essay topic articles of confederation

The Articles of Confederation — America’s First Constitution

March 1, 1781–1789

The Articles of Confederation was America's first constitution. It was in effect from March 1, 1781, to March 4, 1789, when it was replaced by the United States Constitution.

John Dickinson, a delegate from Delaware, was the principal author of the draft of the Articles of Confederation. Image Source: New York Public Library Digital Collections .

Articles of Confederation Summary

As the delegates to the Second Continental Congress were drafting the Declaration of Independence , they were also developing a plan for unifying the 13 Colonies to defeat Great Britain. In the summer of 1776, a committee composed of one delegate from each colony drafted the Articles of Confederation — America’s first constitution. Although the document created a weak central government compared to the federal government established by the current Constitution, the Articles successfully created a “firm league of friendship” that guided the new nation through its early years.

Articles of Confederation Dates

• On June 11, 1776, the Second Continental Congress appointed a committee, composed of one representative from each colony, to draft a document forming a confederation of the 13 colonies.
• The Articles of Confederation were adopted by Congress on November 15, 1777.
• The Articles went into effect when they were ratified by the 13th and final state (Maryland) on March 1, 1781.
• In May 1787, following events such as Shays’ Rebellion, a convention was held in Philadelphia to revise the Articles. However, the convention resulted in the United States Constitution.
• The Articles were replaced by the Constitution on March 4, 1789.

Facts About the Articles of Confederation

• John Dickinson, a delegate from Delaware, was the principal writer of the draft document.
• As adopted, the articles contained a preamble and 13 articles.
• The Articles established a Confederation Congress with each state having one vote.
• Measures passed by Congress had to be approved by 9 of the 13 states.
• It did not establish federal executive or judicial branches of government.
• Each state retained “every Power…which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States.”
• Provided Congress with the powers to conduct foreign affairs, declare war or peace, maintain an army and navy, print money, resolve disputes between states, and a variety of other lesser functions.
• Denied Congress the power to collect taxes, regulate interstate commerce, and enforce laws.
• All 13 states had to agree to any amendment of the federal government’s power.

Articles of Confederation — A Brief History of America’s First Constitution

The Articles of Confederation outlined the functions of the first national government of the United States, after gaining independence from Great Britain. The Articles created a limited central government that, to a certain extent, restricted individual states from conducting their own foreign diplomacy.

Albany Plan of Union

Just before the outbreak of the French and Indian War, the Albany Plan of Union was developed It was the first attempt to unite the colonies from New England to South Carolina. However, the plan was rejected for various reasons, including concerns the individual colonies had about granting authority to a central colonial government. 

However, as the American Revolution progressed and became the American Revolutionary War, many leaders recognized the benefits of a centralized government to coordinate the war effort. 

New York’s Plan of Unification

In June 1775, the First New York Provincial Congress submitted a proposal for a united government to the Continental Congress. Like the Albany Plan, New York’s “Plan of Accommodation between Great Britain and America” acknowledged the authority of the British Crown, which was unpopular with the faction of Congress that leaned toward independence. 

Benjamin Franklin’s Articles of Confederation

Outside of the proceedings of Congress, some delegates explored the idea of a permanent union between the colonies, other than the temporary Continental Congress. 

Benjamin Franklin drafted a plan titled “Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union.” Although key delegates such as Thomas Jefferson endorsed Franklin’s proposal, it faced opposition. Franklin introduced his plan to Congress on July 21, emphasizing it should be considered a draft, which should be revised at a later date. The delegates agreed and decided to set the plan aside at that time.

Congress Agrees on Independence

Ultimately, Congress adopted Virginia’s “Resolution for Independence,” which was introduced by Richard Henry Lee on June 7, 1775. Also known as the “Lee Resolution,” it proposed three important initiatives:

• Called for Congress to declare independence.
• Form foreign alliances.
• Prepare a plan to unite the colonies.

The Committee of Thirteen

On June 11, Congress set up three committees — one for each of the initiatives. The committee assigned to “prepare a plan to unite the colonies” is known as the “Committee of Thirteen.” It included one delegate from each state:

• John Dickinson, Pennsylvania, Chairman
• Samuel Adams, Massachusetts
• Josiah Bartlett, New Hampshire
• Button Gwinnett, Georgia
• Joseph Hewes, North Carolina
• Stephen Hopkins, Rhode Island
• Robert R. Livingston, New York
• Thomas McKean, Delaware
• Thomas Nelson, Virginia
• Edward Rutledge, South Carolina
• Roger Sherman, Connecticut
• Thomas Stone, Maryland
• Francis Hopkinson, New Jersey

The Committee Introduces the Articles of Confederation

On July 22, the committee presented its report to Congress. The Articles included. 

• A government consisting solely of a unicameral legislature without an executive or judicial branch.
• It would have limited powers to deal with foreign affairs, defense, and treaty-making.
• The government did not have the authority to levy national taxes or regulate interstate trade. 
• Any laws it created were nonbinding unless states chose to enforce them. 

The Articles were intended to balance the political ideas embraced in the American Revolution, such as “No Taxation Without Representation” and the necessity of conducting the war. However, there were significant issues that needed to be addressed, including:

• Representation. The issue was resolved by giving all states equal status and one vote.
• Appropriation. This was settled by having states contribute money to Congress based on the value of privately owned land. 
• Control of western lands. Some states, like Virginia, claimed large territories that stretched across the frontier, to the west. Others, like Maryland, had no claims and insisted that such territories should be ceded to Congress beforehand. This issue was not resolved until much later.

The issues postponed the final debates on the Articles of Confederation until October 1777.

Congress Agrees to the Articles of Confederation

By October 1777, the situation was urgent, as British forces had captured Philadephia in September, forcing the members of Congress to flee to Lancaster, Pennsylvania, and then to York, Pennsylvania. On November 15, 1777, During the sessions in York, the delegates finally agreed to a framework for the Articles of Confederation. 

Congress forwarded the Articles to the states for ratification in late November. While most delegates recognized the Articles as a flawed compromise, they believed it was preferable to having no formal national government at all.

12 States Ratify the Articles of Confederation

Virginia led the way by ratifying the Articles of Confederation on December 16, 1777. Subsequently, other states followed suit during the early months of 1778. However, when Congress reconvened in June 1778, it was revealed that Maryland, Delaware, and New Jersey had not succeeded in ratifying the Articles. 

The Articles required unanimous approval from all states, and the states that were holding out insisted the others needed to abandon their western land claims before they would ratify the document. 

Ultimately, with the war at a crucial point, the “landed” states — those with western land claims, like Virginia — indicated they would cede the lands. New Jersey and Delaware were satisfied and agreed to the terms of the Articles.

• New Jersey ratified the Articles on November 20, 1778.
• Delaware ratified the Articles on February 1, 1779. 

Maryland’s Path to Ratification

Maryland was not convinced the states would follow through on ceding lands and was the last holdout to ratify the Articles of Confederation.

Maryland’s reluctance was frustrating to the other state governments. Some even passed resolutions in favor of establishing a national government without Maryland. 

However, some politicians, like Congressman Thomas Burke of North Carolina, argued against such a measure. Burke and others insisted that without the unanimous approval of all 13 States, the nation would be vulnerable, divided, and susceptible to foreign interference and manipulation.

In 1780, British forces carried out raids on Maryland towns located along the Chesapeake Bay, alarming state officials. Maryland responded by contacting the French Minister, Anne-César De la Luzerne, and requesting French naval support. Luzerne responded by encouraging Maryland to ratify the Articles of Confederation. 

Virginia’s Governor, Thomas Jefferson , also agreed to cede all western land claims to Congress.

