use or aid recovery ( Montoya, 2004 ). It is also believed that the family also plays a role in the recovery process ( Substance Abuse and mental Health Administration 2015 ). The result of this study showed that the current reintegration program or family reunion has not reduced drug use among these migrant returnees. Research, as conducted by Anikeeva et al. (2010 ) and Gushulak et al. (2011 ) , found that migrant health decreases over time to a range of factors, including reintegration challenges and barriers to health service use, which emphasizes the importance of maintaining contact with arrived migrants to monitor changes in drug use during the early post-migration period. Migrants, particularly those who have passed through ill-treatment and abuse, commonly experience social and economic inequality, marginalization and discrimination ( Fozdar and Hartley, 2014 , Capps et al., 2015 ). Many of the migrant returnees in this study reported being stigmatized and discriminated against; factors that are important determinants of health ( Frohlich and Potvin, 2008 , Steel et al., 2009 ), and may contribute to feelings of stress and hopelessness which may, in turn, contribute to drug use problem. For instance, the result of this study showed that 85.3% of the migrant returnees have not been involved in any treatment programme since their return to Nigeria. However, 14.7% that seek treatment were male. Societal stigma, among other factors, could contribute to non-treatment seeking upon return of these migrants. Stigma has also been expressed as a factor in non-treatment seeking by studies of Gorman (2014 ), Appel et al. (2004 ), and Mojtabai et al. (2014 ).

The Central Mediterranean route, through the Sahara desert, has been observed in this study as drug trafficking route. From the result of the analysis, the migrant returnees get into drug trafficking/peddling through the activities of the migrant smugglers, transit countries citizens and human traffickers which was also reported by Simon (2017 ). Similar findings was also observed in the study of Slack and Whiteford 21 and Triandafyllidou et al. (2012 ), who associate migrant smuggling networks with illicit activities such as kidnapping and migrant participation in drug trafficking. However, the above authors also highlighted the migrants’ agency and noted that these networks do not resemble Mafia organizations. Migrant returnees most time get involved in trafficking or peddling as well as other related crimes during their migration, as this was done for surviving during the journey. Specifically, it was done to raise money to complete their irregular migration as some get into drug trafficking due to compulsion by human traffickers, migrant smugglers or citizens of transit countries. This is in line with the findings of Simon in his work titled ‘From victims of trafficking to felons: Migrant smugglers recruited by Mexican cartels’ ( Simon, 2017 ).

The current study compliments the findings of past researchers who worked on UNODC research paper titled ‘The role of organized crime in the smuggling of migrant from west Africa to the European Union ( UNODC 2011 ), as they concluded that fostering of socio-economic development (such as vocational business training) in the countries experiencing irregular migration such as Nigeria would help to further reduce demand for smuggling service. This study has identified that migrant returnees are presently facing employment challenges which is the main reasons why they are illegally migrating to other countries and most being involved in drug trafficking, and failure to secure jobs can keep up the trend of further irregular migration, drug peddling and other crimes among these return migrants if care is not taken.

In summary, Alcohol (43.2%), marijuana (33.8%) and hashish (24.6%) constituted most of the drugs used by respondents on immigration. The percentage that used drugs in immigration was 61.3%, and 38.5% used drugs on their return to Nigeria. Considering the prevalence of 14.4% drug use in Nigerian based on 2017 National Household Survey ( UNODC 2018 ). Drugs mostly trafficked were Marijuana (76.7%), Hashish (50%) and Tramadol (43.3%). The study revealed that 15.7% of the respondents engaged in drug trafficking during their migration, and 28% of the respondents that trafficked drugs had previous experience of arrest or detention by law enforcement agent.

It is recommended that providing access to treatment and addressing the underlying factors which lead to drug use is essential. Therefore, evidence-based responses to drug use should be provided to returned migrants on immediate return to include health screening, psychosocial support and medication-assisted therapies for drug use dependence and withdrawal. It will be very essential for drug use services to be integrated with mental health services for trauma-informed care. The existing reintegration programmes for the migrant returnees should be reviewed to incorporate psychosocial and behavioural therapy component that addresses drug use problem and involvement of their families to ensure sustainable reintegration. Sensitization and advocacy at the grassroots level involving communities and schools would help in creating awareness and educate most especially the young people on the dangers of irregular migration and human trafficking, with emphasis on predisposing factors leading to drug use and penalties for the offence on drug trafficking. The emphasis is to promote regular migration. Supporting legal entry into any country ensures safety, worthy livelihood and entitled health benefits or coverage to migrants. Priority should focus on improving border securities and cooperation with member states and international border control to reduce security threat and corruption, and adopting sustainable measures to amend the lapses in border checks such as bribery and smuggling.

