racial inequality essay conclusion

Diverging employment pathways among young adults

Download the Data Appendix here

In this essay, we explore how wage and benefits pathways differ between Black, white, and Latino or Hispanic adults who experienced socioeconomic disadvantage in a dolescence. We find:

Upward career mobility leads to higher wages for white adults than for Black and Latino or Hispanic adults. On average, Black and Latino or Hispanic adults in their respective highest-earning trajectory groups earn between 68% to 75% of the average annual earnings of white adults in the highest-earning group. In the second-highest-earning groups, Black and Latino or Hispanic adults also consistently earn less than white adults.
Higher-earning groups had relatively high rates of military service, particularly among Black and Latino or Hispanic adults.
Among the lowest earners, Black adults had the highest incarceration rates and white adults had the highest rates of work-limiting health conditions.

In a perfectly equitable society, race or ethnicity would not be systematically associated with advantage or disadvantage . But when we examine how employment pathways vary among Black, Latino or Hispanic, and white adults who experienced socioeconomic disadvantage in their teens, that is not what we find (nor is it what other researchers have found when examining economic mobility).

In fact, in Essay 3 of this series, we found that race and ethnicity play a role in predicting the outcomes experienced by these young people even when controlling for a host of other factors. Simply being white or Latino or Hispanic increases the probability of being in an upwardly mobile trajectory group compared to being Black. And as shown in this essay, the wages of Black and Latino or Hispanic adults in higher-earning trajectories are considerably lower than the wages of white adults in higher-earning trajectories.

Who is in the study population?

To identify adults who experienced socioeconomic disadvantage in adolescence, we assess whether they met any of the following criteria in their teens:

Lived in a low-income family
Neither parent had a postsecondary degree
Mother was aged 19 years old or younger when her first child was born
Family received public assistance

Anyone who met at least one of the above criteria is included in the analysis.

Early career mobility looks different for white young adults than for Black and Latino or Hispanic young adults

After running separate analyses by race/ethnicity, we find that each population falls into four trajectory groups with similar patterns. They all have one group with very low wages, little wage growth, and few benefits, and they all have three more groups with gradations of higher wages and steeper growth. But wage levels and the rates of growth vary substantially between racial/ethnic populations.

Indeed, economic mobility looks strikingly different depending on race and ethnicity. Among white people, every trajectory group at age 30 has higher earnings than the corresponding trajectory groups among Black and Latino or Hispanic people.

In the lowest-earning group, Group 1 , average annual wages are very low for everyone ($5,000 or less) and poverty rates are extremely high at age 30: 78% of Black people in this group live below the poverty line, as do 46% of Latino or Hispanic people and 42% of white people. Very few people of any race/ethnicity receive any employer-related benefits. More than one-quarter of the Black population falls into this group, compared to 19% of the white population and 15% of the Latino or Hispanic population.

Group 2 has relatively low earnings and sluggish growth for all races and ethnicities. At age 30, average annual earnings for White Group 2 are about $20,000, compared to $17,000 for Latino or Hispanic Group 2 and $14,000 for Black Group 2. Benefit levels are fairly low for everyone, but are slightly higher among white people. Among both Black and white young adults, Group 2 is the most common trajectory group, accounting for 34% of the Black population and 38% of the white population.

In the second-highest-earning group, Group 3 , white adults also have a substantial advantage. At age 30, their average annual earnings are $46,000, compared to about $30,000 among Black Group 3 and $35,000 among Latino or Hispanic Group 3. White Group 3 has a slightly higher benefits index (2.4) than Black Group 3 (1.9) and Latino or Hispanic Group 3 (2.0). (See Essay 2 for a description of the benefits index scoring.) This is the most populous group among Latino or Hispanic people, accounting for 41% of the population.

Economic mobility is greatest among Group 4 for all races/ethnicities we analyzed. It has the steepest wage growth and the highest earnings by age 30, but average annual earnings among Black Group 4 and Latino or Hispanic Group 4 at age 30 are $65,000 and $70,000 respectively, compared to $108,500 among White Group 4. Benefit levels at age 30 are fairly high for everyone. Relatively small shares of each race/ethnicity fall into this group: 9% of white adults, 11% of Black adults, and 15% of Latino or Hispanic adults.