Finally, the Maryland legislature ratified the Articles of Confederation on March 1, 1781. On that date, the Articles of Confederation formally transformed the United States from a collection of 13 loosely connected states into a confederation government

Weaknesses of the Articles of Confederation

Unfortunately, the Articles did not grant Congress the necessary authority to force the states to comply with its decisions, including the provisions in the 1783 Treaty of Paris .

The Treaty of Paris allowed British creditors to sue debtors for pre-Revolutionary debts, a clause many state governments simply ignored. In response, British forces continued to occupy forts in the Great Lakes Region. 

Additional issues that were caused by the weakness of the Articles of Confederation included:

• Without the ability to raise funds, the Confederation Congress was financially limited and dependent on the states for revenue, and the States often failed to provide funds.
• States also disregarded laws meant to standardize interstate commerce. 
• Congress did not have the power to regulate foreign trade, allowing nations like Britain to impose trade restrictions without fear of retaliation. 
• Congress had no way to force states to provide military forces during a time when the military was needed to deal with Indian unrest in the Northwest Territory .

Similar issues, along with the Confederation government’s inadequate response to Shays’ Rebellion in Massachusetts, convinced national leaders of the need to make changes to the Articles of Confederation. This ultimately led to the Philadelphia Convention of 1787 , which drafted the Constitution of the United States.

Accomplishments Under the Articles of Confederation

Despite its limited authority, the Confederation Congress was able to accomplish some important feats that led to the growth and development of the nation.

1783 Treaty of Paris

The 1783 Treaty of Paris was one of a series of treaties, collectively known as the Peace of Paris, or the Treaty of Versailles of 1783, that established peace between Great Britain and the allied nations of France, Spain, and the Netherlands. The Treaty of Paris was negotiated as a separate treaty between Great Britain and the United States, the primary provisions of the Treaty of Paris established the independence of the United States and ended hostilities between the two nations. Other provisions dealt with defining borders, restitution for Loyalist property confiscated by Americans during the war, the return of slaves confiscated by the British, and the removal of British troops from American soil. Congress ratified the treaty on January 14, 1784.

Ordinance of 1784

The Ordinance of 1784 was a bill passed by the Congress of the Confederation that served as an initial blueprint for governing the territory Britain ceded to the United States after the American Revolutionary War.

Land Ordinance of 1785

The Land Ordinance of 1785 was a bill passed by the Congress of the Confederation. It made adjustments to the Ordinance of 1784 and introduced squares. If first divided the land into six-mile-square townships. It also required the land to be surveyed and for some of it to be given to veterans of the Continental Army.

Northwest Ordinance of 1787

The Northwest Ordinance of 1787 , also known as the Ordinance of 1787, set up the rules and guidelines for governing the Northwest Territory, including a bill of rights and prohibition of slavery. It also set up the process for a territory to become a state and join the Union, with equal status to the 13 Original States.

Presidents Under the Articles of Confederation

The following men served as President from 1781 to 1789 under the Articles of Confederation. The position was officially called “President of the United States in Congress Assembled.” 

Contrary to some sources, these men did not hold the office of President of the United States. It was an entirely different office. 

• Samuel Huntington served from March 2, 1781, to July 6, 1781, when he retired.
• Thomas McKean served from July 10, 1781, to October 23, 1781. During his term as President, Congress received the news of the British surrender at Yorktown .
• John Hanson was the first President to serve a full term and served from November 5, 1781, to November 3, 1782. Hanson is sometimes referred to as the first President of the Confederation Congress. However, he is recognized as the third President by the Office of the Historian of the United States House of Representatives.
• Elias Boudinot was President from November 4, 1782, to November 3, 1783. During his term, the British evacuated Charleston in January 1783, and the Treaty of Paris of 1783 was signed in September 1783, which officially ended the American Revolutionary War.
• Thomas Mifflin was President from November 3, 1783, to November 30, 1784. During his term, George Washington resigned from the army. On December 23, 1783, in a ceremony in Annapolis, Maryland, Washington handed his commission and resignation speech to Mifflin.
• Richard Henry Lee served from November 30, 1784, to November 4, 1785.
• John Hancock was appointed President and held the title from November 23, 1785, to June 6, 1786. However, Hancock was ill and he could not perform the duties of the office. His duties were carried out by David Ramsay from November 23, 1785, to May 15, 1786, and then by Nathaniel Gorham from May 15 to June 5, 1786. Ramsay and Gorham were Chairman of the Confederation Congress.
• Nathaniel Gorham served as President from June 6, 1786, to November 2, 1786.
• Arthur St. Clair served as President and served from February 2, 1787, to October 5, 1787.
• Cyrus Griffin was the last President of the Congress Assembled and served from January 22, 1788, to March 2, 1789.

Articles of Confederation Significance

The Articles of Confederation are important to United States history because they served as the first Consitution of the United States. Although the Articles had many weaknesses, the Confederation Congress was able to make some key legislative decisions that helped the nation develop. Ultimately, the lessons learned during the time the nation operated under the Articles helped develop its replacement, the United States Constitution.

Articles of Confederation APUSH, Review, Notes, Study Guide

Use the following links and videos to study the Articles of Confederation, the Confederation Congress, and the Confederation Era for the AP US History Exam. Also, be sure to look at our Guide to the AP US History Exam .

Articles of Confederation Definition APUSH

The Articles of Confederation is defined as the first written constitution of the United States, adopted in 1781. The articles established a weak federal government with limited powers, with most decision-making power reserved for the individual states. The articles were in effect until 1789 when they were replaced by the United States Constitution.

Articles of Confederation Video — Explained for APUSH and AP Gov

This video from Heimler’s History discusses the Articles of Confederation, one of the Foundational Documents for APUSH and AP Gov.

• Written by Randal Rust

Milestone Documents

Articles of Confederation (1777)

Citation: Articles of Confederation; 3/1/1781; Miscellaneous Papers of the Continental Congress, 1774 - 1789; Records of the Continental and Confederation Congresses and the Constitutional Convention, Record Group 360; National Archives Building, Washington, DC.

View All Pages in the National Archives Catalog

View Transcript

The Articles of Confederation were adopted by the Continental Congress on November 15, 1777. This document served as the United States' first constitution. It was in force from March 1, 1781, until 1789 when the present-day Constitution went into effect.

After the Lee Resolution proposed independence for the American colonies, the Second Continental Congress appointed three committees on June 11, 1776. One of the committees was tasked with determining what form the confederation of the colonies should take. This committee was composed of one representative from each colony. John Dickinson, a delegate from Delaware, was the principal writer.

The Dickinson Draft of the Articles of Confederation named the confederation "the United States of America." After considerable debate and revision, the Second Continental Congress adopted the Articles of Confederation on November 15, 1777.

The document seen here is the engrossed and corrected version that was adopted on November 15. It consists of six sheets of parchment stitched together. The last sheet bears the signatures of delegates from all 13 states.

This "first constitution of the United States" established a "league of friendship" for the 13 sovereign and independent states. Each state retained "every Power...which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States. The Articles of Confederation also outlined a Congress with representation not based on population – each state would have one vote in Congress.

Ratification by all 13 states was necessary to set the Confederation into motion. Because of disputes over representation, voting, and the western lands claimed by some states, ratification was delayed. When Maryland ratified it on March 1, 1781, the Congress of the Confederation came into being.

Just a few years after the Revolutionary War, however, James Madison and George Washington were among those who feared their young country was on the brink of collapse. With the states retaining considerable power, the central government had insufficient power to regulate commerce. It could not tax and was generally impotent in setting commercial policy. Nor could it effectively support a war effort. Congress was attempting to function with a depleted treasury; and paper money was flooding the country, creating extraordinary inflation.

The states were on the brink of economic disaster; and the central government had little power to settle quarrels between states. Disputes over territory, war pensions, taxation, and trade threatened to tear the country apart.

