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104 Texas Essay Topic Ideas & Examples

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Texas is a vast state with a rich history and diverse culture, making it a great source of inspiration for essay topics. Whether you are a student looking for ideas for your next assignment or a writer in need of some inspiration, here are 104 Texas essay topic ideas and examples to get you started:

• The history of the Alamo and its significance in Texas history
• The impact of oil and gas production on the Texas economy
• The role of ranching in shaping Texas culture
• The influence of Mexican culture on Texas cuisine
• The history of the Texas Rangers and their role in law enforcement
• The legacy of the civil rights movement in Texas
• The impact of the Texas Revolution on the state's identity
• The history of NASA's presence in Texas
• The role of music in Texas culture, from country to hip-hop
• The impact of immigration on Texas demographics
• The history of the Texas State Fair
• The impact of hurricanes on Texas coastal communities
• The history of the Texas prison system
• The influence of cowboy culture on Texas fashion
• The impact of the Texas oil boom on the state's economy
• The history of the Texas State Capitol building
• The role of sports in Texas culture, from football to rodeo
• The history of the Texas State University system
• The impact of urbanization on Texas cities
• The history of the Texas-Mexico border
• The role of women in Texas history
• The impact of the Civil War on Texas
• The history of the Texas State Flag
• The influence of Native American culture on Texas
• The impact of the Texas Revolution on Mexican-American relations
• The role of Texas in the Civil Rights Movement
• The impact of the Texas-Mexico border on immigration
• The history of Texas barbecue
• The impact of the Texas oil industry on the environment
• The role of religion in Texas culture
• The history of Texas folklore and ghost stories
• The impact of the Texas cattle industry on the environment
• The role of education in shaping Texas society
• The impact of music on Texas culture
• The history of the Texas Rangers
• The role of the Texas State Capitol in state politics
• The impact of the Texas-Mexico border on trade
• The history of Texas independence
• The influence of African American culture on Texas
• The impact of the Texas oil industry on politics
• The role of technology in shaping Texas society
• The influence of cowboy culture on Texas literature
• The impact of the Texas Revolution on indigenous peoples
• The role of women in Texas politics
• The history of Texas sports teams
• The role of religion in Texas politics
• The history of Texas folklore and legends
• The influence of Mexican culture on Texas art
• The influence of cowboy culture on Texas music
• The role of technology in shaping Texas industry
• The influence of African American culture on Texas literature
• The role of religion in shaping Texas society
• The influence of Mexican culture on Texas architecture
• The role of sports in Texas society
• The influence of cowboy culture on Texas film
• The role of women in Texas business
• The history of Texas sports stadiums
• The influence of Mexican culture on Texas literature
• The role of technology in shaping Texas culture
• The influence of cowboy culture on Texas art
• The role of religion in Texas education
• The history of Texas folklore and mythology
• The influence of African American culture on Texas music
• The influence of Mexican culture on Texas fashion
• The role of education in shaping Texas politics
• The history of the Texas State Capitol
• The influence of cowboy culture on Texas cuisine

In conclusion, Texas offers a wealth of topics for essays, from its rich history to its diverse culture and thriving industries. Whether you are interested in exploring the state's past, present, or future, there is no shortage of inspiration to be found in the Lone Star State. So go ahead and pick a topic that interests you, and start writing your next Texas-inspired essay today!

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Most Important Issue Facing Texas (February 2022)

Respondents were asked, "What would you say is the most important problem facing the State of Texas today? [Randomize]"

Respondents were asked, "What would you say is the most important problem facing the State of Texas today? [Randomize]" Measurement of Party ID for this figure is based on two questions. First, respondents were asked whether they consider themselves to be a Democrats, Republicans, independents, other, or not sure. Those who responded that they are independents or "other" were then asked if they lean toward either the Democrats or Republicans. If they indicated that they lean toward one party or the other, they are considered Democrats or Republicans for the purposes of this figure. Only "pure" independents or members of a third party who indicate that they have no preference for Democrats vis-a-vis Republicans are considered independents. Respondents who answered that they are "not sure" for either of the two aforementioned questions are not incorporated into this figure.

Respondents were asked, "What would you say is the most important problem facing the State of Texas today? [Randomize]" Party identification is calculated according to the PID7 variable, a seven point scale of party identification.

Respondents were asked, "What would you say is the most important problem facing the State of Texas today? [Randomize]" Ideology is measured on a scale of 1-7, with 1 corresponding to "extremely liberal", 7 corresponding to "extremely conservative, and 4 corresponding to "in the middle." For the purposes of this table, respondents who placed themselves at or between points 1 and 3 on the scale are considered "liberal," respondents who placed themselves at point 4 on the scale are considered "moderate," and respondents who placed themselves at or between points 5 and 7 on the scale are considered conservative.

Respondents were asked, "What would you say is the most important problem facing the State of Texas today? [Randomize]" Race is calculated according to the race variable.

Respondents were asked, "What would you say is the most important problem facing the State of Texas today? [Randomize]" Gender is calculated according to the GENDER variable.

Respondents were asked, "What would you say is the most important problem facing the State of Texas today? [Randomize]" Community type is based on the following question, " Would you say that you live in an urban, suburban, or rural community?"

Respondents were asked, "What would you say is the most important problem facing the State of Texas today? [Randomize]" Age is calculated according to the AGEG variable.

Respondents were asked, "What would you say is the most important problem facing the State of Texas today? [Randomize]" Education is calculated according to the EDUC variable.

Respondents were asked, "What would you say is the most important problem facing the State of Texas today? [Randomize]" Religiosity is calculated according to the IMPORT variable.

Respondents were asked, "What would you say is the most important problem facing the State of Texas today? [Randomize]" Fundamentalism is calculated according to the LITERAL variable.

• Democratic Identification
• Republican Identification
• Conservatism
• Religiosity
• Fundamentalism

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• Introduction
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Immigration

Covid and current events.

We focus on five issues for our report: race , immigration , education , economy , and democracy . The issue of change is inherent in all of these focus areas: change, in each case, is perceived by some segments as welcomed and by others as a threat. We believe that these five issue areas, in addition to issues pertaining to religion and COVID-19 (public health), are the backbone of change in Texas: the type of state Texas becomes in the future will be defined by how the citizens of the state conceive, participate in, or prevent change in these areas.

The issue of race is a constant that defines Texas’ past, present, and future. The state is continuing to grapple with its history of slavery, role in the confederacy, and the impact of segregation. While this study finds widespread support for diversity and equality among Texans, we also uncover how racial issues expose the starkest contrasts across the Threads of Texas. These issues show up today in debates over renaming military bases, removing confederate statues, police brutality and reform, and how all of those issues are addressed in schools.

Persistence of Racism

A slight majority of Texans believe racism continues to be a significant issue in Texas today, though there are sharp divides across the Threads. Almost all Lone Star Progressives (97%) believe that racism continues to be an important issue in Texas nowadays, while the vast majority of Heritage Defenders (86%) and Reverent Texans (72%) disagree. 

Die-hard Texans and Rising Mavericks, which are 53% and 57% Hispanic, are rather ambivalent and split on their views. The diversity of their beliefs reflects the varied understandings and experiences of racism within the heterogeneous non-white racial groups, shaped by a multitude of societal and psychological factors.

“What a lot of us 60-something-year-old men like me would dismiss as political correctness, it might be something that a young black man or woman has had to live with for years. We might dismiss it as political correctness, while it may indeed be quite hurtful to them. I'm certainly trying to learn and grow in this time period.” 

- Greg, Civic Pragmatist, Hispanic man, Baby Boomer

“As long as you treat each other respectfully, there is no difference between Texans. I mean, it's all over around here, Black people with white people, and it doesn't matter, as long as you treat each other with respect.”

- Bailey, Die-hard Texan, white woman, Baby Boomer

Confederate monuments: Symbols of Racism or Southern Pride?

The issue of Confederate Civil War monuments and how to wrestle with Texas’ history have been a persistent point of tension among Texans. Around half of Texans view them as symbols of the country’s racism while the other half view them as symbols of southern pride. Segments who are especially proud of the Texas traditions — Die-hard Texans, Reverent Texans, and Heritage Defenders — are especially likely to view the monuments positively. Here again, Lone Star Progressives deviate starkly from the majority of Texans in thinking that statues are symbols of racism. 

Police misconduct and brutality

Similarly, Texans are relatively split on whether they regard mistreatment of racial minorities by law enforcement as part of a pattern of racism or as isolated incidents. However, in contrast to debate on Texas history, Reverent Texans and Heritage Defenders, rather than Lone Star Progressives, are the outliers. Majorities of Texans in other segments see police misconduct against Black Americans as indicative of a pattern of racism.