The trajectories of all three populations reflect common patterns, but also differ in important ways

Despite their differences, the trajectories of the different racial/ethnic groups are all shaped by the same well-established labor market and societal patterns, and thus bear certain resemblances to each other. Indeed, they align with the patterns described in the second essay in this series, which reported on the analysis of the study population as a whole, not disaggregated by race/ethnicity.

We list these similarities below and refer you to Essay 2 for more detail:

Adults who started with the fewest economic resources in adolescence struggle the most to achieve economic mobility.
Poverty rates are extremely high for lower-earning trajectory groups.
Those in higher-earning trajectory groups work more consistently, are more likely to work full time/year-round, and have higher education levels than lower-earning trajectory groups.
Incarceration, work-limiting health conditions, teen parenthood, and disconnection from school and work are most common among the groups with the flattest earnings trajectories.
Military experience and working in a job that is covered by a union contract are most common among the groups with the highest upward mobility.

However, beyond these similarities, trajectories for racial/ethnic groups also differ in important ways.

The racial wealth gap persists, even among those from disadvantaged backgrounds

Among all races/ethnicities, those in the higher-earning trajectories come from families with greater wealth than those in lower-earning trajectories. But wealth levels are higher among the white population at every earnings level. For example, median parental wealth among White Group 4 is approximately $114,000—about four times that of Latino or Hispanic Group 4 ($28,000) and three times of Black Group 4 ($36,000). These disparities apply in the lowest-earning groups as well, with median parental wealth at about $31,000 for White Group 1, $12,000 for Latino or Hispanic Group 1, and $6,000 for Black Group 1.

White and Latino or Hispanic women are disproportionately likely to be low earners compared to white and Latino or Hispanic men

About two-thirds of the members of White Group 1 and Latino or Hispanic Group 1 are women, and females account for decreasing shares of the trajectory groups as earnings rise. Only 17% of White Group 4 and 23% of Latino or Hispanic Group 4 is female. Gender segregation is not nearly as prominent among the Black trajectory groups, as women make up between 43% to 53% of each trajectory group. In fact, women are slightly underrepresented among the lowest Black earners, making up 43% of that group, compared to 49% of the study population as a whole.

Work-limiting health conditions are most common among white low earners

Among all races/ethnicities, work-limiting health conditions are more common among the lowest earners. But rates are highest among White Group 1 members, 28% of whom have a work-limiting health condition at age 27, compared to 18% of Black Group 1 members and 20% of Latino or Hispanic Group 1 members. Since survey respondents define “work-limiting health condition” for themselves, these conditions likely refer to a wide range of situations and problems.

Incarceration rates are high among all low earners, but particularly among Black people

Across races/ethnicities, a history of incarceration is much more common among Group 1 and 2 than the higher-earning groups. But among Black people, rates are very high: More than one-third of Black Group 1 members and 17% of Black Group 2 members have been incarcerated. Rates are lower (although still high) among the other lower-earning groups: More than 20% of both white and Latino Group 1 members have been incarcerated, as have about 15% for white members and 14% for Latino or Hispanic members of Group 2.

Military experience is most common among Black and Latino or Hispanic Group 4 members

The highest-earning groups among both Black and Latino or Hispanic people are disproportionately made up of those with military experience. Twenty percent of Black Group 4 and 17% of Latino or Hispanic Group 4 served in the military, compared to 5% of the Black study population and 7% of the Latino or Hispanic study population. Among Black Group 3 and Latino or Hispanic Group 3, about 8% and 9% percent have military experience, respectively. Among white individuals, about 11% of both Group 3 and 4 served in the military, relative to 7% of the white study population as a whole.

Among the highest earners, white people are more likely than Black and Latino or Hispanic people to work in construction and production occupations

Across all races/ethnicities, members of higher-earning trajectories are more likely to work in management and professional jobs. By age 30, approximately 40% of Black Group 4, white Group 4, and Latino or Hispanic Group 4 are in these roles. White Group 4 also has high shares of workers in construction, production, and transportation at age 30 (39%)—considerably higher than Latino or Hispanic Group 4 (29%) and Black Group 4 (23%). Similarly, members of lower-earning trajectories are much more likely to work in service occupations. Notably, Black Group 1 has substantially higher shares of members in service occupations at age 30 (55%) than other trajectories and other racial/ethnic groups.