In May of 1787, the Constitutional Convention assembled in Philadelphia to revise the Articles of Confederation. They shuttered the windows of the State House (Independence Hall) and swore secrecy so they could speak freely. By mid-June the delegates had decided to completely redesign the government. After three hot, summer months of highly charged debate, the new Constitution was signed, which remains in effect today.

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To all to whom these Presents shall come, we, the undersigned Delegates of the States affixed to our Names send greeting. Whereas the Delegates of the United States of America in Congress assembled did on the fifteenth day of November in the year of our Lord One Thousand Seven Hundred and Seventy seven, and in the Second Year of the Independence of America agree to certain articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the States of Newhampshire, Massachusetts-bay, Rhodeisland and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia in the Words following, viz. “Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the States of Newhampshire, Massachusetts-bay, Rhodeisland and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia.

Article I. The Stile of this confederacy shall be, “The United States of America.”

Article II. Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence, and every Power, Jurisdiction and right, which is not by this confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in Congress assembled.

Article III. The said states hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defence, the security of their Liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other, against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretence whatever.

Article IV. The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and intercourse among the people of the different states in this union, the free inhabitants of each of these states, paupers, vagabonds and fugitives from Justice excepted, shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens in the several states; and the people of each state shall have free ingress and regress to and from any other state, and shall enjoy therein all the privileges of trade and commerce, subject to the same duties, impositions and restrictions as the inhabitants thereof respectively, provided that such restrictions shall not extend so far as to prevent the removal of property imported into any state, to any other State of which the Owner is an inhabitant; provided also that no imposition, duties or restriction shall be laid by any state, on the property of the united states, or either of them.

                       If any Person guilty of, or charged with, treason, felony, or other high misdemeanor in any state, shall flee from Justice, and be found in any of the united states, he shall upon demand of the Governor or executive power of the state from which he fled, be delivered up, and removed to the state having jurisdiction of his offence.

                       Full faith and credit shall be given in each of these states to the records, acts and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other state.

Article V. For the more convenient management of the general interests of the united states, delegates shall be annually appointed in such manner as the legislature of each state shall direct, to meet in Congress on the first Monday in November, in every year, with a power reserved to each state to recall its delegates, or any of them, at any time within the year, and to send others in their stead, for the remainder of the Year.

                 No State shall be represented in Congress by less than two, nor by more than seven Members; and no person shall be capable of being delegate for more than three years, in any term of six years; nor shall any person, being a delegate, be capable of holding any office under the united states, for which he, or another for his benefit receives any salary, fees or emolument of any kind.

                 Each State shall maintain its own delegates in a meeting of the states, and while they act as members of the committee of the states.

                 In determining questions in the united states, in Congress assembled, each state shall have one vote.

                 Freedom of speech and debate in Congress shall not be impeached or questioned in any Court, or place out of Congress, and the members of congress shall be protected in their persons from arrests and imprisonments, during the time of their going to and from, and attendance on congress, except for treason, felony, or breach of the peace.

Article VI. No State, without the Consent of the united States, in congress assembled, shall send any embassy to, or receive any embassy from, or enter into any conferrence, agreement, alliance, or treaty, with any King prince or state; nor shall any person holding any office of profit or trust under the united states, or any of them, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state; nor shall the united states, in congress assembled, or any of them, grant any title of nobility.

No two or more states shall enter into any treaty, confederation, or alliance whatever between them, without the consent of the united states, in congress assembled, specifying accurately the purposes for which the same is to be entered into, and how long it shall continue.

No State shall lay any imposts or duties, which may interfere with any stipulations in treaties, entered into by the united States in congress assembled, with any king, prince, or State, in pursuance of any treaties already proposed by congress, to the courts of France and Spain.

No vessels of war shall be kept up in time of peace, by any state, except such number only, as shall be deemed necessary by the united states, in congress assembled, for the defence of such state, or its trade; nor shall any body of forces be kept up, by any state, in time of peace, except such number only as, in the judgment of the united states, in congress assembled, shall be deemed requisite to garrison the forts necessary for the defence of such state; but every state shall always keep up a well regulated and disciplined militia, sufficiently armed and accoutred, and shall provide and constantly have ready for use, in public stores, a due number of field pieces and tents, and a proper quantity of arms, ammunition, and camp equipage.

No State shall engage in any war without the consent of the united States in congress assembled, unless such State be actually invaded by enemies, or shall have received certain advice of a resolution being formed by some nation of Indians to invade such State, and the danger is so imminent as not to admit of a delay till the united states in congress assembled, can be consulted: nor shall any state grant commissions to any ships or vessels of war, nor letters of marque or reprisal, except it be after a declaration of war by the united states in congress assembled, and then only against the kingdom or State, and the subjects thereof, against which war has been so declared, and under such regulations as shall be established by the united states in congress assembled, unless such state be infested by pirates, in which case vessels of war may be fitted out for that occasion, and kept so long as the danger shall continue, or until the united states in congress assembled shall determine otherwise.

Article VII. When land forces are raised by any state, for the common defence, all officers of or under the rank of colonel, shall be appointed by the legislature of each state respectively by whom such forces shall be raised, or in such manner as such state shall direct, and all vacancies shall be filled up by the state which first made appointment.

Article VIII. All charges of war, and all other expenses that shall be incurred for the common defence or general welfare, and allowed by the united states in congress assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common treasury, which shall be supplied by the several states, in proportion to the value of all land within each state, granted to or surveyed for any Person, as such land and the buildings  and improvements thereon shall be estimated, according to such mode as the united states, in congress assembled, shall, from time to time, direct and appoint. The taxes for paying that proportion shall be laid and levied by the authority and direction of the legislatures of the several states within the time agreed upon by the united states in congress assembled.

Article IX. The united states, in congress assembled, shall have the sole and exclusive right and power of determining on peace and war, except in the cases mentioned in the sixth article - of sending and receiving ambassadors - entering into treaties and alliances, provided that no treaty of commerce shall be made, whereby the legislative power of the respective states shall be restrained from imposing such imposts and duties on foreigners, as their own people are subjected to, or from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any species of goods or commodities whatsoever -  of establishing rules for deciding, in all cases, what captures on land or water shall be legal, and in what manner prizes taken by land or naval forces in the service of the united States, shall be divided or appropriated - of granting letters of marque and reprisal in times of peace - appointing courts for the trial of piracies and felonies committed on the high seas; and establishing courts; for receiving and determining finally appeals in all cases of captures; provided that no member of congress shall be appointed a judge of any of the said courts.

The united states, in congress assembled, shall also be the last resort on appeal, in all disputes and differences now subsisting, or that hereafter may arise between two or more states concerning boundary, jurisdiction, or any other cause whatever; which authority shall always be exercised in the manner following. Whenever the legislative or executive authority, or lawful agent of any state in controversy with another, shall present a petition to congress, stating the matter in question, and praying for a hearing, notice thereof shall be given, by order of congress, to the legislative or executive authority of the other state in controversy, and a day assigned for the appearance of the parties by their lawful agents, who shall then be directed to appoint, by joint consent, commissioners or judges to constitute a court for hearing and determining the matter in question: but if they cannot agree, congress shall name three persons out of each of the united states, and from the list of such persons each party shall alternately strike out one, the petitioners beginning, until the number shall be reduced to thirteen; and from that number not less than seven, nor more than nine names, as congress shall direct, shall, in the presence of congress, be drawn out by lot, and the persons whose names shall be so drawn, or any five of them, shall be commissioners or judges, to hear and finally determine the controversy, so always as a major part of the judges, who shall hear the cause, shall agree in the determination: and if either party shall neglect to attend at the day appointed, without showing reasons which congress shall judge sufficient, or being present, shall refuse to strike, the congress shall proceed to nominate three persons out of each State, and the secretary of congress shall strike in behalf of such party absent or refusing; and the judgment and sentence of the court, to be appointed in the manner before prescribed, shall be final and conclusive; and if any of the parties shall refuse to submit to the authority of such court, or to appear or defend their claim or cause, the court shall nevertheless proceed to pronounce sentence, or judgment, which shall in like manner be final and decisive; the judgment or sentence and other proceedings being in either case transmitted to congress, and lodged among the acts of congress, for the security of the parties concerned: provided that every commissioner, before he sits in judgment, shall take an oath to be administered by one of the judges of the supreme or superior court of the State where the cause shall be tried, “well and truly to hear and determine the matter in question, according to the best of his judgment, without favour, affection, or hope of reward: “provided, also, that no State shall be deprived of territory for the benefit of the united states.