“Police brutality has been normalized to the point that it's traumatic, hurtful, and saddening. My family and I, we touch on it, speak our well wishes for one another, pray on each other's head. But we try not to dwell on it partly because we don't really have the luxury to do so. Because while that may be yesterday, something can happen today and tomorrow.” 

– Darren, Black man, millennial

Immigration is central to the Texas story. Immigrants are part of all aspects of Texas society and workforce, from business owners to construction workers. Our study reveals that Texans across segments present intricately nuanced views on immigration, shaped by their understanding of who can be Texan, what it means to be Texan, and where Texas' future lies.

Impact of Immigration

Assessment of the impact of immigration mostly falls along ideological lines, with more conservative segments (Reverent Texans and Heritage Defenders) saying there is a negative effect. Rising Mavericks, the segment with the highest proportion of immigrants (35%), followed by Apolitical Providers and Civic Pragmatists, believe that the effects are positive.

Correlation between attitudes toward immigration and conception of Texan identity 

A key finding is that most fractures around immigration are less driven by fear of crime by immigrants, but stem from tension over whether American identity and traditional Texas culture will be preserved or irreversibly altered. Our study finds that Texans who subscribe to the “traditional ideas” of what it means to be Texan– speaking English, being born in Texas, being politically conservative and so on–are more likely to think negatively of immigration.

Among the Texas Threads, Die-hard Texans, Reverent Texans and Heritage Defenders are particularly defensive about safeguarding what they view as authentic “Texan culture.” They are more likely to feel alarmed by the cultural changes brought by the continuous influx of immigrants.

“Don't erase your own history and your culture, because Texas is known for its melting pot of diversity. Yes, bring your culture to us. But don't expect us to change our culture here.”

- Lily, Reverent Texan, white woman, Baby Boomer

“I kind of like guys who are a little contemptuous of the rules and regulations. I have some sympathy with the guy who comes to Texas, crosses the border, works hard and makes a success of himself. While the rational part of me says ‘he ought to be legalized,’ I also kind of admire the sort of spirit that it takes to do that. I think that guy is as much as Texan as anybody else.”

- Jack, Civic Pragmatist, white man, Baby Boomer

Assessment of existing immigration system

Despite the stark differences in attitudes toward immigration, our study also identifies key common ground: nearly all Texans agree that the current immigration process is inefficient and reform is urgently needed.

“I was born and raised in Mexico. It took me seven years to get my green card, to do the right way. But I see kids running away from gangs, from political persecution. They come here asking for asylum. The government has to fix it to make it more fair because there are big loopholes.”

– Hugo, El Paso Resident, Hispanic man, Generation X

Texans’ diverse interpretations of change with regards to a variety of issues are also mirrored in their differing evaluation and expectations of the local education system. About one in five Texans (19%) cite education as one of the top three issues facing Texans today. Texans are proud of their education system, both on the K-12 level and public higher education, even as they worry about inequalities in school quality and funding.

What skills should be prioritized in school?

Despite the expansion of knowledge economies in the state, almost two-thirds of Texans believe that the education system in Texas should equip young people with applicable trade skills. Only Lone Star Progressives and Rising Mavericks, the segment with the largest percentage of young Texans, are fairly divided between prioritizing trade skills or higher education.

“The quality of the schools is based on your socioeconomic status. I was blown away when I looked at the education levels of people that live in the different areas. How much taxes you’re paying will dictate the quality of your schools. It's unfortunate but that's how it is.”

– Caroline, Black woman, Generation X

What historical narrative should be taught in schools?

A fault line in education appears in the question on teaching Texas history. This tension is associated with the broader conversation about how to address the racial injustices in Texas’ past. Heritage Defenders, Reverent Texans, and Die-hard Texans favor a focus on Texas’ proud history, whereas the other segments believe that teaching students about the state’s racial injustices is necessary.

“I think Texas’ history of slavery should be taught, but also supplemented with ways to equip kids on how they can help, how they can change other people's opinions, and how to help the United States kind of grow forward.”

– Teresa, Civic Pragmatist, white woman, Generation X

“Students should definitely be taught the history of slavery and segregation, so that they can understand what people of color went through, and they can learn to do better as a society.”

– Tina, Rising Maverick, Asian woman, Generation Z

Texas is an economic powerhouse: it has the 9th largest economy in the United States. While the energy sector remains one of the biggest contributors to the state’s GDP, Texas has also seen rapid growth in the high tech sector. The growth of knowledge economies, however, also has created schism among Texans on the future of Texan economy. Around one third (31%) of Texans chose “Economy/Jobs” as one of the top 3 most important issues facing Texas.

Entrepreneurs vs. Common goal

Texans are split in their views on the drivers of the state’s economic success in the future. The majority of Rising Mavericks, Reverent Texans, and Heritage Defenders believe that entrepreneurs will take the determining role. Given traditional perceptions of Texan values, it is perhaps surprising that not just a large number of Lone Star Progressives, but even one in three Texans with conservative values emphasizes the centrality of collective endeavors in determining Texas’ future.

Oil and gas vs. knowledge economy

As Texans look ahead, a clear majority believe that the state’s future lies in knowledge-based industries–including those in tech, healthcare and education sectors–and not in the oil and gas industries that have built prosperity in the past. Reverent Texans and Heritage Defenders are less convinced, with almost two-thirds seeing oil and gas as central to Texas’ economic future. 

However, some believe that the arrival of the tech industry creates growth opportunities and synergies for not only knowledge economies but also the traditional sectors.

“The oil and gas industry is ripe for disruption and technical modernization. There is an enormous amount of activities going on in the start up scene related to the innovation of the energy sector. Now you’ve got more young people coming to the oil and gas field – they are much more open and understand the power of technology. I don’t see the oil and gas industry in decline.”

– Tyler, entrepreneur

“I don’t want Texas to be dependent on agriculture or energy. It’s nice we have a huge technology industry. Knowledge economy has bled over into agriculture. There are things we’re utilizing right now that we wouldn’t dream of 20 years ago. Self-driving tractors, real time data on fertilizer in the field… it’s been very beneficial. I think the more diverse the economy, the better.”

– George, agricultural industry

How Texans vote and engage with politics has always attracted national attention. Recent efforts to understand and predict the voting patterns of the Lone Star state have focused on the potential political impacts of demographic changes. However, this study shows that demographic breakdown and a rigid liberal-versus-conservative or newcomers-versus-oldtimers framework often obscures the significant variation of how Texans view politics, governance, and democracy.

Scale of Government

Contrary to conventional wisdom on Texas’ independent and libertarian tendencies, our study finds that Texans are more evenly split in their views on the scale of government. A majority of Lone Star Progressives, Rising Mavericks, Apolitical Providers and Civic Pragmatists believe that the government should take more responsibility. Die-hard Texans are split evenly, whereas an overwhelming majority of Heritage Defenders and Reverent Texans think that people should take more responsibility for themselves.

Problems in our Democracy

How American democracy currently works is not perfect in Texans’ eyes. The top concern cited by Texans is the influence that they perceive money has in politics. The conservative-leaning segments, Heritage Defenders and Reverent Texans, are especially concerned that the media is unreliable. Around two thirds of Lone Star Progressives, one third of Civic Pragmatists and one in five Rising Mavericks express apprehension over voter suppression, whereas few Heritage Defenders share the concern.

With respect to the 2020 election, Reverent Texans and Heritage Defenders are more likely to articulate doubts about the integrity of the election and the veracity of the information about the election. 

“I think that democracy is mostly working, but there has been a lot of voter suppression this year in Texas – from the suppression of mail-in ballots and accessibility to just voter registration itself. There are a lot of reforms and changes that need to be made to ensure that the system is democratic.”

– Zayne, Rising Maverick, white man, Generation Z

“There's so much information and misinformation about what happened, it's hard to understand what actually transpired. I want to believe that everything was done fairly. But then there's that other part of me that believes in conspiracy and thinks that maybe the election result wasn't that accurate.”

– Alejandro, Reverent Texan, Hispanic man, Generation X

Political Efficacy

A sentiment held by most Texans is that in general, politicians do not care about them. Despite their sharply different levels of civic engagement and views on political issues, the majority across all segments agree with the statement that “Politicians don’t care about people like me.”

Faith plays a critical role in Texas – around 70% of Texans say religion is important in their lives. Despite differences in psychological orientation and ideological beliefs, most segments affirm the significance of religion, with Lone Star Progressives as the outlier. Faith is especially important to Reverent Texans, with 86% agreeing that religion is a crucial part of their lives and about half (47%) attending religious services at least once a week – the highest rate of church attendance out of all the Texas Threads.

Importance of Religion

For some Texans, faith provides a trusting community, a unifying identity amidst changes, and a platform that rallies people of different backgrounds together:

“We have had a lot of immigrants crossing the border of Hispanic descent and the majority of them look to Catholicism as something they can bring from their origins and it’s a continuation of something for them. When you’re in church, you’re not viewed as any differently as the person sitting next to you in the pew.”