Disclosure was a challenge observed among the female respondents. Most female respondents were reluctant to disclose their migration experience, most especially those involved in prostitution. Perhaps the trauma or stigma could be the reason and owing to the sensitive nature of this research. Efforts were made to generate pool of data from the female using a female interviewer in most of the difficult encounters.

Conclusions

The prevalence of drug use in irregular migration among the study population was 61.3% which draws attention to the need to understand the epidemiology of drug use among irregular migrant populations, particularly among persons who fall victim to deception, coercion, human trafficking and migrant smuggling. Experience of migration stress, trauma and frustration were among the factors that contribute to drug use among the study population. Non-treatment seeking, both in the migration countries and in the return to Nigeria, was high among those with problematic drug use. The existing migrant returnees’ reintegration programmes lack components of psychosocial and behavioural therapy that address drug use problem. However, stereotype stigma as a result of involvement in irregular migration and drug use has pose negative effects among this community. The study also discovered that some of the migrants get into drug business primarily to raise money for survival, while some were compelled into the business. The major influencers through whom the migrants were introduced to drugs were the migrant smugglers, human traffickers and friends within the migrants’ social group. On this basis, there is need to draw attention of the findings, with important implications for public health and social reintegration.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors declare that they have no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper.

The study was supported by a grant from UNODC Academic Research NGAV16 project under European Union funded project entitled, “Response to Drugs and Related Organized Crime in Nigeria.”

Acknowledgments

The author would like to acknowledge Osita Osemene for assisting in the recruitment of the respondents, and to Simeon Olaoye, Quadri Ajibade and Grace Iwuagwu for assisting in the data collection and analysis.

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5 charged in $2.8 million Dark Web drug trafficking, money laundering conspiracy

CINCINNATI – A federal grand jury has indicted five individuals alleged to be members of one of the most prolific online drug trafficking organizations in the United States. The indictment was returned and unsealed in Cincinnati.

According to the 21-count indictment, since 2013, co-conspirators used several Dark Web marketplace accounts and encrypted messaging apps in order to sell illegal drugs online.

The defendants allegedly specialized in the manufacturing and distribution of more than one million fentanyl-laced counterfeit pills and laundered approximately $2.8 million over the course of the conspiracy. The pressed fentanyl pills, along with heroin, methamphetamine and cocaine, were shipped to the Southern District of Ohio and throughout the country.

Named in the indictment are: Khlari Sirotkin, 36, of Colorado; Kelly Stephens, 32, of Colorado; Sean Deaver, 36, of Nevada; Abby Jones, 37, of Nevada; and Sasha Sirotkin, 32, of California. Each is charged in all 21 counts. Each of the five defendants was arrested in December and has appeared in federal court in Cincinnati.

The investigation was coordinated out of the Cincinnati Field Office of the FBI and is part of an Organized Crime Drug Enforcement Task Force (OCDETF) joint investigation conducted by the Southern Ohio Digitized Organized Crime Group. Essential support and coordination was provided by the Department of Justice’s multi-agency Special Operations Division (SOD), including assigned attorneys from the Narcotic and Dangerous Drug Section.

This operation was facilitated in conjunction with the Joint Criminal Opioid and Darknet Enforcement (JCODE) team. JCODE is a FBI-led initiative that brings together agents, analysts and professional staff to disrupt the sale of drugs, especially fentanyl and other opioids, on the internet and dismantle criminal enterprises that facilitate this trafficking. The JCODE team consists of the following entities: the Federal Bureau of Investigation, Drug Enforcement Administration, U.S. Postal Inspection Service, Department of Defense, Defense Intelligence Agency, U.S. Customs and Border Protection, US Department of Homeland Security, Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, Department of Justice and Financial Crimes Enforcement Network.

The narcotics conspiracy in this case is punishable by 10 years up to life in prison. The money laundering conspiracy is punishable by up to 20 years in prison. Individual counts of distributing and attempting to distribute fentanyl or heroin also carry potential maximum penalties of 20 years in prison. Selling counterfeit drugs is punishable by up to 10 years in prison. Congress sets minimum and maximum statutory sentences. Sentencing of defendants will be determined by the Court based on the advisory sentencing guidelines and other statutory factors.