All controversies concerning the private right of soil claimed under different grants of two or more states, whose jurisdictions as they may respect such lands, and the states which passed such grants are adjusted, the said grants or either of them being at the same time claimed to have originated antecedent to such settlement of jurisdiction, shall, on the petition of either party to the congress of the united states, be finally determined, as near as may be, in the same manner as is before prescribed for deciding disputes respecting territorial jurisdiction between different states.

The united states, in congress assembled, shall also have the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the alloy and value of coin struck by their own authority, or by that of the respective states - fixing the standard of weights and measures throughout the united states - regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians, not members of any of the states; provided that the legislative right of any state, within its own limits, be not infringed or violated - establishing and regulating post-offices from one state to another, throughout all the united states, and exacting such postage on the papers passing through the same, as may be requisite to defray the expenses of the said office - appointing all officers of the land forces in the service of the united States, excepting regimental officers - appointing all the officers of the naval forces, and commissioning all officers whatever in the service of the united states; making rules for the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and directing their operations.

The united States, in congress assembled, shall have authority to appoint a committee, to sit in the recess of congress, to be denominated, “A Committee of the States,” and to consist of one delegate from each State; and to appoint such other committees and civil officers as may be necessary for managing the general affairs of the united states under their direction - to appoint one of their number to preside; provided that no person be allowed to serve in the office of president more than one year in any term of three years; to ascertain the necessary sums of money to be raised for the service of the united states, and to appropriate and apply the same for defraying the public expenses; to borrow money or emit bills on the credit of the united states, transmitting every half year to the respective states an account of the sums of money so borrowed or emitted, - to build and equip a navy - to agree upon the number of land forces, and to make requisitions from each state for its quota, in proportion to the number of white inhabitants in such state, which requisition shall be binding; and thereupon the legislature of each state shall appoint the regimental officers, raise the men, and clothe, arm, and equip them, in a soldier-like manner, at the expense of the united states; and the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the united states, in congress assembled; but if the united states, in congress assembled, shall, on consideration of circumstances, judge proper that any state should not raise men, or should raise a smaller number than its quota, and that any other state should raise a greater number of men than the quota thereof, such extra number shall be raised, officered, clothed, armed, and equipped in the same manner as the quota of such state, unless the legislature of such state shall judge that such extra number cannot be safely spared out of the same, in which case they shall raise, officer, clothe, arm, and equip, as many of such extra number as they judge can be safely spared. And the officers and men so clothed, armed, and equipped, shall march to the place appointed, and within the time agreed on by the united states in congress assembled.

The united states, in congress assembled, shall never engage in a war, nor grant letters of marque and reprisal in time of peace, nor enter into any treaties or alliances, nor coin money, nor regulate the value thereof nor ascertain the sums and expenses necessary for the defence and welfare of the united states, or any of them, nor emit bills, nor borrow money on the credit of the united states, nor appropriate money, nor agree upon the number of vessels of war to be built or purchased, or the number of land or sea forces to be raised, nor appoint a commander in chief of the army or navy, unless nine states assent to the same, nor shall a question on any other point, except for adjourning from day to day, be determined, unless by the votes of a majority of the united states in congress assembled.

The congress of the united states shall have power to adjourn to any time within the year, and to any place within the united states, so that no period of adjournment be for a longer duration than the space of six Months, and shall publish the Journal of their proceedings monthly, except such parts thereof relating to treaties, alliances, or military operations, as in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the delegates of each State, on any question, shall be entered on the Journal, when it is desired by any delegate; and the delegates of a State, or any of them, at his or their request, shall be furnished with a transcript of the said Journal, except such parts as are above excepted, to lay before the legislatures of the several states.

Article X. The committee of the states, or any nine of them, shall be authorized to execute, in the recess of congress, such of the powers of congress as the united states, in congress assembled, by the consent of nine states, shall, from time to time, think expedient to vest them with; provided that no power be delegated to the said committee, for the exercise of which, by the articles of confederation, the voice of nine states, in the congress of the united states assembled, is requisite.

Article XI. Canada acceding to this confederation, and joining in the measures of the united states, shall be admitted into, and entitled to all the advantages of this union: but no other colony shall be admitted into the same, unless such admission be agreed to by nine states.

Article XII. All bills of credit emitted, monies borrowed, and debts contracted by or under the authority of congress, before the assembling of the united states, in pursuance of the present confederation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the united States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said united states and the public faith are hereby solemnly pledged.

Article XIII. Every State shall abide by the determinations of the united states, in congress assembled, on all questions which by this confederation are submitted to them. And the Articles of this confederation shall be inviolably observed by every state, and the union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a congress of the united states, and be afterwards con-firmed by the legislatures of every state.

And Whereas it hath pleased the Great Governor of the World to incline the hearts of the legislatures we respectively represent in congress, to approve of, and to authorize us to ratify the said articles of confederation and perpetual union, Know Ye, that we, the undersigned delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for that purpose, do, by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and every of the said articles of confederation and perpetual union, and all and singular the matters and things therein contained. And we do further solemnly plight and engage the faith of our respective constituents, that they shall abide by the determinations of the united states in congress assembled, on all questions, which by the said confederation are submitted to them. And that the articles thereof shall be inviolably observed by the states we respectively represent, and that the union shall be perpetual. In Witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands, in Congress. Done at Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, the ninth Day of July, in the Year of our Lord one Thousand seven Hundred and Seventy eight, and in the third year of the Independence of America.

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The Articles of Confederation

The Second Continental Congress began laying the groundwork for an independent United States on June 11, 1776, when it passed resolutions appointing committees to draft the Articles of Confederation and the Declaration of Independence. The Articles resolution ordered “a committee to be appointed to prepare and digest the form of a confederation to be entered into between these colonies.” 1  John Dickinson, the chairman of the committee tasked with creating a confederation, worked with twelve other committee members to prepare draft articles. They presented their work to Congress on July 12, 1776, and the delegates began to debate the plan soon thereafter. Wary and conscious of repeated British intrusions on their civil and political rights since the early 1760s, the Articles’ framers carefully considered state sovereignty, the proposed national government’s specific powers, and the structure of each government branch as they wrote and debated their plan.  They sought to create a government subordinate to the states with power sufficiently checked to prevent the kind of infringements that Americans had experienced under British rule. Congress debated the Articles with these concerns in mind, and it approved the final draft of the Articles on November 15, 1777. Two days later, Congress sent it to the states for ratification. The Articles required unanimous consent from the thirteen states to take effect. Maryland became the final state to ratify the document on March 1, 1781.