– Sandra, Catholic Cathedral staff member

Religion’s Influence in Texas Politics

While most of the Texas Threads deem religion as important in their private lives, they vary significantly on their views on religion’s influence in Texas. Ninety percent of Lone Star Progressives believe that religion has too much influence in Texas politics, whereas over 75% of Reverent Texans and Heritage Defenders and over 60% of Die-hard Texans think religious influence is too little . The remaining segments are equally split.

“I think religion is a huge issue in Texas. Our society is becoming less tolerant toward other religions, and we're kind of on the verge of becoming a theocracy in Texas. It's become a subject in Texas you just can't talk about.”

– Rebecca, Lone Star Progressive, white woman, Generation X

2020 was a difficult year for Texans. Many lost their loved ones to the pandemic, coupled with job losses, business shutdown, school closure and the negative impact of lockdown on mental health. Debates on COVID-19 restrictions, mask mandates and vaccine rollout have persisted into 2021, as well as discussions on how the pandemic has revealed and reinforced entrenched economic and racial inequalities.

COVID-19 Restrictions: Insufficient or Excessive?

During the summer of 2020, the Texas Threads had wide-ranging reactions to the COVID-19 restrictions implemented in Texas. Over 90% of Lone Star Progressives and 60% of Apolitical Providers thought that the restrictions had not been sufficient enough in proportion to the severity of the pandemic.

A majority of Die-hard Texans, Civic Pragmatists and Rising Mavericks shared similar views, although around 30% of these segments believed that the restrictions were just enough.

On the other hand, almost half of Heritage Defenders and 37% of Reverent Texans saw the COVID-19 restrictions as overly restrictive.

“It's understandable the economy needs to grow but I believe there are certain things that we need to improve in our society rather than just keeping it open and exposing people to the virus.”

– Bryan, Apolitical Provider, hispanic man, Millennial

“I think the restrictions were far too excessive. They took power away from the people illegally.”

– Jacob, Heritage Defender, white man, Generation X

Crises in Texas

In February 2021, Texas was struck by a major winter storm that left millions of residents without power and water for several days. The power grid failure triggered heated discussions on the role of government and the impact of deregulation; yet it also prompted countless acts of kindness and a feeling of solidarity, as Texans regardless of backgrounds and beliefs helped friends, neighbors and strangers weather the crisis collectively.

Post-2021 Winter Storm: Return to Normal vs. Change

Our research finds that from the devastating winter storm emerges a Texas ready and eager for substantial changes. When asked about whether they hope for a return to normal or major changes to the state, 70 percent of Texans favor the latter. Even around half of Heritage Defenders, who are typically very cautious about change, express a desire for significant transformation.

“The problems of climate change are not specific only to Texas, what’s challenging in Texas are the obstacles to dealing with the problems. We are stunted in our ability to be able to address those problems as a state.”

– John, environmental justice activist

“What you have seen is really a push to understand the historical context of some populations’ relationship to the healthcare system, to still educate individuals about the disease and the vaccine, and to do the best we can with limited supplies of vaccines. It’s been hard. But what I can say is that there's definitely light at the end of the tunnel. So if there's any silver lining during this pandemic, we saw what it means to have a collective voice to come together.”

- Maya, healthcare worker

The pandemic and the winter storm of 2021 have clarified that the state is at an inflection point. Texans can choose a path of bitter partisan discourse, or harness their shared values to build a robust and inclusive future. The challenge lies in finding ways to harness Texans’ commonalities to work together more constructively. This study aims to help Texans chart that course, building on the shared story of both the heritage and vision for an ideal future of Texas.

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In Texas, the Fight Over Abortion Has Gotten Hyperlocal

From billboards to attempts at restricting roads to two college professors trying to track students’ movements, the state has become a battleground in a whole new way..

People in the small town of Marshall, Texas, first noticed the billboard on a sweltering summer Friday in 2020. Posted on the stretch of U.S. 59 near the local high school, it declared: “ Abortion Is a Blessing .”

Marshall mobilized quickly . Within a week, vandals had stripped the billboard’s display, Facebook groups had held prayer protests, and anti-abortion activists were planning counter billboards (“ Abortion Is NOT a Blessing ”). Within a month, city officials in neighboring Carthage were considering laws banning future “offensive” advertising.

Few beyond the local papers took notice. At the time, national reproductive health journalism was devoted to tracking the anti-abortion record of Supreme Court nominee Amy Coney Barrett and the use of pandemic power by some state governors to restrict abortions. But in June 2022, the high court stripped the constitutional right to abortion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization . Without widespread national or state-level protections , abortion access was back up for debate. There was a new local emphasis on the problem: Those trying to preserve access suddenly found themselves in city halls and county courts across the country, trying to limit the intense harms being imposed on pregnant people in their communities. This required new attention—and strategy—from abortion-access advocates.

Texas has always been an anti-abortion hot spot. Long before Dobbs , it had infamously imposed more abortion restrictions than almost any other state. Abortion-seeking Texans (often low-income , and often women of color ) had already been forced to drive more than 240 miles to get the procedure done outside Texas or else give birth in a state ranked last in health coverage and 29 th in maternal health, according to recent reporting of 44 states’ outcomes.

But all these recent “victories” haven’t satisfied anti-abortion crusaders. They’re now looking to the convergence of state courts, county laws, and city ordinances to further restrict abortion care. One set of hyperlocal restrictions polices pregnant people’s use of roads. In the past year, four rural Texas counties ( Lubbock, Cochran, Mitchell, and Goliad ) have joined cities like Odessa and Little River-Academy to pass ordinances banning the use of public roads to transport abortion seekers out of the state. Votes on similar city measures are likely on the way .

These travel laws are a legal nightmare , pitting the well-established federal constitutional right to inter state travel against states’ strong intra state regulatory powers . Enforcement is equally fraught, with travel restriction laws deputizing private citizens to sue others helping a person seek an out-of-state abortion.

Citizen-enforced travel restrictions erode a pregnant person’s sense of belonging and community support. There is a long history of weaponizing reports made by a nosy neighbor , a suspicious nurse , or an abusive ex to control pregnant people. Texas’ neighbor-against-neighbor playbook poses special risks in rural areas with small communities and long driving times. For residents of those towns, making a trip to see family, participate in a bachelorette weekend in Santa Fe, or pay a visit to an out-of-state medical specialist while pregnant could all lead to accusations of abortion seeking. That could be held against you should you lose (or end) the pregnancy. Local travel restrictions —even if they aren’t widely enforced— isolate and stigmatize pregnant people.

Restrictions on the mobility of pregnant people have expanded off the road and onto campus. This month, two University of Texas professors filed suit challenging Biden administration Title IX rules and guidance that protect pregnant students . Backed by Texas’ attorney general , the professors said they would refuse to excuse absences for students seeking “elective” abortions stemming from “voluntary” sexual intercourse. Those familiar with attendance-based grading immediately recognized the fraught choices this could force on a student in need of abortion care: Stay put on campus and risk your health, seek care and risk your grade, or tell your economics professor all about your pregnancy. New, creative abortion restrictions pin pregnant people in place.

Local abortion restrictions are also reviving previously dormant legal debates, like whether fetuses are people. Fetal personhood is the legal term behind the anti-abortion slogan “Abortion Is Murder.” The theory goes that fetuses are people deserving of full legal protections, so abortion is legally and morally condemnable—no matter how young the mother, how violent the conception, or how medically risky the pregnancy. At its extreme, the pro-life theory could justify capital punishment for those who perform abortions.

Legal personhood has long been a popular concept on the religious right, with some of its elements already used to penalize pregnant people Still, the theory had not gained widespread legal acceptance and had generally been absent from Texas headlines. That is, until Dallas sheriff’s deputies ticketed Brandy Bottone for driving alone in an HOV lane . When questioned about her solo driving, Bottone pointed to her pregnant belly . She argued that under Texas law , post- Dobbs , there were two people in that car. A local judge dismissed the tickets .

The story sparked a round of attempts to pass pro–fetal personhood state legislation and illustrates how quickly such arguments could gain steam in Texas’ more than 450 state district courts, 500 county courts, and 900 municipal courts charged with interpreting local law. Texas’ federal and higher state courts have already paved the way. Amarillo-based federal Judge Matthew Kacsmaryk’s opinion suspending Food and Drug Administration–approved abortion medications seemed to mirror the fetal personhood playbook when it decried the drugs’ ability “to kill an unborn human.” The U.S. Supreme Court just overruled this, but that decision is not the end of the attempt to ban the drug. Similarly, Texas’ Supreme Court recently protected anti-abortion activists’ efforts to lobby a small town to become a “sanctuary city for the unborn,” where abortion would be labeled “an act of murder” and thus de facto banned . If fetal personhood theories catch on further, pregnant Texans could find their fetuses prioritized over themselves in contexts ranging from traffic court to doctors’ offices .