Too many young people are falling behind in the transition to adulthood. This is true for every race and ethnicity. But notable differences between groups point to stressors and barriers affecting some more than others.

The high incarceration rates among Black people in our analysis reflect the higher rates of surveillance and racial bias in law enforcement and sentencing that Black communities face. This sets off a deeply negative spiral —damaging future employment prospects for those with a criminal record, disrupting family and community bonds, and increasing the likelihood of future criminal justice involvement.

The prevalence of work-limiting health conditions among the lowest earners (particularly among white people) tracks with other research on the potential causes of declining labor force participation . Most notably, researchers Anne Case and Angus Deaton found an increase in sickness and death among white people with a high school diploma or less. Subsequently, they linked this declining health with the cumulative disadvantages experienced by white people with less than a college degree as the economy and labor market have shifted.

The military, by contrast, appears to play a disproportionately positive role in the economic prospects of Black and Latino or Hispanic individuals. This aligns with the argument that the military provides a path to socioeconomic advancement for people of color and people from low-income backgrounds. Of course, fighting racism in the ranks is an ongoing concern . And others critique the military as a route for social mobility, arguing that its recruitment efforts disproportionately target high schools with student bodies that are predominantly low-income, Black, or Latino or Hispanic —trading on these groups’ more constrained postsecondary opportunities.

Lastly, although this analysis did not address racial discrimination in the labor market, our findings are consistent with research findings on discrimination. For example, job seekers with stereotypically “Black” names on their resume are less likely than those with “white” names to get callbacks from employers, even when they have similar qualifications. Other research makes it clear that Black and Latino or Hispanic workers face undeniable discrimination in the labor market, noting that the “magnitude and consistency of discrimination” in hiring is a “sobering counterpoint” to more optimistic assessments about the declining significance of race. In addition to hiring, racial discrimination manifests itself in the assignments workers are given and the ways their performance is judged and rewarded, which in turn affects career progression . Thus, the lower payoffs people of color experience reflect racism at every stage in the pathway to higher mobility.

Essay 1: Defining socioeconomic disadvantage and identifying employment trajectories

Essay 2: Less than half of adults from disadvantaged backgrounds attain decent wages by age 30

Essay 3: Race, gender, and other factors affect earnings and benefits

Essay 4: Women are more likely than men to be in lower-earning pathways

Essay 6: Policy ideas to expand economic opportunities for young adults

About the Authors

Martha ross, senior fellow – brookings metro, gabriel piña, research scientist ii – child trends, kristin anderson moore, senior scholar and past president – child trends, jessica warren, senior research analyst – child trends, nicole bateman, former senior research analyst – brookings metro.

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For Black History Month, a look at what Black Americans say is needed to overcome racial inequality

Black History Month originated in 1926 as Negro History Week. Created by Carter G. Woodson, a Black historian and journalist, the week celebrated the achievements of Black Americans following their emancipation from slavery.

Since 1928, the organization that Woodson founded, the Association for the Study of African American Life and History, has selected an annual theme for the celebration . The theme for 2023, “Black Resistance,” is intended to highlight how Black Americans have fought against racial inequality.

Black Americans’ resistance to racial inequality has deep roots in U.S. history and has taken many forms – from slave rebellions during the colonial era and through the Civil War to protest movements in the 1950s, ’60s and today. But Black Americans have also built institutions to support their communities such as churches, colleges and universities, printing presses, and fraternal organizations. These movements and institutions have stressed the importance of freedom, self-determination and equal protection under the law.

Black Americans have long articulated a clear vision for the kind of social change that would improve their lives. Here are key findings from Pew Research Center surveys that explore Black Americans’ views about how to overcome racial inequality.

This analysis examines how Black people view issues of racial inequality and social change in the U.S. It is part of a larger Pew Research Center project that aims to understand Americans’ views of racial inequity and social change in the United States.

For this analysis, we surveyed 3,912 Black U.S. adults from Oct. 4-17, 2021. Black U.S. adults include those who are single-race, non-Hispanic Black Americans; multiracial, non-Hispanic Black Americans; and adults who indicate they are Black and Hispanic. The survey includes 1,025 Black adults on Pew Research Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP) and 2,887 Black adults on Ipsos’ KnowledgePanel. Respondents on both panels are recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses.