The Articles of Confederation featured a preamble and thirteen articles that granted the bulk of power to the states. To some degree, it was a treaty of alliance between thirteen sovereign republics rather than the foundation for a national government. The preamble announced that the states were in a “perpetual union” with one another, but despite this seemingly stringent description, the Articles merely organized the states into a loose compact in which they mostly governed themselves. 2 The first article provided the new nation with its name: “the United States of America.” 3  The remaining articles detailed the states’ relationship with each other and with Congress. Article II provided that “each state retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence.” Article III, in which the states agreed to “enter into a firm league of friendship with each other,” did not negate an individual state’s sovereign status. 4  Article IV specified the rights of citizens within the several states, such as affording citizens the same privileges and immunities and allowing freedom of movement. Article IV also afforded full faith and credit to “the records, acts, and judicial proceedings of the courts and magistrates of every other state.” 5  Article V gave each state only one vote in Congress, ensuring the idea of equality among the states. Other articles discussed the powers granted to Congress, including the power to levy war, send and receive ambassadors, create treaties, grant letters of marque and reprisal, regulate the value of coin, and establish post offices. The final article, Article XIII, required unanimous ratification for all amendments. It also featured a supremacy clause obligating every state to follow the Articles of Confederation.

Three years after the ratification of the Articles of Confederation, many Americans including George Washington began to argue that the perpetual union was in danger.  On January 18, 1784, Washington wrote to Virginia governor Benjamin Harrison that the government was “a half starved, limping Government, that appears to be always moving upon crutches, & tottering at every step.” 6  Washington and other Americans had witnessed several crises during the United States’ early years under the Articles, leading to a belief among many that preventing the nation’s collapse required revisiting the Articles. On June 27, 1786, John Jay confided in Washington that “Our affairs seem to lead to some crisis . . . I am uneasy and apprehensive—more so, than during the War.” 7  In Jay’s opinion, one many leading Americans shared, the national government’s weakness led to serious problems that threatened the nation’s survival.

Congress possessed only enumerated powers under the Articles of Confederation.  It had no real power to tax, regulate commerce, or raise an army. The inability to tax created major obstacles for the new nation. Without the ability to tax the states or citizens, Congress could not raise revenue, which it needed to pay war debts to international creditors. Congress could only request money from states, and frequently, states would donate only a portion of the request or nothing at all.  Between 1781 and 1787, Congress only received $1.5 million of the $10 million that it had requested from the states.

In April 1783, Congress proposed an amendment to the Articles that would allow Congress to levy a five percent tariff on imports for no more than twenty-five years.  The revenue from the proposed tariff was specifically earmarked to pay war debts. Given the unanimous amendment process, all states had to ratify the impost for it to take effect. All states but New York had adopted the impost by early 1786.  In May 1786, New York’s legislature was willing to adopt the impost with some alterations. However, Congress did not want to accept these alterations and requested that New York remove them. When New York refused to do so in February 1787, the attempt at giving Congress the power to tax, at least in some capacity, was over.

Shays’ Rebellion coincided with the impost ratification process. Led by Daniel Shays, the rebellion was comprised of indebted farmers in western Massachusetts, many of whom were Revolutionary War veterans that had lost much of their land due to foreclosures. They could not pay the high taxes that states had imposed in order to eliminate war debt. Congress had no ability to raise its own army to suppress the rebellion, forcing the nation to rely on a privately financed Massachusetts army to put down the insurrection. This exemplified the need for not only Congress to have the ability to tax, but also the power to raise an army. Additionally, the Articles did not give Congress the power to regulate commerce explicitly. Although it could negotiate treaties and regulate all American coin, it did not have the power to negotiate complex trade treaties with foreign nations and the Articles failed to create a singular uniform currency. This lack of universal currency made trade between states and foreign nations difficult, and led to inconsistencies in currency exchange rates among the states.

Despite the Articles’ weaknesses, it also had numerous strengths. Foremost, it enabled the country to prosecute the Revolutionary War. Because Congress observed that the Articles were its de facto government until officially ratified in 1781, the Articles allowed the country to create a treaty of alliance with France in 1778. It also allowed for the negotiation of the Treaty of Paris of 1783, which ended the war.  The Articles enabled Congress to create the Departments of Foreign Affairs, Wars, Marine, and Treasury, allowed for the establishment of post offices, and had a provision that would permit Canada to join the Union in the future. Congress’s most significant legislative achievement under the Articles was its passage of a series of land ordinances in the mid-1780s: the Land Ordinance of 1784, the Land Ordinance of 1785, and the Northwest Ordinance of 1787 .  These ordinances collectively provided a process for adding new and equal states to the nation, guaranteed republican governments and other rights for the new states and its inhabitants, banned slavery and involuntary servitude in the new territories after 1800, and provided for public education in the new states. Overall, the ratification of these ordinances was impressive, given the lack of unity among the states at the time and the super-majority vote needed to pass them.

Yet, the Articles of Confederation’s weaknesses triumphed over its virtues. As a result, the Annapolis Convention was called on September 11, 1786, just a few weeks after the outbreak of Shays’ Rebellion. The convention was called initially to address changes regarding trade, but the delegates realized the problems had a broader scope.  John Dickinson, who had chaired the committee to draft the Articles, was president of the Annapolis Convention.  He along with other delegates, particularly Alexander Hamilton , resolved to reconvene at a convention in Philadelphia to revise the Articles in May 1787.

The Philadelphia Convention of 1787 went beyond its mandate to revise the Articles by replacing it with a new constitution. However, the delegates to the Constitutional Convention incorporated several ideas from the Articles into the new charter. Examples of this incorporation include the full faith and credit clause and the power to declare war. In addition, the privileges and immunities clause of Article IV of the Articles was incorporated into Article IV of the Constitution.

Even after state conventions ratified the Constitution in 1788, the Articles of Confederation continued to inspire changes to the new federal charter. In 1791, Article II of the Articles of Confederation served as the basis for the 10 th Amendment to the Constitution. Born out of necessity to fight the War for Independence, the Articles of Confederation created a “perpetual union” that later generations of Americans would later strive to make “more perfect.”

Aubrianna Mierow The George Washington University

1. Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789 , ed. Worthington C. Ford et al. (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1904-37), 8:431.

2. JCC, 1774-1789 , ed. Ford et al., 9:907.

4. Ibid, 9:908.

5. Ibid, 9:908-9.

6. George Washington to Benjamin Harrison, 18 January 1784, Founders Online , National Archives, last modified June 13, 2018, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/04-01-02-0039 .

7. John Jay to George Washington, 27 June 1786, Founders Online , National Archives, last modified June 13, 2018, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/04-04-02-0129 .

Bibliography:

Kaminski, John. “Empowering the Confederation: a Counterfactual Model.” (2005) Accessed November 1, 2018. https://law.utexas.edu/faculty/calvinjohnson/RighteousAnger/ SHEAR2005Kaminski.pdf .

Maier, Pauline. Ratification: The People Debate the Constitution, 1787-1788 . New York: Simon & Schuster, 2011.

Rakove, Jack N. The Beginnings of National Politics: An Interpretive History of the Continental Congress . New York: Knopf, 1979.

Richards, Leonard L. Shays’s Rebellion: The American Revolution’s Final Battle . Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003.

Van Cleve, George. We Have Not a Government: The Articles of Confederation and the Road to the Constitution . Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2019.

Wood, Gordon S. The Creation of the American Republic 1776-1787 . Chapel Hill and London: The University of North Carolina Press, 1998.

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About the Articles of Confederation

The war between the Thirteen American colonies and Great Britain was underway. The First Continental Congress, which had met in Philadelphia from September to October 1774, had organized to launch a collective affront to British taxation and unite in an economic boycott on all British goods. The Second Continental Congress, which formed on May 10, 1775, did not just organize an embargo but organized a de facto government in order to fight one of the largest militaries and political superpowers in Europe. Congress adopted the “ Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms ” to establish their military intent against Britain.