The state’s local abortion battles make clear that Dobbs is pushing the frontiers of abortion fights out of state and national contexts and closer and closer to pregnant people’s daily lives. And it’s not just Texas. Increasingly local anti-abortion regulations are popping up throughout the more than 40 states with restrictive abortion laws. Four state supreme courts have recently grappled with their state abortion laws, including a still-pending case in New Mexico over local restrictions. Fetal personhood concepts underlie local courts’ treatment of pregnancy criminalization all over the country, including in traditionally liberal states. These local and state legal processes have national implications , since anti-abortion movements build legal playbooks from the local level up.

This all points to the need for more local strategies to preserve abortion access. Well-known national abortion access organizations generally focus on national lawsuits, federal policies, and (more recently) state constitution claims . Of course, anyone concerned about protecting abortion access post- Dobbs should continue to support national and state efforts. However, preserving abortion rights also needs a bottom-up approach. Local laws are now one of the prime arenas for these fights, and the other side has a head start.

Further, the most recent waves of local abortion restrictions operate by isolating pregnant people within their communities—so advocacy options need to instead focus on forming connections. Individuals and organizations alike should recognize the connections between abortion and other local reproductive justice topics. When a county district attorney charges a pregnant woman when she is shot, a state appellate court keeps a pregnant woman in jail to “protect” her pregnancy, city health clinics close , or school boards implement abstinence-only sex education, pregnant people suffer similar losses to their autonomy and health ( their own and that of the fetus ).

Connecting through shared information also strengthens local abortion access. First, people in abortion-restricting localities should track attempts to police pregnant people—such information could form a record for potential litigation against the restrictive laws. Additionally, cities where abortion remains legal can continue to broadly communicate that information . Legal academics too can continue to pick at the knot of local, state, and national abortion access laws currently tying the hands of abortion-access advocates wary of legal liability. And finally, organizations in embattled localities should continue to find creative ways to share messages reducing abortion stigma and connecting pregnant people to reproductive health resources. Some may do so even by funding billboards, as the abortion access group Lilith Fund did in Marshall, Texas.

The past few years of abortion headlines have pointed our attention up the Supreme Court steps and to national abortion debates. But the future of abortion access lies in East Texas’ short-lived billboards. Abortion may be a blessing, but because of new, hyperlocal restrictions, it is more embattled than ever.

• Houston Community College
• Eagle Online

• Zachary Miller

Texas Government (GOVT 2036)

Course Overview

Government Course Syllabus

 GOVT 2306 - Texas GOVT

September 2017,  CRN

West Loop, 5:20-7:00/ 7:00-8:20

 3 Semester Credit Hours

48 Contact Hours

Instructor Name

Zachary (Zak) Miller

[email protected]

  Government Department Chair

Evelyn Ballard

713-718-2490

Office Hours:  before class on Tuesday & Thursday from 5:00 or by appointments

Course Description

Texas-- Origin and development of the Texas constitution, structure and powers of state and local government, federalism and inter-governmental relations, political participation, the election process, public policy, and the political culture of Texas.

  Prerequisite, Co-requisite

Must have passed or co-enrolled in English 1301 (Composition I) as a co-requisite.

  Academic Program Learning Outcomes:

• Explain the origin and development of the Texas constitution.
• Describe state and local political systems and their relationship with the federal government.
• Describe separation of powers and checks and balances in both theory and practice in Texas.
• Demonstrate knowledge of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of Texas government.
• Evaluate the role of public opinion, interest groups, and political parties in Texas.
• Analyze the state and local election process.
• Identify the rights and responsibilities of citizens.

Course Student Learning Outcomes (SLO)

• Identify and describe the institutions of the State of Texas government.
• Identify and evaluate information sources for political news, data, and opinion.
• Analyze the effects of the historical, social, political, economic, and cultural forces on politics and government.
• Recognize and assume the responsibilities of citizenship by developing one’s critical thinking skills, engaging in public discourse, and by obtaining information through the news media.

Core Objectives

The Higher Education Coordinating Board (THECB) mandates that the core curriculum must ensure that students will develop the essential knowledge and skills they need to be successful in college, in a career, in their communities, and in life. Through the Texas Core Curriculum, students will gain a foundation of knowledge of human cultures and the physical and natural world, develop principles of personal and social responsibility for living in a diverse world, and advance intellectual and practical skills that are essential for all learning. Students enrolled in GOVT 2305/2306 core curriculum courses will complete assessments designed to measure the following core objectives:

• Critical Thinking Skills—to include creative thinking, innovation, inquiry, and analysis, evaluation and synthesis of information
• Communication Skills—to include effective development, interpretation and expression of ideas through written, oral and visual communication
• Personal Responsibility—to include the ability to connect choices, actions and consequences to ethical decision-making
• Social Responsibility—to include the ability to connect choices, actions, and consequences to ethical decision-making
• Student assessment of proficiencies mandated by THECB may include testing, projects, or assignments.

  Course Calendar

DATES SUBJECT TO CHANGE WITH OR WITHOUT NOTICE!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Week 1 – Prologue

Theory and practice

Texas Political Culture

Chapter 1 &2 History and Influence

Assign Mid-Term Paper –  Texas/ Houston Culture 

Chapter 1 &2 Diversity, Culture and the Federal System

Chapter 11 - Local Government

Week 4   Chapter 3 Texas Constitution 

Week 5 Chapter 4 Voting & Elections

   Week 6 Chapter 5 Political Parties

Rough Draft of Mid-Term Paper  DUE

  Week 7 Chapter 7 Interest Groups

Mid-Term Paper DUE

  Week 8 The Legislature

Assign Final Paper –  The Future of Texas & the Texas of the Future

  Week 9 The Executive Branch

   Week 10 Chapter 9 – The Judiciary

  Week 12 Chapter 10 – Law

   Rough Draft of Final Papers DUE (If you like)

   Week 13  Chapter 12 Public Policy

   Week 14 Exam Prep & Final

Final Papers Due

Instructional Methods

This class relies on Lectures and In-Class Discussions as well as Research Projects to help you become familiar with Texas Government.

Student Assignments

Texas/ Houston Culture 

This will be a formal research paper that you will write on a topic related to Texas or Houston political culture. You will pick a person, place, thing, or event that you feel reflects something unique about Texas culture, and then explain how it relates to our system of Texas Government. For instance:

• Latino Identity in the novel George Washington Gomez
• Larry McMurtry and Texas Women
• The Texas Chainsaw Massacre as Metaphor for the Texas Legislature
• The Speeches of Barbra Jordan – Mic Drop.

Not sure what to pick? Come talk to me. This will be worth 20% of your final grade.

You are expected to use at least 3 sources  ONLY 1 of which can be an internet source ! You will also create a short Power Point presentation on your topic to share with the class.

  TEST 1  – This will be a comprehensive Essay Test covering our course materials to date. It will be worth 10% of your final grade.

  Final Paper – The Future of Texas & the Texas of the Future

This will be a formal research paper that you will write on the future of Texas and the Texas of the future. You will pick a topic that you see as an emerging issue or aspect of Texas political culture and then explain how it could be addressed.  For example:

• No Money Mo Problems – How do we finance Public Education in Texas?
• What would happen if Texas turned Blue?
• Water, Water Everywhere and Not a Drop to Drink – Texas in the Age of Draught.
• Get the Frack Outta Here! Towards a Solar Future in Texas

  TEST 2  - This will be a comprehensive Essay Test covering our course materials to date. It will be worth 10% of your final grade.

  Texas Political Essay  – This will be a short paper that you will write explaining a current issue in Texas politics and why you feel the way you do it using examples from your life and our class. For instance:

• How I feel about the defeat of the Houston HERO Ordinance
• Dear Texas –please legalize marijuana
• Why I support the Death Penalty

This will be worth 10% of your final grade. You do not need to use research materials but you may if you like.

  TEST 3  - This will be a comprehensive Essay Test covering our course materials to date. It will be worth 10% of your final grade.

  Participation  – This will be determined by class attendance and how often you talk with your classmates about the topics of discussion during class. This will be worth 10% off your final grade.  For instance:

• I attended every class and always spoke up with questions and comments during class – Full Points!
• I attended every class and always asked the teacher separately if I had questions (because I’m a bit shy) – Full Points!
• I attended almost all the classes and tried to participate as best as I could – Most of the Points!
• I came when I felt like it – I don’t do talking. – Fewer Points!
• I almost never came and I slept through class when I did show-up. – Almost No Points!
• I never came to class. – No Points!