Recruiting panelists by phone or mail ensures that nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. This gives us confidence that any sample can represent the whole population (see our Methods 101 explainer on random sampling).

Here are the questions used for the survey, along with responses, and its methodology .

A bar chart showing that majorities of Black adults say voting and supporting Black businesses are effective ways to move toward equality

Most Black adults see voting as an extremely or very effective strategy for helping Black people move toward equality, but fewer than half say the same about protesting. More than six-in-ten Black adults (63%) say voting is an extremely or very effective strategy for Black progress. However, only around four-in-ten (42%) say the same about protesting.

There are notable differences in these views across political and demographic subgroups of the Black population.

Black Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents are more likely than Black Republicans and Republican leaners to say voting is an extremely or very effective tactic for Black progress (68% vs. 46%). Black Democrats are also more likely to say the same about supporting Black businesses (63% vs. 41%) and protesting (46% vs. 32%).

Views also differ by age. For example, around half of Black adults ages 65 and older (48%) say protests are an extremely or very effective tactic, compared with 42% of those ages 50 to 64 and 38% of those 30 to 49.

A bar chart showing nearly four-in-ten Black adults say Black Lives Matter has done the most to help Black people in recent years

Black Americans say Black Lives Matter has done the most to help Black people in recent years. Around four-in-ten Black adults (39%) say this, exceeding the share who point to the NAACP (17%), Black churches or other religious organizations (13%), the Congressional Black Caucus (6%) and the National Urban League (3%).

Black Democrats are more likely than Black Republicans (44% vs. 26%) to say Black Lives Matter has done the most to help Black people in recent years. And Black adults with at least a college degree are more likely than those with less education (44% vs. 37%) to say Black Lives Matter has done the most.

Some Black adults see Black-owned businesses and Black-led communities as effective remedies for inequality. When it comes to moving Black people toward equality, about four-in-ten Black adults (39%) say having all businesses in Black neighborhoods be owned by Black people would be an extremely or very effective strategy. Smaller shares say the same about establishing a national Black political party (31%) and having all the elected officials governing Black neighborhoods be Black (27%).

While none of these strategies have majority support among Black adults, certain groups are more likely than others to say they would be effective. Those who say being Black is at least very important to their identity are especially likely to say each of the three strategies are effective, for example.

Those with a high school education or less are more likely than college graduates to say establishing a national Black political party would be effective at achieving equality for Black people. Meanwhile, younger Black adults (ages 18 to 49) are more likely than older ones (50 and older) to say Black officials governing Black neighborhoods would help make progress toward equality.

A chart showing that roughly a third of Black adults say establishing a national Black political party would be effective for achieving equality in the U.S.

The vast majority of Black adults say the prison system needs significant changes for Black people to be treated fairly. That includes a majority of Black adults (54%) who say the prison system needs to be “completely rebuilt” in order to ensure fair treatment. Groups especially likely to say this include Black Democrats and those who say being Black is extremely or very important to how they see themselves.

Far smaller shares of Black adults say the prison system requires only minor or no changes, though this view is more common among Black Republicans and those who say being Black is somewhat, a little or not at all important to their identity.

A chart showing that the vast majority of Black adults say the prison system needs major changes or needs to be completely rebuilt

Clear majorities of Black adults say people of other races or ethnicities could make good political allies for Black people. About four-in-ten Black adults (42%) say White people would make good political allies only if they experience the same hardships as Black people; another 35% say White people would make good political allies even if they don’t experience these same hardships. Around one-in-five Black adults (18%) say White people would not make good political allies.

About four-in-ten Black adults (37%) say Latinos would make good allies only if they experience the same hardships as Black people, while a similar share (40%) say Latino people would make for good allies even if they don’t experience the same hardships. Some 16% of Black adults say Latinos would not make good political allies.

The views of Black adults on this question are similar when it comes to Asian people, though a somewhat higher share (23%) say Asian Americans would not make good political allies.

Note: Here are the questions used for the survey, along with responses, and its methodology .

Black Americans
Race, Ethnicity & Politics
Racial Bias & Discrimination

Jens Manuel Krogstad is a senior writer and editor at Pew Research Center .