“It doesn’t matter to us if you’re out on the streets or behind a computer screen in the comfort of your own home – if you deal fentanyl, as is alleged here, we will identify you and we will prosecute you to the fullest extent of the law,” said U.S. Attorney David M. DeVillers.

“This case demonstrates that as organized criminals leverage technologies such as the Dark Web, encrypted messaging applications, and cryptocurrencies to conceal their illegal activities, the FBI and our partners will employ sophisticated techniques, creative methods, and a joint effort to hold them accountable,” stated FBI Cincinnati Special Agent in Charge Chris Hoffman.

“Unscrupulous people who use the darknet as a marketplace for selling and distributing illegal and dangerous prescription drugs will be found,” said Special Agent in Charge Charles L. Grinstead, FDA Office of Criminal Investigations Kansas City Field Office. “We are fully committed to disrupting and dismantling illegal prescription drug distribution networks that misuse the internet at the expense of public health and safety.”

“Not even the shadowy corners of the Dark Web can provide a safe haven for drug dealers,” said Drug Enforcement Administration Special Agent in Charge Keith Martin. “Law enforcement is committed to tracking down drug traffickers’ distribution networks no matter where they operate.”

“Battling the distribution of synthetic drugs via the U.S. Mail is one of the Postal Inspection Service’s highest priorities,” said Inspector in Charge Tommy Coke. “This case proves Postal Inspectors and our law enforcement partners remain steadfast in dismantling organizations which are distributing these illicit and dangerous drugs across the U.S. This case involved hard work and dedication from multiple field divisions for both the USPIS and our partners. We will remain unwavering in our mission to identify and disrupt their illegal activity.”

"These individuals are alleged to have trafficked large quantities of highly addictive drugs through our local communities and into our surrounding states,” said Vance Callender HSI Special Agent in Charge for Michigan and Ohio. “This dismantlement of this organization demonstrates HSI’s ability to combat the ongoing epidemic affecting Ohio."

“These aren’t street corner drug pushers – this conspiracy allegedly infiltrated our communities and sold fentanyl in the dank depths of the internet and sent it to mailboxes and doorsteps,” Ohio Attorney General Dave Yost said. “Ohioans are safer, thanks to the work of our narcotics agents and federal partners who untangle webs of deception and death.”  

David M. DeVillers, United States Attorney for the Southern District of Ohio; Chris Hoffman, Special Agent in Charge, Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), Cincinnati Division; Keith Martin, Special Agent in Charge, Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA); Charles L. Grinstead, Special Agent in Charge, U.S. Food and Drug Administration – Office of Criminal Investigations (FDA-OCI), Kansas City Field Office; Tommy D. Coke, Inspector in Charge, United States Postal Inspection Service (USPIS); Vance Callander, Special Agent in Charge, Homeland Security Investigations (HSI); Ohio Attorney General Dave Yost; Cincinnati Police Chief Eliot K. Isaac; and the Ohio National Guard Counterdrug Task Force announced the charges. Criminal Chief Karl P. Kadon is representing the United States in this case.

An indictment merely contains allegations, and defendants are presumed innocent unless proven guilty in a court of law.

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Trafficked: Three survivors of human trafficking share their stories

Date: Monday, 29 July 2019

This story was originally published on Medium.com/@UN_Women

Across the world, millions of women and girls live in the long shadows of human trafficking. Whether ensnared by force, coercion, or deception, they live in limbo, in fear, in pain.

Because human trafficking operates in darkness, it’s difficult to get exact numbers of victims. However, the vast majority of detected trafficking victims are women and girls, and three out of four are trafficked for the purpose of sexual exploitation .

Wherever there is poverty, conflict and gender inequality, women’s and girls’ lives are at-risk for exploitation. Human trafficking is a heinous crime that shatters lives, families and dreams.

On World Day against Trafficking in Persons, three women survivors tell us their stories. Their words are testament to their incredible resilience and point toward the urgency for action to prosecute perpetrators and support survivors along their journeys to restored dignity, health and hope.

Karimova comes full circle.

When she was 22 years old, Luiza Karimova left her home in Uzbekistan and travelled to Osh, Kyrgyzstan with the hopes of finding work. However, without a Kyrgyz ID or university degree, Karimova struggled to find employment. When a woman offered her a waitressing job in Bishkek, the capital city in the north of Kyrgyzstan, she welcomed the opportunity.

But things took a turn for the worse after arriving in Bishkek. Karimova recalls that, “They held us in an apartment and took away our passports. They told us that we’d be photographed again for our new employment documents, to be registered as waitresses. It felt strange, but we believed them.”