  Make-up Policy

You can schedule a make-up subject to approval and within reason

  Grading Scale

less than 60% = F

Instructor Grading Criteria

Instructional Materials

Practicing Texas Politics, 2015 - 2016 edition.  One of the publishers, Lyle C. Brown

HCC Policies

ADA Policy:  If you have any special needs which affect your ability to learn in this class, please inform me. Appropriate steps will be taken to assist you with your needs. Any student with a documental disability (physical, learning, psychiatric, vision, hearing, etc.) who needs to arrange reasonable accommodations must contact the ADA counselor at the beginning of each semester. There is a Disability Support Services Office at each campus. To find the name of the ADA counselor at your campus, visit  www.hccs.edu , then click future students, scroll down the page and click on the words Disability Information. Faculty members are authorized to provide only the accommodations requested by the Disability Support Services Office.

Scholastic Dishonesty:

HCCS students are responsible for conducting themselves with honor and integrity in fulfilling course requirements. Penalties and/or disciplinary proceedings may be initiated by HCC System officials against a student accused of scholastic dishonesty.

"Scholastic dishonesty" includes, but is not limited to, cheating on a test, plagiarism, and collusion. Cheating on a test includes but is not limited to: Copying from another student's test paper; using unauthorized materials during a test, unauthorized collaboration with another student during a test; knowingly using, buying, selling, stealing, transporting, or soliciting in whole or part the contents of a test; and bribing another person to obtain a copy of a test. Plagiarism includes the appropriation of another's work and the unacknowledged incorporation of that work in one's own written work. Collusion includes the unauthorized collaboration with another person in preparing written work.

IF I CATCH YOU CHEATING I WILL FLUNK YOU OUT OF THE CLASS.  But realistically, you don’t need to cheat. If you’re having trouble come talk to me. If you don’t know whether you need to cite a source or not, come talk to me.

Attendance :

I like teaching this class. I hope you like attending this class. However, you are a grown-up and can determine whether or not you can make it to class. Just remember that if you’re not here than you can’t participate and you might miss something important. Unless you have a good reason, just come to class.

Withdrawals:

Students who take a course for the third time or more must now pay significant tuition/fee increases at HCC and other Texas public colleges and universities. At HCC, it is an additional $50 per credit hour. If you are considering course withdrawal because you are not earning passing grades, confer with your instructor/ counselor as early as possible about your study habits, reading and writing homework, test-taking skills, attendance, course participation, and opportunities for tutoring or other assistance that might be available. Also, the state of Texas has passed a new law limiting new students (as of Fall 2007) to no more than six withdrawals throughout their academic career in obtaining a baccalaureate degree.

Repeating Courses:

As a result of recent Texas legislative changes, please be advised that HCC is charging additional tuition for students who enroll in the same class three or more times at HCC. While it is the hope of HCC that students will be successful in their first attempt at classes, we realize that life demands, academic struggles, and other issues may result in students needing to take the same class more than once. Speaking with an advisor will help you develop student success skills, improving your overall academic performance. If a student repeats a course in which a grade (A-F) has been received, the highest grade received at HCC is the permanent grade for the course and will be used in computing the GPA. All grades earned in a given course will be reflected on the transcript. Other colleges may compute the GPA differently than HCC.

HCC Student Handbook:

Please note that it is each student’s responsibility to read and be familiar with the HCC Student Handbook. Please see:

http://central.hccs.edu/students/student-handbook/

Distance Education

The Distance Education Student Handbook contains policies and procedures unique to the DE student. Students should have reviewed the handbook as part of the mandatory orientation. It is the student's responsibility to be familiar with the handbook's contents. The handbook contains valuable information, answers, and resources, such as DE contacts, policies and procedures (how to drop, attendance requirements, etc.), student services (ADA, financial aid, degree planning, etc.), course information, testing procedures, technical support, and academic calendars. Refer to the DE Student Handbook by visiting this link:

http://de.hccs.edu/media/houston-community-college/distance-education/student-services/pdf/2015-HCC-DE-Student-Handbook-%28Revised-5_28_15%29_will.pdf

Course Information

A syllabus hasn't been posted for this course yet.

Course Materials

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Thursday’s presidential debate expected to have large Texas focus

AUSTIN, Texas — The first presidential debate between President Joe Biden and former president Donald Trump will be held in Atlanta on Thursday. The matchup was originally scheduled for September at Texas State University in San Marcos, but the candidates decided to do things differently this year and ignore the Commission on Presidential Debates. Even though the debate isn’t in Texas, many of the topics have put the state in the national headlines. 

What You Need To Know

The debate was originally scheduled for september at texas state university in san marcos, but the candidates decided to do things differently this year and ignore the commission for presidential debate the border has been a no. 1 campaign issue with texas front and center political scientists say more partisans may be focused on the border and abortion, but a large portion of voters will be focused on how the candidates address the economy.

“Immigration and the border. A second will be abortion,” said Cal Jillson, a professor of political sciences at Southern Methodist University. 

The border has been a top campaign issue with Texas front and center. Texas sued the Biden administration to prevent border agents from cutting barbed wire fencing at the border and Gov. Greg Abbott has allocated more than $11 billion toward Operation Lone Star to have state personnel focus on border security. Political scientists say this is an important topic for conservative voters. 

“There’s a lot of confusion, a lot of what we call institutional paralysis taking place on the border. So until we get substantive reform in terms of immigration, I don’t think much is going to change,” said Andy Hogue with Travis County GOP. 

Last winter, Dallas resident Kate Cox unsuccessfully sued Texas for permission for an abortion under the medical exemption of the Texas law. Democrats say the state’s ban on abortion will bring their party more votes. 

“Republicans threatened her life and her ability to have children through an egregious law in Texas. That really reflects where national Republicans are,” said Matt Angle with the Lone Star Project. 

Republicans admit they’ve lost voters because of abortion laws but suggest that topic could only be a tipping point in other races. 

“You even have folks like Colin Allred running against Ted Cruz. And, you know, used to, they might say a euphemism for abortion, like women’s health, but he’s out there in his campaign ad saying the right for a woman to have an abortion. You know, very bold,” said Hogue. 

Political scientists say more partisans may be focused on the border and abortion, but a large portion of voters will be focused on how the candidates address the economy. 

“Some people may be swayed by the answers and arguments made by either of these candidates,” said Jillson. 

With a diversity of issue on the table, experts expect a record viewership Thursday night. 

Watch CBS News

Half of Texans don't think the power grid will hold up this summer: Poll

By Julia Falcon

June 24, 2024 / 10:26 AM CDT / CBS Texas

Over half of Texans say they don't have a lot of confidence in the power grid, according to a new poll.

The Texas Politics Project at UT Austin asked Texans: How likely do you think it is that there will be a widespread failure of the electric grid this summer?

The poll, conducted this month, found that 34% of Texans think it's somewhat likely that the power grid will fail this summer. 

Meanwhile, 17% said it was very likely that the power grid would fail this summer. Together, that's more than half of Texans who say they don't have faith in the grid. 

Although over half are doubtful, 29% said it was not too likely that the grid would fail this summer, 9% said it's not at all likely and 10% said they didn't know or had no opinion. 

This week the First Alert Weather team is  forecasting  high temperatures to break 100 degrees for the first time this year. The heat index could bring the feels-like temperature to 109 degrees.  

Despite the increase in temperatures, the Texas power grid's operator ERCOT says it's operating at normal conditions Monday morning.

Amid the extreme heat, several North Texas cities and organizations are providing aid to their community members – including opening cooling stations and even providing air conditioning units for some.

To protect yourself and others from the heat, remember to:

• Never leave kids or pets unattended in vehicles
• Limit your time outdoors, at the very least between 11 a.m. and 5 p.m. (if you can)
• Drink plenty of water, even if you're not thirsty
• Take frequent breaks in the shade or preferably in air conditioning
• Wear lightweight, light-colored, loose-fitting clothing 
• Texas Power Grid

Julia Falcon is a digital content producer at CBS News Texas. Julia has previously written for news outlets across Dallas-Fort Worth like the Denton Record-Chronicle, D Magazine, 1080 KRLD and 105.3 The Fan. She covers a span of topics, focusing on sports and trending topics. Every week, Julia produces a show called "Eye on Trending," where she answers top trending questions.

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Texas Government and State Constitution Essay

• To find inspiration for your paper and overcome writer’s block
• As a source of information (ensure proper referencing)
• As a template for you assignment

Introduction

Works cited.

The Texas constitution in place today was written in 1876 and has a legacy that can be defined in accordance with the prevailing circumstances during the period of its adoption. To understand the negative sentiments echoed over time in regard to its inappropriateness in this day and age, it is necessary to understand the needs and urges that it sought to address during its adoption. It was written after the reconstruction period during which time the majority felt that the government had grown to be very powerful and influential usurping the role of the individuals in the state.