Kiana Cox is a senior researcher focusing on race and ethnicity at Pew Research Center .

Black voters support Harris over Trump and Kennedy by a wide margin

Most black americans believe u.s. institutions were designed to hold black people back, among black adults, those with higher incomes are most likely to say they are happy, black americans’ experiences with news, 8 facts about black lives matter, most popular.

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Essay of Interest: "Unspeakable Truths about Racial Inequality in America"

A thoughtful piece by Glenn Loury on the challenges to squarely confronting and discussing intractable social problems. Does the erosion of free speech norms encourage "hiding from the truth with platitudes, euphemisms and lies"?

Prof. Loury writes:

I am a black American intellectual living in an age of persistent racial inequality in my country. As a black man I feel compelled to represent the interests of “my people.” (But that reference is not unambiguous!) As an intellectual, I feel that I must seek out the truth and speak such truths as I am given to know. As an American, at this critical moment of “racial reckoning,” I feel that imperative all the more urgently. But, I ask, what are my responsibilities? Do they conflict with one another? I will explore this question tonight. My conclusion: “My responsibilities as a black man, as an American, and as an intellectual are not in conflict.” I defend this position as best I can in what follows. I also try to illustrate the threat “cancel culture” poses to a rational discourse about racial inequality in America that our country now so desperately requires. Finally, I will try to model how an intellectual who truly loves “his people” should respond. I will do this by enunciating out loud what have increasingly become some unspeakable truths. So, brace yourselves!

Read the full essay at Quillette .

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This dissertation seeks to understand the role of public policies in shaping long-run neighborhood outcomes, with a specific focus on understanding the relationship between private markets, government, and race at key points in American history. In particular, this dissertation explores controversial government programs such as the federal urban renewal and slum clearance program established by the Housing Act of 1949 and the development of residential security maps (more commonly referred to as redlining maps) by the Home Owners Loan Corporation in the 1930s. In addition, this dissertation looks at modern-day disparities in debt collection judgments across white and black neighborhoods.

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Home — Essay Samples — Social Issues — Racial Discrimination — A Report On Racial Inequality

A Report on Racial Inequality

Categories: Racial Discrimination

About this sample

Words: 1006 |

Published: Dec 12, 2018

Words: 1006 | Pages: 2 | 6 min read

What do we mean by inequality, works cited, who to blame, what can be done about racial inequality.

Alexander, M. (2012). The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness. The New Press.
Anderson, C. J. (2010). The End of the Black White Paradigm? Black-White Multiracial Americans in Contemporary Politics. University of California Press.
Bonilla-Silva, E. (2017). Racism without Racists: Color-Blind Racism and the Persistence of Racial Inequality in America. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers.
DiAngelo, R. (2018). White Fragility: Why It's So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism. Beacon Press.
Du Bois, W. E. B. (1903). The Souls of Black Folk. Oxford University Press.
Kendi, I. X. (2019). How to Be an Antiracist. One World.
Omi, M., & Winant, H. (2014). Racial Formation in the United States. Routledge.
Rothstein, R. (2017). The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America. Liveright.
Smith, R. A. (2015). Race, Class, and Power: Intersectionality and the Politics of Exclusion. Princeton University Press.
Tatum, B. D. (2017). Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria? And Other Conversations About Race. Basic Books.

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Instructions Followed To The Letter
Deadlines Met At Every Stage
Unique And Plagiarism Free

Introduction
The Framing of EVENS
Experiences of racist assault and racial discrimination are widespread
Ethnic minority people report high levels of engagement in political and civic life
Ethnic minority groups face ongoing economic inequalities
Ethnic inequalities persist in housing circumstances, but ethnic minority people have and retain strong attachments to their place of residence
The COVID-19 pandemic has negatively impacted on some dimensions of ethnic inequalities in health
Ethnic minority people have strong affiliations to both ethnic and national identities
The implications of these findings for the policy agenda within Britain and beyond

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10: Conclusion: ethnic inequality, racism and the potential for racial justice

This chapter outlines the context within which the Evidence for Equality National Survey (EVENS) was developed and conducted. It discusses how this context shaped the focus of EVENS on racial justice and led to important innovations in its design and implementation, and the consequences of these innovations. It goes on to summarise the key findings reported in this volume, including those in relation to experiences of: racism and racial discrimination; engagement in political and civic life; labour market, socioeconomic and housing inequalities; health; and ethnic and national identity. It concludes with a discussion of the policy implications of the findings from EVENS, highlighting the central role of racism in shaping inequalities, and the need for fundamental reform of institutions to address the drivers of ethnic inequalities.