Then, Karimova and the other women were put on a plane to Dubai, handed fake passports instead of their real ones, and shepherded to an apartment after landing. “We were to be sex slaves and do whatever the clients wanted. The next day I was sent to a nightclub and told that I would have to earn at least 10,000 USD by the end of the month,” says Karimova.

For 18 months, her life was consumed by the nightclub work. Upon leaving the club one evening, Karimova saw a police car approaching, and instead of running away, she stayed to let the police arrest her.

“I was deported back to Osh, and since my ID was fake, I spent a year in jail. I filed a police report, and three of the traffickers were captured”.

However, after being released from prison, Karimova was left to live on the streets, ashamed and unemployed. She went back to work in the sex industry until she was approached by Podruga, an organization that assists women subjected to sex and drug trafficking. “They offered me work. I wasn’t sure that I would fit in, but slowly I began to trust them,” she says.

Now, Karimova works to prevent the exact situation in which she found herself. As an outreach worker with Podruga, she visits saunas and other places where sex workers may be. “I often meet girls who dream of going to Turkey and Dubai, to earn more. I tell them, ‘please don’t go...There is nothing good for you there.’”

To prevent their futures from unfolding as hers did, Karimova provides the women with health and safety resources and information about legal aid. “To stop trafficking of women and girls, we have to inform people about the full consequences of human trafficking and how to detect the signs. It is critical to start raising awareness about this in schools, starting young, so that they do not become victims.”

To read more of Karimova’s story and her work to prevent human trafficking in Kyrgyzstan, see her full interview .

Life in limbo.

In the Lake Chad region of West Africa, the Boko Haram insurgency has taken a drastic toll on millions of families. Thousands of people leave home every day, putting their lives in the hands of smugglers in search of a better life.

At 17 years old, Mary did just that. She felt there was no future for her in her home of Benin City, Nigeria, so she sought opportunities elsewhere. She was put into contact with a man, Ben, who promised to pay her way to Italy and use his connections to find her a restaurant job.

Soon after meeting Ben, Mary was called to his house and made to swear that she wouldn’t try to run away. In March 2016, she, along with a group of boys and girls, left for Libya—a stop along their route to Europe.

In Libya, Mary found herself in peril. “Ben took two of us girls one night. He gave the other girl to another man, and he said to me if I didn't sleep with him, he would give me to another man and not bring me to Europe. He raped me,” Mary says.

She wanted out but had no means of contacting anyone back home. “I had to stay there for months until they called me to go on the boat,” she says.

When she was finally put on a boat to Italy, Mary was informed she would be living in a camp and work as a prostitute—unjust conditions that she had never agreed to and couldn’t escape.

“I can't go stand on the side of the road in the name of money," she says, her voice rising. "I have a future. Standing there, selling myself, would destroy my life. My dignity. Everything.”

Now, the people who paid Mary’s way to Italy are demanding money and threatening her mother back in Nigeria. Her voice falters as she explains that, “they said they would do something very bad to her if I don't send money.”

She waits in anguish until her documents are processed. “I'm so sad. I'm under so much pressure. I don't know what to do… I just want to be free. I want it to be over, even for just one day.”

Despite the immense suffering she’s experienced as a victim of human trafficking, Mary’s dream of a better life holds strong. “One day I will have my documents, I will have an education, I will have work,” she says with hope. She wants to become a lawyer and serve those who’ve been trafficked like she has. “I want to give justice to the girls that have to use their bodies for work.”

For more of Mary’s story and UNICEF’s efforts to end the trafficking of children, read the full article .

“I no longer feel alone.”

Khawng Nu, now 24 years old, is from Kachin, a conflict affected and impoverished state in northern Myanmar. There are few job opportunities, so when a woman from her village offered her work in a Chinese factory, Khawng Nu accepted the offer. However, upon arriving in China, Khawng Nu quickly learned that she had been deceived. The situation wasn’t at all what she was told it would be.

Khawng Nu had been trafficked to birth babies, a type of trafficking that accounts for 20 per cent of the trafficking of women in Myanmar . Khawng Nu recalls seeing more than 40 women on the floor of the building where she was kept, some as young as 16.

“They give pills to women and inject them with sperm for them to carry babies for Chinese men,” explains Khawng Nu. They were beaten and bullied at any sign of resistance.

Once the baby was born, the women would supposedly receive 1 million MMK (USD 632).

Khawng Nu managed to send a message home to her family, and, with the help of community leaders, the trafficking broker in her village was arrested, although he refused to disclose Khawng Nu’s location.