The amended constitution was seeking to protect the Texas citizens against any further infringement of their rights and freedoms by the government. That was then, and many believe it was able to serve its purpose effectively. However, there has over time been a general feeling and strong sentiments in support of radical changes in the constitution. To a large portion, it had become rather restrictive and only serving the interests of a small number of people in the elite. In spite of these widely held opinions, comprehensive reforms have been compounded by a clique of power-wielding individuals that are largely believed to be the beneficiaries of the status quo (Edward M. Walters, 22).

The constitution is wordy and detailed to a fault when compared to other constitutions of the various states. The current constitution contains more than a hundred thousand words, meshed together, but they contain no specific guidelines on government policies. It should be understood that in the writing of this constitution, much resentment had been directed to the government after the then governor Davis refused to relinquish office forcing people, especially in the lower bracket income to forcefully remove him from office.

With the thoughts of the civilian revolution still in mind, there arose a need to re-write the constitution that witnessed the creation of a constitution that devolved the powers of the government to the local level, reducing significantly the government powers. The role of the government in the state was relegated and taxes significantly reduced.

The state has grown in population and the economy is favorable, with the weak institutions as stipulated in the constitution, the government is finding it extremely hard to carry out its activities effectively. There has been a sense of protracted efforts in the past to completely overhaul the constitution but they have not borne any fruits. What has been achieved is only a number of piecemeal amendments. The need to change the constitution emanates from the belief that the government has very few powers within which to carry out its duties, the emotional writing of the current constitution saw it lose vital powers that are needed especially in today’s environment (George Alan Tarr, 43).

To date, it has seen over 409 amendments in the bid to make it more adaptive to situational changes. The piecemeal amendments have become the in thing every year with the citizens having to take to the polls to vote on some minor issues, as the legislations require. In 2003 for example, citizens had to vote on whether to give public universities retiree’s compensation, for any services they may have provided. Another proposition that was passed was the one that sought to put a limit to the amount of money or damages given in a civil lawsuit. What has been happening in these propositions is that special interest groups that have a direct stake in the proposition invest millions of dollars in the effort to influence the vote through advertisements. For example in the lawsuit proposition, doctors placed advertisements all over urging the citizens to ‘save doctors’.

In addition to the weaknesses aforementioned, the Texas constitution in its current state has been widely criticized for being behind the inefficiencies exhibited in most of the public agencies. It has also produced a legislature that is very lowly remunerated and this has given rise to powerful interest groups that influence the action of the legislature. It is these interest groups that stand in the way of a complete overhaul of the constitution. Theoretically, the Texas constitution slashed the powers of the executives devolving them to the local councils; practically, however, these powers lie in the hands of the strategically placed in the community (Harvard Law Review, 444).

The constitution has been said to be cumbersome due to its wordiness. It also lacks the necessary flexibility. The intensity of the amendments done is a sign that it is in dire need of rewriting especially as calls that were there in the 1970s for it to be amended went on unheeded. The state is divided almost by half, between those that want to see the constitution amended and those who are comfortable with the way it is. Some claim that overhauling the current constitution is not necessary, amendments are the way to go to correct the past wrongs contained in the constitution.

There is another reason why those opposing the overhaul of the constitution may succeed. Most people in Texas are politically inactive. Most don’t participate in the political process and will rarely vote. As most opinion leaders admit, every time there is an election, only one person out of ten votes. A vote hence to rewrite the constitution will not reflect the verdict of majority Texans but rather of the interest groups. Compared to the United States, the Texas constitution has seen numerous amendments more than any state in America (John E. B., Janice C M., 36).

Experts in constitutions attribute these amendments to the unequal distribution of powers. The United States constitution grants power equally to the executive, legislative, and the courts. In Texas majority of these powers are vested in people, this a times can be detrimental due to the fact that the opinion of the public can be swayed by emotional events and advertisements more than by logic. This is done at the expense of the administration. The United States Constitution allows the legislature to pass laws for the nation.

There is a high likelihood that should the constitution be rewritten, voters will not ratify it. This is not an opinion based on the mere fact that it is easy to oppose a proposition especially when it lies in the public’s court, but rather this opinion emanates from the look at the apathy that continues to characterize Texas politics. The interest groups that exist and those high in the socio-economic class do not want to let go of the powers to make decisions. The citizens too will not come out in numbers to support what experts say is a change that has taken too long to materialize. Many in Texas remain ignorant of the political events that go around the state and will rarely come out to vote.

It is apparent that the Texas constitution needs to be written afresh. It has become too detailed and rigid such that it does not adapt adequately to the demographic changes within and without Texas. It was written at a time when the publics’ emotions were turned against the governor and the public wanted the powers of the executives devolved to the local governments. However, this largely anticipated change might not bear fruits due to the conflicting interest groups that continue to enjoy the status quo coupled with Texas voter’s apathy.

Edward M. Walters. Finding anything about everything in Texas. 100 credible broke and 100 reliable. 2005; 22.

George Alan Tarr. Understanding State Constitutions. Princeton University Press, 1998; 43.

John Kanelis. Texas Constitution is a big problem. Web.

John Elber Bebout, Janice C May. The Texas constitution: Problems and Prospects for Revision. Institute of Urban Studies, University of Texas at Arlington, 1971; 36.

Harvard Law Review. Harvard Law Review Association, Harvard Law School.1919; 444.

• History: First Nations Indian Act
• Conformity, Groupthink, and Bystander Apathy
• UK Air Quality Strategy, Its Role and Effectiveness
• Causes of the 1917 Russian Revolution
• The Act of America's Separation in July, 1776
• Area 51: History and Government's Stance
• Democratic Party in the US: History and Analysis
• Judicial and Legislative Arms of Government
• Chicago (A-D)
• Chicago (N-B)

IvyPanda. (2021, September 5). Texas Government and State Constitution. https://ivypanda.com/essays/texas-government-and-state-constitution/

"Texas Government and State Constitution." IvyPanda , 5 Sept. 2021, ivypanda.com/essays/texas-government-and-state-constitution/.

IvyPanda . (2021) 'Texas Government and State Constitution'. 5 September.

IvyPanda . 2021. "Texas Government and State Constitution." September 5, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/texas-government-and-state-constitution/.

1. IvyPanda . "Texas Government and State Constitution." September 5, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/texas-government-and-state-constitution/.

Bibliography

IvyPanda . "Texas Government and State Constitution." September 5, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/texas-government-and-state-constitution/.

Sam Houston: the Hero of Two Nations and Architect of Texan Independence

This essay is about Sam Houston, a key figure in American and Texan history, highlighting his achievements and influence. Born in Virginia, Houston grew up on the frontier and lived among the Cherokee Indians, gaining valuable insights into Native American culture. His military career took off during the War of 1812, but his most significant role was in the Texas Revolution, where he led the Texan army to victory at the Battle of San Jacinto, securing Texas’s independence. Houston served as the first President of the Republic of Texas and later as its governor, advocating for Texas’s integration into the United States. Despite controversies, including his stance on slavery, Houston remained committed to preserving the Union. His legacy endures in the numerous landmarks bearing his name, reflecting his lasting impact on American history.

How it works

Sam Houston is a name that echoes through the annals of American history, not just as a prominent political figure but as a pivotal character who shaped the destiny of Texas and, by extension, the United States. His life was marked by remarkable achievements and a profound influence that extended beyond the borders of America. Houston’s legacy is a fascinating blend of military prowess, political acumen, and a deep commitment to the ideals of freedom and democracy.

Born in 1793 in Virginia, Sam Houston grew up amidst the rugged landscapes of the American frontier.

His early life was marked by hardship and adventure, which perhaps shaped his resilient character. As a young man, Houston found himself living among the Cherokee Indians, who adopted him and gave him the name “Raven.” This period of his life instilled in him a deep respect for Native American culture and provided him with unique insights into the complexities of American frontier life.

Houston’s military career began in earnest during the War of 1812, where he served under General Andrew Jackson. His bravery and leadership during the Battle of Horseshoe Bend earned him recognition and laid the foundation for his future endeavors. However, it was his role in the Texas Revolution that cemented his place in history. In the mid-1830s, Texas was a Mexican territory, and tensions were escalating as American settlers pushed for independence. Houston emerged as a leader of the Texan army, guiding his ragtag group of volunteers with strategic brilliance.

The turning point came at the Battle of San Jacinto in 1836. Houston’s forces, though outnumbered, launched a surprise attack on the Mexican army, capturing General Santa Anna and securing Texas’s independence. This victory was not just a military triumph but a defining moment that set the stage for Texas to eventually join the United States. Houston’s leadership and tactical genius during this period earned him the status of a national hero.

Following the revolution, Houston’s political career took center stage. He was elected as the first President of the Republic of Texas, a role he held twice. His presidency was marked by efforts to stabilize the fledgling nation, establish diplomatic relations, and lay the groundwork for its eventual annexation by the United States. Houston’s vision for Texas was clear: he sought to integrate it into the larger framework of American democracy while ensuring the rights and freedoms of its citizens.