The Evidence for Equality National Survey (EVENS) was commissioned, and designed, at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic as part of a broader programme of work that the ESRC Centre on the Dynamics of Ethnicity (CoDE) was undertaking. By this time, a clear pattern of ethnic inequalities in COVID-related risk of mortality had been documented, inequalities in relation to other social and economic outcomes as a result of the pandemic were beginning to be identified, and social and political protests both led, and inspired by, the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement were at their peak in the UK. Consequently, as described in the Introduction to this volume, the research agenda established by CoDE was as follows:

1. To document new and changing forms of racial and ethnic inequality in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and responses to it.
2. To explore emergent forms of social, political and cultural mobilisation around racism and racial inequality during and following the resurgence of the BLM movement.
3. To examine responses within particular social arenas and from institutions (education, health, housing, welfare, culture, employment and businesses, and policing) to the COVID-19 pandemic and BLM.
4. To work with community, policy and third sector partners to understand how racial and ethnic inequality was being addressed during the pandemic, and to formulate future plans for addressing racial injustice.

EVENS encapsulated each of these objectives, working in partnership with key race equality and voluntary sector organisations to produce evidence on the extent of, and responses to, ethnic inequalities with the intention of informing action.

Nevertheless, the sociopolitical environment at the time when the pandemic started (only three years prior to the publication of this volume) meant that state and, to a lesser extent, public sector and private institutions were unwilling to recognise the importance of racism in shaping ethnic inequalities within British society. Reflecting the active downplaying of inequalities, initial reporting of the COVID-19 pandemic and the consequent setting of the policy framework to respond to it were inattentive to the variation of risk across segments of the population, even according to age. Public health surveillance systems were not capable of documenting ethnic inequalities in COVID-related mortality, so these ethnic inequalities were only, and eventually, pushed onto the agenda by a growing public and media recognition that a large proportion of the NHS and care staff who were dying were from an ethnic minority background. Research evidence was slow to emerge and required innovative use of various forms of administrative data ( ICNARC, 2020 ; Nazroo and Bécares, 2020 ; Platt and Warwick, 2020 ). The Office for National Statistics (ONS) moved quickly to fill this gap, ambitiously linking mortality records (which do not contain data on ethnicity) with census and NHS records (which do contain data on ethnicity) to estimate ethnic differences in risk of COVID-related mortality ( ONS, 2020 ). These analyses showed large inequalities for all ethnic and religious minority groups (with the sole exception of Chinese women).

Despite this evidence, public health responses to the pandemic have, in general, failed to address the question of inequalities in outcomes. They also did not take seriously the possibility that the policies put in place to manage the pandemic would have unequal negative impacts in relation to economic, social, psychological and health outcomes, even though they recognised this possibility. In relation to ethnicity, this, in part at least, reflected an ongoing denial of the significance of racism to ethnic inequalities in outcomes ( Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities, 2021 ; Race Disparity Unit, 2022 ). Rather ethnic ‘disparities’ in the risk of COVID-related mortality were (and are) seen as a consequence of particular geographical and economic locations of ethnic minority people, differences in living arrangements (presented largely as a result of culturally informed preferences) and varying levels of risk generated by differences in the patterning of chronic illness, biology and underlying genetics. There is, of course, evidence for each of these explanations ( ONS, 2020 ; ONS 2021c ) – with the exception of genetics, where the evidence was drawn from laboratory settings ( Downes et al, 2021 ) and did not translate into social settings ( Singh et al, 2021 ), and living arrangements, where the contribution to ethnic differences was negligible ( ONS, 2020 ). However, there is no evidence for the reductionist interpretations of these explanations – that differences were and are the inevitable consequence of the inherent cultural and genetic properties of ethnic minority groups, so beyond helping them to help themselves, nothing can be done about it. Nevertheless, public health responses were framed within such a cultural deficit model, one that locates both the problem and the solution in the behaviour of those ethnic groups at greater risk. So, for example, community leaders were mobilised to promote lockdown and social isolation policies, and to promote the value of vaccinations and reduce vaccine hesitancy.