Eventually, Khawng Nu’s family was able to gather enough money from neighbors to pay the ransom for her return. When she came home to her village, Khawng Nu shared the names of other girls she had met in China with local authorities, and five were rescued and brought back.

Through the help of a local organization that partners with UN Women, Htoi Gender and Development Foundation, Khawng Nu is working toward a brighter future. “At first, when I returned, I felt ashamed and I didn’t want to show my face,” she recalls. “Now, after meeting with other women trafficking survivors through the peer group organized by Htoi, I no longer feel alone and seeing that there are other women who went through the same experience gave me courage.”

Read the full article for more of Khawng Nu’s story and how UN Women is working to end human trafficking in Myanmar.

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Northeastern researcher exposes child labor trafficking as a hidden crime after investigating 132 victims

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Children trafficked for their labor often work in public view in restaurants, laundromats, agricultural fields and water parks, but little has been known about their plight.  

A new study co-authored by Northeastern University professor Amy Farrell provides insights about these children, those who traffic them and what makes children vulnerable to dangerous work — and conditions that too often rob them of a chance for an education, and leave them exhausted, hungry and sometimes injured.

Farrell, the director of Northeastern’s School of Criminology and Criminal Justice , answered questions from Northeastern Global News about what researchers discovered in their investigation of 132 victims, as well as their recommendations for a better future for trafficked children.

The research says the average age of victims you studied was 14. Where do trafficked children work?

It’s shocking how many different industries where we found children trafficked for their labor. They are all around us. They are on our roofs, they are in our gardens doing landscaping.

They work cleaning dentists’ offices, for storage facilities and in restaurants, agriculture and poultry farms. They work in waterparks, hotels and in private homes providing child care and domestic labor.

There was another subset of labor in which children were trafficked called forced criminality. This is a situation where kids work in illicit economies — panhandling, organized theft and drug cultivation, packing and distribution. 

When people think about child trafficking of children, they commonly think about sex trafficking. That’s not because 90% of the human trafficking that is identified by the police is for sex trafficking, but because that’s where most of the public awareness is. 

Child labor trafficking remains very hidden.

We often think of child labor trafficking as a migrant issue. But 42% of the child victims in your study were American. What makes both U.S. and foreign-born children susceptible to trafficking?

Poverty and housing instability are really big factors. 

We find minors in situations where they’re working because they need to bring money into the family or because they’ve left their family and are unhoused and living with a group of other minors who are unhoused. 

Housing is super expensive and hard to navigate for young people who often cannot independently secure housing. Young people need to survive.

In our data, we’ve also seen cases of familial trafficking where a parent or guardian traffics kids into family businesses or into doing childcare and domestic labor in the home.

We’ve had situations where sponsors of unaccompanied minors were coercing children into work — sometimes overtly. Other times economic pressure in the sponsor’s household forced young people into jobs, in addition to trying to go to school. 

There are some well-documented child labor trafficking cases where minors got sponsored out to nefarious actors who pretend they are going to take care of these kids and end up exploiting them. 

Sponsors are needed to handle the influx of unaccompanied minors into the U.S., but much more accountability and oversight of sponsor programs are needed.

Family disruption is another huge piece of this. Lots and lots of young people, particularly those who are U.S. citizens, come from families with histories with the child welfare system. 

Those kids, both girls and boys, are particularly vulnerable to both sex and labor trafficking. In some ways, it’s about who gets to them first.

What motivates child labor traffickers?

It’s just about extracting money from them. They’re throwaway kids — no one cares about them. They are disposable.

They are going to labor until they run away, get hurt or maybe get arrested. And then there will be more kids right behind them to take their place.

There’s not a lot of care to even be sure that they can continue to be exploited because they can so easily be replaced by someone else. So if they get hurt, they don’t get medical care. 

It’s really heartbreaking.

If sounds as if it’s very difficult to leave child labor trafficking situations

They leave with nothing on their back — no money but sometimes a lot of debt to smugglers or others who have loaned them money or provided housing. The reliance on traffickers to meet basic needs is one of the mechanisms that traffickers use to keep kids laboring.

One of the victims we studied came to the U.S. from Guatemala with a group of teenagers as young as 14 or 15, many of whom were exploited in an egg farm.

Although the teen we studied avoided the exploitative farming situation, he ended up being exploited by someone else who had portrayed themselves as a good Samaritan willing to take him in. He was eventually trafficked to a woodworking factory.

It’s a really difficult situation, because even when young people get away from a trafficking situation, they are still vulnerable to being abused or re-trafficked by others.