On June 14, 1775, they created the Continental Army . In one last show of goodwill, Congress drafted the Olive Branch Petition to implore Britain to peacefully end the conflict and grant the Thirteen Colonies their independence. The Petition was not acknowledged by King George III . As the conflict progressed, Congress began drafting a document that further unified the colonies, gave guidelines on how Congress should operate, and legitimized the budding nation in the eyes of the world. This document was the Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union.  

Known simply as the “Articles of Confederation,” this document preserved the independence and sovereignty of the States while unifying them under one Constitution obligation. These articles were separate from the Declaration of Independence , although both written around the same time. The Declaration of Independence, drafted by Thomas Jefferson , was the formal explanation of why the Thirteen Colonies had declared independence from Great Britain. While the previous Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms outlined why the Thirteen Colonies were starting an armed conflict, the Declaration of Independence established why the Thirteen Colonies wanted sovereignty and independence from their former ruler. The document is comprised of a list of grievances against King George III and the ideologies of the new country. Today several accepted American values and tenants come from this document, such as:  

“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.” 

The Declaration of Independence was officially ratified on July 4, 1776. Because of the importance of this document, America’s Independence Day is celebrated on July 4th every year.  

The Articles of Confederation took longer to write. Unlike the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation were to be the guiding principles of governing the new United States of America and the pragmatic instructions on how to run a country.  The Continental Congress struggled and debated issues regarding state sovereignty, what powers a centralized government should hold, how congress should vote, and whether states could claim “unclaimed” western lands. While these issues were debated, pressing issues regarding the military and money required Congress’s attention as they traveled from city to city escaping the escalating military conflict. After drafting and redrafting the document, the final draft of the Articles of Confederation was completed on November 15, 1777.  

Twelve states ratified the Articles by February 1779, fourteen months after the submission of its completed draft. These ratifications occurred with little alteration to the Articles and the Continental Congress adopted the Articles as its de facto governmental procedures. Maryland, the lone holdout, worried that Virginia could claim large swaths of land west of the Ohio River. Hoping to limit the size of their neighboring state, Maryland refused to ratify unless all states ceded their claims to Western land and relented them to the national interest. If the land was in the national domain then these lands required congressional approval to be distributed to states. Almost four years after the Articles of Confederation were drafted, Maryland ratified the Articles on February 2, 1781. On March 1, the Articles became the official ruling document of the United States.  

The document, although long in approval, was far from perfect. The Article contained thirteen articles that divvied power between the central Congress and the individual states based on the idea of friendship between the states. In Article Three, Congress defines this friendship: 

"The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other, against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretense whatever." 

The Articles, in general, gave limited power to the central government. Congress could sign treaties and alliances with foreign nations; could regulate post offices, appoint officers in the military, and regulate armed forces; could request requisitions from the states; and could do other administrative functions. Congress could not declare war or peace with other nations without the consent of a super-majority of the states; could not levy taxes on states; could not require states send soldiers to fight in a national army; and could not interfere with state’s sovereignty. Congress was granted only the power that Great Britain had previously held over the Thirteen Colonies before the Intolerable Acts were issued. These limits were deliberate. The United States was reluctant to establish a strong central government while fighting a war against the ideas of “tyranny.”  

The shortcomings of the Articles of the Confederation impeded the United States from properly governing the new country. The Treaty of Paris , which officially ended the conflict between the United States and Great Britain, was signed by delegates of the United States and Great Britain in Paris on September 3, 1783. However, the United States didn’t officially approve this treaty for another year as state delegates missed Congressional meetings. Quorum, the minimum number of delegates needed to proceed with Congressional meetings, was routinely not reached in order to approve the Treaty. These absences impacted Congress’s ability to pass any legislation. In addition to lacking the ability to force state delegates to attend Congress meetings, Congress lacked the ability to raise money to pay the veterans of the Revolutionary War. This procedural stall in payment resulted in Shays’ Rebellion, the name for numerous small rebellions that came to a peak on January 25, 1787. On that day, four thousand veterans, led by Daniel Shays, attempted to seize weapons from the Springfield Armory in Springfield, Massachusetts to protest lack of veteran payments and excessive taxation.  Congress, unable to allocate money toward national troops, relied on the Massachusetts state militia and private militias to quell the rebellion. Even though the rebellion was quelled, Congress was powerless to provide solutions for the farmers’ qualms. On a foreign front, the United States was unable to secure treaties with foreign nations. With little ability to control individual state actions, foreign representatives in Europe could not guarantee compliance with potential treaties. Without these guarantees, foreign governments were reticent to trade the budding nation or strengthen the nation with political friendships.  

With a list of grievances growing, Congress began deliberations to write a new guiding document. This new document was the Constitution of the United States , the guiding document of the United States to this day. On September 28, 1787, the new Constitution was presented to Congress. Within a year, the Constitution had been ratified by all Thirteen States. On March 4, 1789, the Constitution was officially effective as rule of law in the United States and the Articles of Confederation was retired. While the Articles of Confederation was not inherently bad or ill-advised, it wasn’t the appropriate governing document for the United States. At the States became an independent nation and transitioned from wartime to peace, Congress recognized the strengths and the weakness of the Articles. Learning from their experiences, Congress used the Articles of Confederation as a steppingstone creating a productive government for their budding nation. 

Further Reading

Founding Brothers: The Revolutionary Generation  By: Joseph J. Ellis

The Quartet: Orchestrating the Second American Revolution, 1783-1789  By: Joseph J. Ellis

The Articles of Confederation  By: Elizabeth Carol Sonneborn

The Path to the Declaration

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The Articles of Confederation

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Summary: “articles of confederation”.

Benjamin Franklin’s “Articles of Confederation” was the first of six drafts placed before the Continental Congress, and it draws from earlier historical context while also having lasting effects on his contemporaries’ views of a unified nation.

Franklin presented the document to the Second Continental Congress in 1775, just as the American Revolution was beginning. The document is composed of 13 individual articles outlining a new confederated government for the colonies in America. Ultimately, the Continental Congress never voted on Franklin’s Articles.

Franklin opens the first article by naming the country “The United Colonies of North America” (Article I, 260). He then describes the proposed dynamic between the central government and individual colonies. Under these articles, the United Colonies, he writes, would be bound together “for their common Defense against their Enemies, for the Security of their Liberties and Properties, the Safety of their Persons and Families, and their mutual and general welfare” (Article I, 260). However, each colony would also continue to have its own constitution, laws, rights, and representative bodies.

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Each colony would elect a representative to one Congress “for the more convenient Management of general Interests” (Article I, 261). This body would be part of the central government and would meet in each colony on a rotating basis. The first meeting, Benjamin writes, would occur in Annapolis, Maryland. He also outlines that Congress would have the power to:

• Declare war
• Appoint and receive ambassadors
• Enter into alliances
• Settle disputes between colonies
• Accept new colonies into the Confederacy
• Establish a currency
• Create a postal service
• Oversee a common military

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Congress would also appoint civil officers to help maintain the workings of the central government, such as a common treasury. This account would oversee the use of taxes. Each colony would pay a set amount in taxes to the government that was proportional to the number of men between the ages of sixteen and sixty, and they would set their own laws for how those taxes would be accrued.

In his proposal, the number of delegates to Congress would also fluctuate based on the number of people in each colony, making Franklin’s Congress a system of proportional representation with one representative for five thousand men between 16 and 60 years old. All delegates would be able to appoint a proxy if they were not able to attend.

Franklin also creates an executive council composed of 12 appointed delegates from within Congress. Their terms would be three years and would be staggered so that seats would need to be filled on a rotating basis. Their responsibilities would be to prepare materials for Congress, manage relations with foreign powers, fill in for governmental positions on a temporary basis when vacancies occur, and spend money according to the policies set out by Congress.