In this context, the framing of EVENS was distinct. As discussed in the Introduction to this volume, EVENS was focused on the question of racial justice and how ethnic inequalities, underpinned by structural, institutional and interpersonal racism ( Jones, 2000 ; Nazroo et al, 2020) , shaped experiences of the COVID-19 pandemic and in turn were themselves shaped by the pandemic and the policies put in place to manage it. To do this, and to do it within a reasonable timeframe, while maintaining a robust scientific approach to the generation of evidence, EVENS was necessarily innovative in a number of ways. Three dimensions of this innovation were particularly important: the approach to data collection, population coverage and topic coverage. These innovative features were anchored by several principles that shaped the design, which were as follows:

The survey design would allow statistical inference to be made.

Questionnaire coverage would be developed in collaboration with academic and non-academic users of the data.

The survey could be conducted within a short timeframe.

The mode of survey delivery could accommodate social distancing, shielding and other lockdown measures.

The achieved sample would cover a wider range of ethnic groups than that typically achieved in ethnically boosted surveys.

Our approach to data collection was, of course, shaped by social distancing policies and the movements into and out of lockdown as the COVID-19 pandemic evolved. This precluded face-to-face recruitment of participants and in-person interviews, which led to the decision to use online, social networking and campaigning approaches to recruitment, and to do this in partnership with voluntary, community and social enterprise (VCSE) organisations serving ethnic minority populations, and to primarily collect data using online and telephone methods (some interviews with Roma and Gypsy/Traveller participants were conducted face to face).

This also allowed us to think innovatively about population coverage. Traditional approaches to sampling ethnic minority people for surveys involve focusing fieldwork in areas with a high proportion of ethnic minority residents and the (often indirect) screening of a large number of households to identify eligible sample members. As well as requiring considerable resources, such an approach does not cover, or sample, people living in areas with smaller proportions of ethnic minority residents, an issue that is particularly important in relation to the inclusion of those living in areas that are wealthier and that are more rural. In addition, it also typically results in a focus on larger, geographically more concentrated and more visible ethnic minority groups – Black African, Black Caribbean, Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi groups. By taking an online and campaigning approach to sampling, we were able to recruit anyone who defined themselves as a member of an ethnic minority group, regardless of which group or where they lived, and to (slightly) broaden the ethnic minority groups covered beyond UK 2021 Census categories to include both a White Eastern European group and a Jewish group. This led to EVENS having unrivalled coverage of ethnic minority people living in Britain, even if the statistical theory and approach lying behind this were complex (and innovative), as was outlined in Chapter 2 .

These two innovations in sampling and population coverage led to EVENS generating a non-probability survey, one where participants have an unknown (or even zero) probability of inclusion. Even if such samples are framed within quotas to ensure that they cover key demographic characteristics (say, age, gender and region of residence), they are typically not seen as appropriate to use when making generalisations about the population as a whole, so to draw statistical inference. This is because of unknown biases resulting from characteristics that are associated with a likelihood to take part in the survey. However, methods have been developed to compensate for selection bias in non-probability samples ( Elliot and Valliant, 2017 ; Chen et al, 2019 ; Saunders and Shlomo, 2021 ), and we further developed and applied these methods to generate survey weights that can be used to enable statistical inference to be drawn. This approach, which was described in Chapter 2 , involved using a quasi-randomisation approach to calculate survey weights that are based on propensity score matching to integrate the non-probability sample with a probability reference sample, alongside calibration to population benchmarks. This thereby compensates for selection and coverage biases.