When do labor abuse issues become child labor trafficking violations?

Labor abuses become trafficking crimes when a person is coerced, defrauded or forced into laboring.

Unlike sex trafficking, where proving force, fraud and coercion are not required for children under the age of 18, these elements are required to prove child labor trafficking. 

A major finding of this study is that coercion was omnipresent in situations where adults are providing things for kids to meet their daily needs. 

For example, adults trafficking child laborers often provided young people with a place to stay, clothes or food. In other cases, adults provide love or acceptance to young people who are seeking their approval and care. 

Fraud was another issue, even for children. People pay money to come to the United States and stay in unsafe jobs to pay off their debts or the debts of their family.

Is child labor trafficking getting worse?

We don’t know because we lack comprehensive data. We really have no way of knowing what child trafficking was like 10 years ago in comparison to what it’s like today.

This study, which was funded by the National Institute of Justice, is one of the first to lay out the kinds of conditions under which a wide cross section of children experience victimization.

Here in Boston we are undergoing a migration crisis where we have lots of families coming into Massachusetts who are not able to work or find stable housing.

That is a situation that is ripe for exploitation of both adults and minors.

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What can be done to stop child labor trafficking?

We’re not saying kids shouldn’t work. We’re not saying foreign national kids shouldn’t work. Work is often a very helpful and developmentally appropriate activity for young people. What we’re saying is kids need to work in situations where they won’t be harmed. 

One of our recommendations is that if kids experience a violation of the Fair Labor Standards Act or any of the existing wage, hour and work protections, coercion should be assumed if there’s an adult involved. More attention is needed to young people laboring in situations where there is clear labor abuse.

Police and child welfare agencies have a role to prevent trafficking, but the people who may be in the best position to identify child labor violations are inspectors and regulators who ensure workplaces across a variety of industries are safe. 

.It is critically important that legal advocates and worker rights organizations are provided with resources to help serve young people who are in precarious situations of workplace abuse.  

We also recommend that vocational programs be expanded to provide teenagers with valuable skills in safe, lawful employment and alternative housing be funded for minors to reduce their vulnerability to dangerous forms of illegal employment.

Do you think efforts by states seeking to roll back child labor protections are ill-informed?

It’s important for young people to have developmentally appropriate opportunities to work.

But we don’t want young people working 12 hours overnight at a factory making potato chips or dog food and falling asleep in school — then dropping out of school and continuing to work at the dog food factory, where what they do is dangerous.

When communities face economic need and housing insecurity that drive young people into dangerous jobs, it is time to step back and ensure we have shored up the safety nets that help children and families meet basic needs without children laboring in exploitative situations.  

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Hybrid AI Analysis of the Drug Micro-trafficking in Italy

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This paper analyses factual and legal aspects on the quantum of criminal sanctions in cases of drug micro-trafficking. This case study considers the Italian jurisdiction, which contemplates two legal qualifications of drug dealing, i.e., “minor” and “non-minor” offences. As a case-by-case analysis is required to courts of merits in deciding how the offence has to be legally qualified, the study aims to identify trends and to cast light and provide explanations on the judicial decision-making about the legal qualification of a set of facts. The study emphasizes the importance of combining criminal judgment with innovative tools to facilitate the work of judges and allow information-based studies about jurisprudential trends.

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Italian Constitutional Court Ruling 40 of 2019.

As one of the reviewers has correctly pointed out, this differentiation might lead to ambiguity in the definition of “non-minor” offences, which may encompass every legal qualification other than “minor”. However, this lexical choice was done on purpose to mimic the Italian jurisdiction, which contemplates two different charges (“minor” and “non-minor” offences), and an aggravating circumstance for “serious” offences without a specific charge. Accordingly, the problem has been approached as a binary classification problem.

Italian Constitutional Court Ruling 40 of 2019 §5.2.

Court of Cassation, ruling n. 51063/2018 issued by the joint criminal sections, §5; Court of Cassation, 7th criminal section, ruling n. 6621/2019; Court of Cassation; 7th criminal section, ruling n. 3350/2019; Court of Cassation, 4th criminal section, ruling n. 2312/2019.

These thresholds are the following 1) 23.66 g for cocaine; 2) 28.4 g for heroin; 3) 108.3 g for marijuana; 4) 101.5 g for hashish.

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KNIME is a data analytics platform that allows users to visually design workflows, integrating various data processing and machine learning algorithms for advanced analytics and predictive modelling.