Under these Articles, colonies would not be able to enter into war with Native Americans without Congress’ consent. Article XI then goes on to offer sovereignty to native lands as part of a “perpetual Alliance” with the “Six Nations,” or the six Haudenosaunee indigenous nations who confederated in North America. Their property limits are to be respected, and for other tribes, their boundaries and lands “shall also be ascertained and secured to them in the same manner” (Article XI, 262). Additionally, Congress would have the power to engage in trade with indigenous populations.

Franklin then goes on to note that “all new Institutions may have Imperfections which only Time and Experience can discover” and states that amendments to the Articles would depend on a majority vote (Article XI, 262).

Article XIII then opens the new Confederation to any other British colonies who wish to join it, including the West India Islands, Quebec, St. Johns, Nova Scotia, Bermuda, and the East and West Floridas.

In the concluding section, Franklin notes that these articles, once passed, would form a “Union” that would remain established until the colonies reconcile with Britain. This would mean that England has accepted a number of terms outlined by the first Continental Congress and has made reparations for conflicts in Boston and Charlestown in addition to the removal of their troops from America. If these conditions are not met, “this Confederation is to be perpetual” (Conclusion, 263).

This study guide refers to the Articles of Confederation included in A Benjamin Franklin Reader , edited by Walter Isaacson and published by Simon & Schuster in 2003.

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Home — Essay Samples — History — History of the United States — Articles of Confederation

Essays on Articles of Confederation

Brief description of articles of confederation.

The Articles of Confederation were the first governing document of the United States, adopted in 1777 and ratified in 1781. It established a loose confederation of sovereign states and a weak central government, ultimately leading to its replacement by the U.S. Constitution. Despite its short-lived influence, the Articles of Confederation were crucial in shaping the early American government.

Importance of Writing Essays on This Topic

Essays on the Articles of Confederation are essential for understanding the roots of American government and the challenges faced by the founding fathers. They provide an opportunity for critical analysis and reflection on the strengths and weaknesses of the confederation, as well as its impact on the development of the U.S. Constitution.

Tips on Choosing a Good Topic

• Consider the historical context and the specific challenges faced by the government under the Articles of Confederation.
• Explore the impact of the Articles of Confederation on individual states and their relationships with the central government.
• Analyze the debates and conflicts that ultimately led to the adoption of the U.S. Constitution.

Essay Topics

• The role of state sovereignty in the Articles of Confederation.
• The economic challenges faced by the central government under the Articles of Confederation.
• The impact of the Articles of Confederation on the formation of the U.S. Constitution.
• The debate over representation and voting power in the confederation.
• The influence of the Articles of Confederation on foreign relations and diplomacy.
• The significance of the Northwest Ordinance within the context of the Articles of Confederation.
• The impact of Shays' Rebellion on the call for a stronger central government.
• The limitations of the Articles of Confederation in addressing national issues.
• The role of individual states in shaping the Articles of Confederation.
• The legacy of the Articles of Confederation in American political thought.

Concluding Thought

Exploring the Articles of Confederation through essays offers a unique opportunity to delve into the complexities of early American government and the formation of the U.S. Constitution. By critically engaging with this topic, students and scholars can gain a deeper understanding of the challenges faced by the founding fathers and the lasting impact of the confederation on American politics.

Strengths and Weaknesses of The Articles of Confederation

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Comparison of The Articles of Confederation and The Constitution

Articles of confederation dbq.

November 15, 1777

First constitution for the United States that was replaced by the current United States Constitution on March 4, 1789.

The Articles of Confederation was the first written constitution of the United States, which served as a bridge between the initial government by the Continental Congress of the Revolutionary period and the federal government provided under the U.S. Constitution of 1787.

The Articles were written in 1776–77 and adopted by the Congress on November 15, 1777. By 1779 all the states had approved the Articles of Confederation except Maryland. However, the document was fully ratified by the states on March 1, 1781.

The Articles of Confederation contain a preamble, thirteen articles, a conclusion, and a signatory section. On paper, the Congress had power to regulate foreign affairs, war, and the postal service, to appoint military officers. However, the Congress was not strong enough to enforce laws or raise taxes and by the end of 1786 governmental effectiveness had broken down.

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By: History.com Editors

Updated: June 22, 2023 | Original: November 9, 2009

The Federalist Papers are a collection of essays written in the 1780s in support of the proposed U.S. Constitution and the strong federal government it advocated. In October 1787, the first in a series of 85 essays arguing for ratification of the Constitution appeared in the Independent Journal , under the pseudonym “Publius.” Addressed to “The People of the State of New York,” the essays were actually written by the statesmen Alexander Hamilton , James Madison and John Jay . They would be published serially from 1787-88 in several New York newspapers. The first 77 essays, including Madison’s famous Federalist 10 and Federalist 51 , appeared in book form in 1788. Titled The Federalist , it has been hailed as one of the most important political documents in U.S. history.

Articles of Confederation

As the first written constitution of the newly independent United States, the Articles of Confederation nominally granted Congress the power to conduct foreign policy, maintain armed forces and coin money.

But in practice, this centralized government body had little authority over the individual states, including no power to levy taxes or regulate commerce, which hampered the new nation’s ability to pay its outstanding debts from the Revolutionary War .

In May 1787, 55 delegates gathered in Philadelphia to address the deficiencies of the Articles of Confederation and the problems that had arisen from this weakened central government.

A New Constitution

The document that emerged from the Constitutional Convention went far beyond amending the Articles, however. Instead, it established an entirely new system, including a robust central government divided into legislative , executive and judicial branches.

As soon as 39 delegates signed the proposed Constitution in September 1787, the document went to the states for ratification, igniting a furious debate between “Federalists,” who favored ratification of the Constitution as written, and “Antifederalists,” who opposed the Constitution and resisted giving stronger powers to the national government.

The Rise of Publius

In New York, opposition to the Constitution was particularly strong, and ratification was seen as particularly important. Immediately after the document was adopted, Antifederalists began publishing articles in the press criticizing it.

They argued that the document gave Congress excessive powers and that it could lead to the American people losing the hard-won liberties they had fought for and won in the Revolution.

In response to such critiques, the New York lawyer and statesman Alexander Hamilton, who had served as a delegate to the Constitutional Convention, decided to write a comprehensive series of essays defending the Constitution, and promoting its ratification.

Who Wrote the Federalist Papers?

As a collaborator, Hamilton recruited his fellow New Yorker John Jay, who had helped negotiate the treaty ending the war with Britain and served as secretary of foreign affairs under the Articles of Confederation. The two later enlisted the help of James Madison, another delegate to the Constitutional Convention who was in New York at the time serving in the Confederation Congress.

To avoid opening himself and Madison to charges of betraying the Convention’s confidentiality, Hamilton chose the pen name “Publius,” after a general who had helped found the Roman Republic. He wrote the first essay, which appeared in the Independent Journal, on October 27, 1787.

In it, Hamilton argued that the debate facing the nation was not only over ratification of the proposed Constitution, but over the question of “whether societies of men are really capable or not of establishing good government from reflection and choice, or whether they are forever destined to depend for their political constitutions on accident and force.”

After writing the next four essays on the failures of the Articles of Confederation in the realm of foreign affairs, Jay had to drop out of the project due to an attack of rheumatism; he would write only one more essay in the series. Madison wrote a total of 29 essays, while Hamilton wrote a staggering 51.

Federalist Papers Summary

In the Federalist Papers, Hamilton, Jay and Madison argued that the decentralization of power that existed under the Articles of Confederation prevented the new nation from becoming strong enough to compete on the world stage or to quell internal insurrections such as Shays’s Rebellion .

In addition to laying out the many ways in which they believed the Articles of Confederation didn’t work, Hamilton, Jay and Madison used the Federalist essays to explain key provisions of the proposed Constitution, as well as the nature of the republican form of government.