Houston’s legacy, however, is not without its complexities. His stance on slavery, for instance, was a subject of controversy. While he owned slaves, he was also a vocal critic of the secessionist movement that sought to break away from the Union over the issue. His moderate views and commitment to preserving the Union put him at odds with many of his contemporaries in the South. In 1859, he was elected as the governor of Texas, but his refusal to swear allegiance to the Confederacy led to his removal from office. This act of defiance underscored his unwavering dedication to the principles of the Union and his belief in a united nation.

Beyond his political and military achievements, Houston’s personal life was equally colorful. He married three times and fathered eight children. His relationships, especially his marriage to a Cherokee woman, Tiana Rogers, reflect his complex identity and the diverse influences that shaped his worldview. Houston’s ability to bridge different cultures and navigate the turbulent waters of 19th-century American politics is a testament to his exceptional character and adaptability.

In the twilight of his life, Sam Houston remained a prominent figure, advocating for peace and unity during the turbulent years of the Civil War. His death in 1863 marked the end of an era, but his legacy lived on, enshrined in the history of Texas and the United States. Cities, schools, and landmarks bear his name, a lasting tribute to a man who played a crucial role in shaping the destiny of a nation.

In conclusion, Sam Houston’s life was a tapestry of adventure, leadership, and unwavering commitment to his principles. His contributions to Texas and American history are immeasurable, making him a true hero of two nations. His legacy serves as a reminder of the power of vision, courage, and resilience in the face of adversity. Through his actions and ideals, Houston left an indelible mark on history, inspiring future generations to strive for greatness and uphold the values of freedom and democracy.

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Sam Houston: The Hero of Two Nations and Architect of Texan Independence. (2024, Jun 28). Retrieved from https://papersowl.com/examples/sam-houston-the-hero-of-two-nations-and-architect-of-texan-independence/

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• presidential debate

Texas State University released from contract to host debate, as Biden and Trump sidestep tradition

SAN MARCOS, Texas -- Any lingering hope that Texas would host a presidential debate this cycle was dashed Monday after the Commission on Presidential Debates released Texas State University from its contract.

The San Marcos campus was expected to host the first debate of the 2024 general election on Sept. 16 until President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump sidestepped the commission, which has historically organized the forums, and brokered their own.

Biden and Trump are expected to debate for the first time Thursday. It will be hosted by CNN in Atlanta.

Lafayette College, Virginia State University, and the University of Utah, Salt Lake City, were also selected by the commission to host debates in the fall. Like Texas State, they were released from their contracts on Monday.

"It is unfair to ask the four campuses to continue to prepare for their debates, as they have been doing since their November 2023 selection," commission co-chairs Antonia Hernández and Frank Fahrenkopf said in a statement. "We are grateful to the sites, and we are sorry to come to this decision. We are dismayed that students of the four campuses will not have the opportunity to participate in these historic voter education forums."

Texas State would have been the first Texas university to host a presidential debate. Officials were expecting to spend about $5 million to host its debate and had appointed Jack Martin, a former chair of the Texas State University System's Board of Regents, to lead fundraising.

The university said on Monday that it had immediately stopped planning and spending related to the debate when Biden and Trump announced their alternative plans last month.

"We remain steadfast in supporting our students and the entire university community as they continue to learn about democracy, to engage in civil discourse, and to participate in the electoral process throughout the upcoming election cycle," Texas State President Kelly Damphousse said in a statement on Monday, adding that the university had been excited to host the forum as the only Texas university to have graduated a U.S. president and the only Hispanic-Serving Institution selected to host a debate.

While news organizations frequently host debates during the primary, the nonpartisan debate commission was established in 1987 to provide a neutral forum for candidates ahead of the general election.

The commission said in its statement that it would be ready to sponsor debates this election cycle "should circumstances change."

"The reason for the CPD's creation remains compelling: a neutral organization with no other role during the general election is well-positioned to offer formats that focus on the candidate and the issues that are most important to the American people," Hernández and Fahrenkopf said.

In a letter to the commission last month, the Biden campaign said that the commission's debate format was no longer up to date with contemporary voting trends. Debates were scheduled to take place after early voting in many states had already begun. The campaign also said the commission failed to enforce its own rules during the 2020 debates.

Independent presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy Jr. failed to qualify for this week's debate in Georgia after falling short of CNN's criterion requiring participants to have qualified for ballot spots in states that totaled at least 270 Electoral College votes-the minimum to win the White House.

Trump and Biden are also expected to debate Sept. 10.

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Third-party and independent candidates for president often fall short of early polling numbers

The 2024 presidential campaign stands out as the first presumptive rematch between major-party candidates since 1956. It’s also the first time an ex-president has run to reclaim the White House in more than a century.

Another uncommon feature is the presence of several high-profile alternative candidates, including Democratic-scion-turned-independent Robert F. Kennedy Jr., independent Cornel West and three-time Green Party nominee Jill Stein.

Kennedy, an environmental lawyer and anti-vaccine activist , is currently polling in the mid-single digits nationally. He appears to draw support both from people who might otherwise back President Joe Biden and former President Donald Trump, complicating both men’s campaign calculations. (Bear in mind that accurately gauging support for third-party candidates can be tricky .)

But U.S. political history tells us that third-party and independent candidates usually finish a lot lower than where they start.

We examined preelection polls in six presidential contests that featured significant third-party or independent candidates, then reviewed those candidates’ actual shares of the popular vote in the general election.

Not only did support for third-party and independent candidates tend to decline over the course of their campaigns, but their vote shares often came in lower than polls suggested they might.

Here’s an election-by-election look at underperformance by third-party and independent candidates.

Given the unusual dynamics of the 2024 presidential election – including the presence of several potentially significant third-party and independent candidates – Pew Research Center examined how such candidates fared in past elections.

We focused on the six elections over the past 60 years in which the major-party share of the nationwide popular vote was less than 98%. In each of those elections, an independent or third-party candidate won at least 2% of the vote.

For each of those candidates, we obtained support-level data via iPoll , an online archive of historical survey data maintained by Cornell University’s Roper Center for Public Opinion Research. For 1980 and subsequent elections, we limited our analysis to surveys of registered voters. No such surveys were available for the 1968 election, so in that case we used surveys of the national adult population.

Over the decades, survey modes shifted from predominantly face-to-face interviews to landline telephone interviews, and then to landline-plus-cellphone interviews. By 2016, online surveys were making their first appearances, but most polls were still conducted via phone. To avoid any distortions caused by such different survey modes , we used only surveys conducted by the same mode within a given year. This meant that we only used face-to-face surveys in 1968, and only phone surveys in all other years we analyzed.

We also looked at the wording of each individual question to make sure each survey was asking essentially the same thing in similar ways. In particular, we wanted to ensure that candidates were referred to by name and identified by party (or as “independent” when appropriate).

Once we had assembled a list of comparable questions, we plotted support for third-party and independent candidates on a timeline. The final point on each chart represents the candidate’s share of the total nationwide popular vote. For 1968 through 2000, we used figures from America Votes , a long-running compilation of election data. For the 2016 election, we compiled official returns from all 50 states and the District of Columbia.

With two exceptions, all support figures in this analysis include those who said they would vote for or leaned toward the candidate in question. The exceptions are John Anderson in 1980 (because no surveys with “leaner” questions met our inclusion criteria) and Ross Perot in 1992, during the interim period in which he wasn’t actively campaigning (because surveys did not typically ask “leaner” questions about him during this period).

1968: George Wallace

Fresh off his first term as Alabama’s segregationist governor, George Wallace – running a “law and order”-themed campaign under the American Independent Party banner – saw his support rise in polls over the spring and summer leading up to the 1968 election. In April, around 10% of adults nationally said they supported or leaned toward Wallace. By September, that had doubled to 20%. Wallace appeared within reach of his goal: dividing the field enough to throw the election to the House of Representatives , where he could try to bargain his electoral votes for “concessions” on desegregation, voting rights and other issues.

That fall, Republican Richard Nixon’s campaign began warning conservatives that voting for Wallace would only help Democrat Hubert Humphrey. Meanwhile, Democratic-aligned unions worked to pull their members – whom Wallace had targeted – back into Humphrey’s fold. Wallace’s running mate, retired Air Force Gen. Curtis LeMay , also made headlines at his introductory press conference after saying he’d consider using nuclear weapons in Vietnam.

Wallace’s support in the polls began to slide, reaching the mid-teens in the weeks before Election Day. He ended up with 13.5% of the popular vote and 46 electoral votes – not enough to keep Nixon from winning the White House.

1980: John Anderson

Rep. John Anderson of Illinois was trailing badly in the Republican presidential primaries when, in April 1980, he dropped out and said he would run as an independent instead. Anderson’s candidacy generated considerable public interest: Around 20% of registered voters said they would support him, and he continued to poll around that level throughout the spring.