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This presentation has been funded by Programma Operativo Nazionale (PON) “Governance e Capacità Istituzionale” 2014–2020, “Universitas per la Giustizia. Programma per la qualità del sistema giustizia e per l’effettività del giusto processo (UNI 4 JUSTICE) - Macro Area 2 - CUP J19J21026980006”

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Salvatore Sapienza

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Sapienza, S. (2023). Hybrid AI Analysis of the Drug Micro-trafficking in Italy. In: Kö, A., Francesconi, E., Asemi, A., Kotsis, G., Tjoa, A.M., Khalil, I. (eds) Electronic Government and the Information Systems Perspective. EGOVIS 2023. Lecture Notes in Computer Science, vol 14149. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-39841-4_8

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On Soccer With Rory Smith

At f.c. porto, a toxic presidential race feels typical for 2024.

A powerful incumbent and a popular rival highlight an election that has already featured fights, arrests and accusations of intimidation.

By Rory Smith

UPDATE: André Villas-Boas was elected president of F.C. Porto in a landslide on Saturday.

Things started with a brawl and have scarcely gotten better from there. Over the course of the past five months or so, there have been a string of arrests; allegations of drug trafficking and money laundering; dark whispers of illegal data breaches; vague accusations of intimidation; and several charged invectives about financial impropriety, dishonesty and betrayal.

Across the globe this year, at least 64 countries will hold elections. So, too, will the European Union. The campaigns will be fierce. Frequently, they may be toxic. Few, though, will prove quite so virulent — or offer quite such an instructive case study of the state of democracy in 2024 — as the one to decide who gets to be president of F.C. Porto.

Like dozens of clubs around Europe, Porto — one of the three great houses of Portuguese soccer — is owned by its members. Their number is currently somewhere north of 140,000. Every few years, the club holds an election, for both a president and an executive board, to determine who should run the club on their behalf.

Ordinarily, these amount to little more than paperwork. Only a small percentage of members vote. The choice is usually between two essentially indistinguishable old men, when there is a choice at all. Until the last round of elections, in 2020, Porto had been a democracy in only the most nominal sense.

Since 1982, Jorge Nuno Pinto da Costa has served as Porto’s president. In that time, he has seen the team crowned champion of Europe twice — 1987 and 2004, trivia fans — and established it as Portugal’s pre-eminent force. Porto has won 23 Portuguese titles on Pinto da Costa’s watch, nine more than Benfica, its nearest rival in that time.

There was, then, usually little appetite for change. Frequently, the club’s elections were the sort that might appeal to a strongman somewhere in the former Soviet bloc. Pinto da Costa was largely re-elected unopposed, the votes little more than a tick-box exercise, a parade of bureaucracy, with all of the excitement that entails.

This year has been quite different. Some 35,000 members or so are expected to vote on Saturday, a far higher turnout than normal. They will be asked to choose one of three presidential candidates on the ballot.

There is Pinto da Costa, now 82, and Nuno Lobo, a 54-year-old businessman and the defeated challenger in 2020. More eye-catching, though, is André Villas-Boas, still boyish at 46, revered not only as the young upstart who coached Chelsea and Tottenham, but also as the manager who led Porto itself to a treble in 2011 . He had been appointed, at the age of just 31, under the aegis of Pinto da Costa.

Villas-Boas announced his candidacy — as a lifelong member, he said, it had always been his dream to be club president — at a lavish presentation in November that was attended by a phalanx of former Porto players.

Then he tried to take a diplomatic tack with the man who had given him his chance. The message was — admittedly partly through political expediency — that, for all the gratitude owed to Pinto da Costa, it was time for a change. (Villas-Boas was less gracious toward the manager under whom he made his name: In a stirring montage of Porto’s greatest triumphs, José Mourinho was conspicuous by his absence.)

By challenging a powerful incumbent, though, Villas-Boas quickly found it more and more difficult to maintain that particular line. At the club’s general assembly in November, members of the Super Dragões, Porto’s largest ultra faction, were reported to have attacked those who spoke out against the club’s leadership. A dozen people were subsequently arrested , among them the group’s leader, Fernando Madureira. A police raid on his house later found drugs, weapons and several thousand euros in cash. (Madureira remains in prison, awaiting trial.)

That set the tone. All three candidates have spent the past few months touring various locations in the city, visiting fan groups and canvassing for votes, as any self-respecting presidential candidate would. The rhetoric has grown increasingly splenetic. “Almost every day, it seems like a laundry, washing dirty clothes,” Lobo has said.