'Federalist 10'

In Federalist 10 , which became the most influential of all the essays, Madison argued against the French political philosopher Montesquieu ’s assertion that true democracy—including Montesquieu’s concept of the separation of powers—was feasible only for small states.

A larger republic, Madison suggested, could more easily balance the competing interests of the different factions or groups (or political parties ) within it. “Extend the sphere, and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests,” he wrote. “[Y]ou make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens[.]”

After emphasizing the central government’s weakness in law enforcement under the Articles of Confederation in Federalist 21-22 , Hamilton dove into a comprehensive defense of the proposed Constitution in the next 14 essays, devoting seven of them to the importance of the government’s power of taxation.

Madison followed with 20 essays devoted to the structure of the new government, including the need for checks and balances between the different powers.

'Federalist 51'

“If men were angels, no government would be necessary,” Madison wrote memorably in Federalist 51 . “If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary.”

After Jay contributed one more essay on the powers of the Senate , Hamilton concluded the Federalist essays with 21 installments exploring the powers held by the three branches of government—legislative, executive and judiciary.

Impact of the Federalist Papers

Despite their outsized influence in the years to come, and their importance today as touchstones for understanding the Constitution and the founding principles of the U.S. government, the essays published as The Federalist in 1788 saw limited circulation outside of New York at the time they were written. They also fell short of convincing many New York voters, who sent far more Antifederalists than Federalists to the state ratification convention.

Still, in July 1788, a slim majority of New York delegates voted in favor of the Constitution, on the condition that amendments would be added securing certain additional rights. Though Hamilton had opposed this (writing in Federalist 84 that such a bill was unnecessary and could even be harmful) Madison himself would draft the Bill of Rights in 1789, while serving as a representative in the nation’s first Congress.

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Ron Chernow, Hamilton (Penguin, 2004). Pauline Maier, Ratification: The People Debate the Constitution, 1787-1788 (Simon & Schuster, 2010). “If Men Were Angels: Teaching the Constitution with the Federalist Papers.” Constitutional Rights Foundation . Dan T. Coenen, “Fifteen Curious Facts About the Federalist Papers.” University of Georgia School of Law , April 1, 2007. 

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Articles Of Confederation - Free Essay Samples And Topic Ideas

The Articles of Confederation served as the first constitution of the United States from 1781 to 1789, prior to the adoption of the U.S. Constitution. Essays on the Articles of Confederation might explore its drafting, its provisions, and the historical context in which it was adopted. Discussions could also delve into the strengths and weaknesses of the Articles, the challenges faced by the early American government under the Articles, and the events leading to the drafting of the U.S. Constitution. Analyzing the ideological debates surrounding the Articles, examining its impact on the emerging American political culture, and exploring its legacy in American constitutionalism can provide a nuanced understanding of this foundational period in U.S. history. We’ve gathered an extensive assortment of free essay samples on the topic of Articles Of Confederation you can find at PapersOwl Website. You can use our samples for inspiration to write your own essay, research paper, or just to explore a new topic for yourself.

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How Articles of Confederation Defined Congress Essay

The Articles of Confederation was the first document establishing the framework for cooperation between the first 13 colonies that acquired their independence. However, the further development of the state showed that this framework required additional improvements. First of all, Congress was a weak body that was not respected by state governments that wanted to preserve their power and control their territories and resources on their own (“Challenges of the Articles of Confederation,” n.d.). Congress was not provided with the authority to raise funds, regulate taxes, or conduct foreign policy without the agreement of the state’s governments (“Challenges of the Articles of Confederation,” n.d.). Moreover, the delegates often ignored the Congress, which made its functioning less effective and complicated.

The Articles’ weakness was evidenced by the growth of dissatisfaction in the nation and Shay’s Rebellion. It was triggered by the government’s inability to pay veterans as it had poor control over finances (“Challenges of the Articles of Confederation,” n.d.). Moreover, the central government could not put down this military conflict because of the inability to raise a militia and use force (“Challenges of the Articles of Confederation,” n.d.). As a result, the situation demonstrated the Articles of Confederation’s inability to work as a national power and defend the interests of the young state.

Altogether, the extremely weak position of Congress was one of the most evident deficiencies of the Articles of Confederation. The lack of authority to control commerce between the state and foreign nations, problems with contributing money to the national treasury, and inability to use force when necessary became critical aspects explaining the growth of dissatisfaction and federalization. At the same time, the nation acquired a clear understanding of the need for change and the creation of a new framework improving relations between states and helping to create a potent government capable of controlling all aspects of the young nation’s development.

Challenges of the Articles of Confederation . (n.d.). Khan Academy. Web.

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Immigrants and America

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The issue of immigration in America is usually focused upon the chaotic situation on our southern border regarding people entering without proper documentation. What gets missed in all the rhetoric about immigration is the immense benefits that first- or second-generation immigrants to our country have given society. In the Tampa Bay area, I couldn’t help but be struck by the amazing philanthropy being given to us recently by three families for the benefit of medical care and education. These families have given tens of millions of dollars in gratitude for all of the blessings that they have received as relatively recent citizens of the United States. Throughout our country’s history we mustn’t forget that immigration was the cornerstone of our creation and is still a powerful engine of our continued strength. The problem of illegal immigration at the Texas border is a minor sideshow that will be solved in due time and shouldn’t overshadow the wonderful benefits that immigrants provide.

Scott Wagman, St. Petersburg

The hang-up

Pinellas schools’ sensible policy on cellphones in the classroom | Editorial, April 24

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Flexible founders

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The long and short of it

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Diane Love, St. Petersburg

A better strategy

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James Zumwalt, Lakewood Ranch

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Ground rules

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What ‘no’ means

Trump trial gets underway | April 23

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Paul Foks, St. Petersburg

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Transformations That Work

• Michael Mankins
• Patrick Litre

More than a third of large organizations have some type of transformation program underway at any given time, and many launch one major change initiative after another. Though they kick off with a lot of fanfare, most of these efforts fail to deliver. Only 12% produce lasting results, and that figure hasn’t budged in the past two decades, despite everything we’ve learned over the years about how to lead change.

Clearly, businesses need a new model for transformation. In this article the authors present one based on research with dozens of leading companies that have defied the odds, such as Ford, Dell, Amgen, T-Mobile, Adobe, and Virgin Australia. The successful programs, the authors found, employed six critical practices: treating transformation as a continuous process; building it into the company’s operating rhythm; explicitly managing organizational energy; using aspirations, not benchmarks, to set goals; driving change from the middle of the organization out; and tapping significant external capital to fund the effort from the start.

Lessons from companies that are defying the odds

Idea in Brief

The problem.

Although companies frequently engage in transformation initiatives, few are actually transformative. Research indicates that only 12% of major change programs produce lasting results.

Why It Happens

Leaders are increasingly content with incremental improvements. As a result, they experience fewer outright failures but equally fewer real transformations.

The Solution

To deliver, change programs must treat transformation as a continuous process, build it into the company’s operating rhythm, explicitly manage organizational energy, state aspirations rather than set targets, drive change from the middle out, and be funded by serious capital investments.

Nearly every major corporation has embarked on some sort of transformation in recent years. By our estimates, at any given time more than a third of large organizations have a transformation program underway. When asked, roughly 50% of CEOs we’ve interviewed report that their company has undertaken two or more major change efforts within the past five years, with nearly 20% reporting three or more.

• Michael Mankins is a leader in Bain’s Organization and Strategy practices and is a partner based in Austin, Texas. He is a coauthor of Time, Talent, Energy: Overcome Organizational Drag and Unleash Your Team’s Productive Power (Harvard Business Review Press, 2017).
• PL Patrick Litre leads Bain’s Global Transformation and Change practice and is a partner based in Atlanta.

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