But Anderson’s nascent campaign had to spend much time and energy that spring and summer simply getting his name on state ballots. Anderson faded from view during that summer’s Democratic and Republican conventions. Incumbent President Jimmy Carter, the Democrat, refused to share a debate stage with him in the fall – though Republican nominee Ronald Reagan did debate Anderson one-on-one.

By October, Anderson’s support in polls had dwindled to the 9%-10% range. In the end, he won 6.6% of the national popular vote.

1992: Ross Perot

Money and visibility weren’t issues for Ross Perot, the billionaire businessman from Texas who mounted a stop-and-go independent campaign against Republican President George H.W. Bush and his Democratic challenger, Arkansas Gov. Bill Clinton.

Perot’s effort, driven initially by volunteers and appearances on Larry King Live , quickly gained momentum. In March, as Perot’s backers began gathering the hundreds of thousands of petition signatures he would need to get on state ballots, Perot was regularly receiving support from 20% or more of registered voters in polls. By May, about a third of registered voters were telling pollsters they’d vote for or were leaning toward Perot. In a few surveys, he led both Bush and Clinton.

Amid sharpening attacks from Republicans and Democrats , though, Perot’s numbers began falling. In mid-July, when his support was below 20% in most polls, Perot abruptly quit the race .

Although Perot was no longer actively campaigning, his name remained on two dozen state ballots, and some never-say-die supporters continued working to gain him ballot access in additional states. Pollsters continued to ask voters about Perot throughout the summer and fall – especially as speculation grew that he might jump back into the race. While Perot’s support declined steadily during this interim period, in late September around 10% of voters still said they preferred him to Bush or Clinton.

Perot reentered the campaign in early October, and within a few weeks his support had climbed back up to around 20%, including leaners. It began to slip again as Election Day neared, falling to around 15%. In the end, Perot won 18.9% of the popular vote – the best showing by a non-major-party candidate since Theodore Roosevelt 80 years earlier .

1996: Ross Perot

Perot wouldn’t come close to that in his second campaign. At the start of the year, when it was still unclear whether he would seek the nomination of the Reform Party (which he had founded the year before), his support among registered voters typically was in the mid-teens.

But Perot’s support declined during the campaign, eventually settling at around 5%-7%, including leaners. His poll numbers did pick up a bit in the run-up to Election Day, when he received 8.4% of the popular vote. Among the minor candidates Perot beat out for third place: consumer advocate Ralph Nader, who took 0.7% representing the Green Party.

2000: Ralph Nader and Pat Buchanan

Nader had a considerably higher profile four years later, when he was again the Green Party’s nominee. Polls taken during that close, contentious campaign regularly found that around 5% of registered voters said they supported or leaned toward Nader.

That was enough to concern Democrats that Nader threatened Vice President Al Gore’s chances of defeating Republican Texas Gov. George W. Bush. (Whether he in fact did so is still hotly debated among political scientists , journalists and other observers .)

In the end, Nader won only 2.7% of the national popular vote. But in several closely divided states – including Florida and New Hampshire, both of which Bush carried – Nader’s share was enough to potentially swing the outcome.

Another third-party candidate in 2000 received a fair amount of public and media attention: Pat Buchanan, the conservative commentator who had captured the nomination of Perot’s Reform Party. Buchanan polled as high as 4% in the spring, but by fall was mostly in the 1%-2% range. He ended up with less than 0.5% of the popular vote, but did well enough in five states to theoretically (or perhaps not so theoretically ) affect the outcome.

2016: Gary Johnson and Jill Stein

Widespread dissatisfaction with Republican Trump and his Democratic opponent, Hillary Clinton, may have caused more voters than usual to look beyond the major parties. Two candidates in particular received considerable attention: former New Mexico Gov. Gary Johnson – the Libertarian Party nominee – and physician and activist Jill Stein of the Green Party. (Both Johnson and Stein had also run in 2012, though with less impact.)

Johnson polled fairly strongly into the fall, with 8%-12% of registered voters routinely saying that they would vote for him or were leaning toward him. But Johnson’s poll numbers began trending downward, and by Election Day his support level was hovering around 5%-6%. Johnson ended up receiving 3.3% of the vote – the 52-year-old Libertarian Party’s best showing in a presidential election to date.

For her part, Stein often received support from 5%-7% of registered voters in polls taken during the spring and summer of 2016. But her support also eroded as the campaign went on, and she eventually received just over 1% of the popular vote – still the party’s best result since Nader in 2000.

• Election 2024
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• U.S. Elections & Voters
• Voters & Voting

Drew DeSilver is a senior writer at Pew Research Center .

Americans’ Views of Government’s Role: Persistent Divisions and Areas of Agreement

6 facts about presidential and vice presidential debates, satisfaction with democracy has declined in recent years in high-income nations, biden, trump are least-liked pair of major party presidential candidates in at least 3 decades, cultural issues and the 2024 election, most popular.

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Man Pleads Guilty in Home Invasion Using Fake Deadly Virus

Stefan Alexandru Barabas, 38, pleaded guilty to extortion after threatening a multimillionaire in her Connecticut home in 2007.

By Amanda Holpuch

One of three masked intruders who told a Connecticut multimillionaire and her partner that they had been injected with a lethal virus and would receive the antidote only if they paid $8.5 million has pleaded guilty in the 2007 home invasion, prosecutors said.

After spending more than a decade as a fugitive, the man, Stefan Alexandru Barabas, 38, pleaded guilty last week to an extortion charge, the federal prosecutor’s office for the District of Connecticut announced. Three co-conspirators have already been sentenced.

Prosecutors said that just before midnight on April 15, 2007, Mr. Barabas, a Romanian citizen, and two other men entered an estate in South Kent, Conn., wearing masks and carrying knives and imitation guns. A fourth man drove them close to the home and later picked them up.

The men bound and blindfolded Anne Bass, an arts patron, and her longtime partner, Julian Lethbridge, an artist.

The men injected each of them with a substance that they claimed was a deadly virus and ordered the couple to pay $8.5 million or they would be left to die from the injection, prosecutors said.

The couple did not have a way to pay, prosecutors said, so the men drugged them with sleeping pills and left in a stolen Jeep Grand Cherokee. The vehicle was found abandoned the next morning at a Home Depot in New Rochelle, N.Y.

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U.S. Supreme Court sides with Texas woman who claims she was arrested out of political retribution

Sylvia Gonzalez alleged the city of Castle Hills had arrested her on a minor charge in retaliation for criticizing the city manager.

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WASHINGTON — The U.S. Supreme Court on Thursday revived the civil rights claim of a Texas woman who had sued her city for what she claims was a politically motivated arrest.

The ruling gives plaintiff Sylvia Gonzalez, 76, another chance to pursue her retaliation claim against the San Antonio suburb of Castle Hills. Gonzalez was arrested in 2019 for allegedly stealing a government document soon after taking office as city council member.

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March 20, 2024

Gonzalez said she had mistakenly placed a paper copy of a petition — urging the city to remove its city manager — in her binder before she realized the mistake. The mayor, Edward Treviño, confronted Gonzalez about her possession of the document and alerted police.

Weeks later Gonzalez was charged with tampering with government documents, a misdemeanor. She turned herself in and was held for one night in Bexar County Jail. The charges were later dropped.

Gonzalez, the city’s first Latina council member, claimed her arrest had come as retaliation for the contents of the petition itself, which accused the city manager of failing to do his job. She then sued the city and several officials, saying they had violated her First Amendment rights.

The U.S. 5th Circuit Court of Appeals ruled against Gonzalez, saying she had not provided enough evidence to support her claim that the arrest was an act of political retribution. Judges said Gonzalez should have presented evidence showing that other people who had also tampered with government documents had not been arrested.

Gonzalez’s lawyers argued that the Texas anti-tampering statutes in question had never been used to arrest someone for mistakenly stealing a document. The statutes typically applied to acts like fake social security numbers, green cards, fake checks or hiding murder evidence. The flimsiness and uniqueness of the charge, Gonzalez’s lawyer argued, was evidence that the arrest had been political retribution.

During arguments before the Supreme Court in March , justices compared Gonzalez’s arrest to jaywalking — another example of minor criminal conduct where officers “typically exercise their discretion not” to arrest.

The Supreme Court ultimately found that the lower court had indeed taken an “overly cramped” view of the key case law cited in its decision.

The case, Gonzalez v. Trevino , will now head back to lower courts for further consideration.

“This has been a nightmare for the last five years. It has kept me up at night, but finally I can sleep knowing that the nightmare I’ve gone through will protect critics from retaliation in the future,”Gonzalez said in a statement.

The city of Castle Hills also issued a statement, saying “although this extends the timeline, we welcome the further review of the case by the 5th Circuit.”

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