Pinto da Costa, clearly stung by what he perceives as a former protégé’s treachery, at one point compared Villas-Boas to his dog. He has accused Villas-Boas of surrounding himself with “enemies of F.C. Porto,” hinting that he is merely a stooge for others. He has highlighted Villas-Boas’s upper-middle-class lineage, casting him as an elitist snob, and suggested that his campaign illegally obtained the phone numbers of voting members.

Villas-Boas, on the other hand, has been unsparing about what he sees as Pinto da Costa’s mismanagement of the club. Porto’s latest financial figures showed debts and liabilities of more than $700 million, proof of what he has called its “dysfunctional structure.” The club, he has said, is essentially in “operational bankruptcy.”

Pinto da Costa, he claims, has allowed Porto, once a model for how clubs could navigate the transfer market, to be used as a “negotiating warehouse,” with control of its transfer strategy essentially ceded to a handful of favored agents. “The club’s authority has been dissipated in favor of the interests of certain intermediaries,” Villas-Boas said.

He has sought guarantees on the transparency of the elections, and described November’s violence — which led to accusations that the ultras were protecting what they see as a beneficial relationship with the club’s current leaders — as one of the “darkest days in Porto’s history.” All of that, Villas-Boas maintains, proves the urgent need for reform.

Quite how the election will go on Saturday is unclear: The anticipated record turnout bodes well for Villas-Boas, but then soccer teams are inherently conservative places, wary of drastic change and quick to grasp at the comfort of the familiar. Porto has been Pinto da Costa’s fief for four decades; the fans, the members, may find it hard to envisage a world in which that is not the case.

What is more apparent, and more disheartening, is that it is not especially difficult to draw a line between all of this — the charges and allegations, the easy-reach conspiracies, the acrid threat of actual violence — and what may play out on rather greater electoral stages in the next few months. This, it would appear, is just how democracy works in 2024, whether it is the future of a club or a country at stake.

Big Step, Bigger Shoes

It is hard to argue that Arne Slot does not deserve his chance. In his three seasons at Feyenoord, he has delivered only the club’s second championship of the century, picked up a Dutch cup, and guided the team to its first European final since 2002. And he has done all of it with a squad pieced together on a budget much tighter than those of his domestic rivals.

That he has emerged as the front-runner to replace Jürgen Klopp at Liverpool, then, is no surprise. (As of the time of writing, the coach and the club were discussing compensation; the momentum seems likely to end in an appointment.)

Liverpool had promised a forensic, data-led approach to its search for Klopp’s replacement. Slot ticks most of the boxes. Liverpool may be gambling that the most gaping hole on his résumé — experience handling the caliber of player he would find at Anfield — is down to a lack of opportunity rather than ability.

Slot’s greatest challenge, though, would not be the squad. It will be the fans. That Slot seemed to feel, to many, to be an underwhelming choice is down not to him but rather to the man he would be tasked with replacing: Klopp, who has not only won almost every trophy available to him in his nine years at Liverpool, but also established an iron bond with the crowd and much of the city, too.

If hired and given time, Slot might be able to replicate that, and perhaps even surpass it. But time is unlikely to be in generous supply. The great challenge for Slot — as it would have been for whoever replaced Klopp — would be what happens if Liverpool, a couple of months into next season, finds itself eighth in the Premier League, already scrabbling to keep pace. Slot is a rational, logical choice. The test, after Klopp, is emotional.

David vs. Goliath. But Also Goliath vs. David.

There was no question that Chelsea’s win in the first leg of its Women’s Champions League semifinal against Barcelona last week was something of a surprise: Barcelona Femení, after all, had not lost at all in a year, had not lost at home since before the pandemic and was the overwhelming favorite to be crowned European champion yet again.

Still, the idea of Emma Hayes’s Chelsea team as a sort of Mighty Ducks-style underdog does not really fit with reality. Chelsea, after all, has broken the world transfer record at least twice, employs several of the highest-paid women’s players in the world, and has won each of the last four editions of the Women’s Super League, the richest women’s tournament in Europe.

Barcelona, of course, is under pressure to overturn the one-goal deficit and reach a fifth Champions League final in six years when the teams meet on Saturday in the return leg in London. But Chelsea has certain expectations, too. The fact that it has not yet won a European title is something of an omission on Hayes’s otherwise unimpeachable résumé. She will certainly not want to leave England without rectifying that situation.

Rory Smith is a global sports correspondent, based in the north of England. He also writes the “ On Soccer With Rory Smith ” newsletter. More about Rory Smith

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