Nevertheless, in practice these innovations also led to three important limitations with the survey. First, the speed with which the survey was conducted, coupled with a reliance on online recruitment and interviewing methods, meant that the EVENS data have relatively few participants aged older than 65. This gap could not be corrected using statistical methods, so the analyses in this volume are restricted to those aged 18‒65. This is important, because there are likely to be differences in the level and nature of ethnic inequalities across generations and age groups. In effect, this means that it is possible that the findings presented here understated the extent of ethnic inequalities in Britain. Second, the survey implementation was designed to allow ethnic minority and White British people to be interviewed over the same period, something that was crucially important as the COVID-19 pandemic and policies to manage it evolved during the period of fieldwork. However, because they were sampled in different ways (see Chapter 2 ), aligning the timing of the recruitment of the two samples proved very difficult, with the White British sample recruited relatively early in the EVENS data collection period (during the second lockdown), and the ethnic minority sample recruited at a fairly even rate across the whole period, with an additional sample recruited at the end of the period (in October and November 2021). Third, the statistical approach to weighting has been experimental, and occurred before the 2021 Census findings on the ethnic composition of the UK population were made available. This means that the weights used for the analysis reported here are provisional, although they will be finalised in time for the release of the data for general use.

The final important innovation implemented by EVENS was in relation to topic coverage. Here, the experiences of ethnic minority people were centred in the design process, rather than adopting a more generic approach to topic coverage. So, the questionnaire had sections on identity, citizenship and belonging, on experiences of racism and discrimination, and on participation in politics, civic activities and protest. In addition, other more traditional sections, such as those on housing, education, employment and health, were tailored to enable a focus on ethnic inequality. Importantly, to ensure that the questionnaire content was relevant to the lives of the very diverse ethnic groups covered in the survey, it was co-designed with our partner VCSE organisations, who made substantial and important contributions to questionnaire content. This, then, allowed us to generate an interdisciplinary data source that could be used to investigate a wide range of research and policy questions.

A final piece of context for EVENS is to place it within the history of national surveys of the lives of ethnic minority people living in the UK. Although there have been many surveys of ethnic minority people, the majority have not been national, and while there have been many national surveys that have oversampled groups of ethnic minority people, many have either had a particular topic focus (such as the 1999 and 2004 Health Surveys for England ( Erens et al, 2000 ; Sproston and Mindell, 2006 ) or have had a more generalist focus rather than one specifically framed around the question of ethnic inequality. The exceptions are the four surveys carried out by the Policy Studies Institute and its predecessor, Political and Economic Planning. The first of these, entitled Racial Discrimination in England , was conducted in the mid-1960s ( Daniel, 1968 ) at what now seems like a relatively early phase of migration from Commonwealth and former Commonwealth countries. This was also a time when overt discrimination against ethnic minority people was commonplace, having just only been subjected to legislation by the first Race Relations Act, which in December 1965 made discrimination on the grounds of ‘colour, race, or ethnic or national origins’ in public places an offence. The second survey was entitled Racial Disadvantage in Britain ( Smith, 1977 ) and was carried out in the mid-1970s. Its findings suggested that ethnic inequalities had not improved over the previous ten years, despite the introduction of legislation and the relative economic prosperity of the time. The third survey, which took place in the early 1980s, shifted titles and was called Black and White Britain ( Brown, 1984 ). It was set in an era of industrial decline, high rates of unemployment and, as its title implies, when anti-racist movements were framed by the notion of political blackness. 1 The fourth survey was conducted in the mid-1990s ( Modood et al, 1997 ), a time when the emerging success of some non-White ethnic minority groups was becoming visible, most notably that of those Indian people who had initially settled in East Africa, but had been forced to migrate from there in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Its title reintroduced the term ‘disadvantage’, but in a more qualified sense, it was called Ethnic Minorities in Britain: Diversity and Disadvantage . If we place EVENS as the fifth in this trajectory of surveys, we can see that, like its predecessors, it: reflected the historical context in which it was carried out; was innovative in its approach to data collection; expanded the range of ethnic groups under consideration; and expanded the topics it covered. Unlike the predecessor surveys, we move away from the word ‘disadvantage’ in the title of this report, and explicitly reference ‘racism’ and ‘inequality’. By placing EVENS as the fifth in this series of important surveys, our purpose, in part, is to emphasise the importance of such surveys in documenting ethnic inequalities and how they are shaped by racism. We will return to this point later in the chapter. Before then, we provide a summary of some of the key messages that have emerged from this volume.

Key findings

A newly developed measure capturing direct experiences of racism was implemented in the EVENS questionnaire. Conceptually this overlapped with other measures, and some of the items were drawn from existing studies, but it was distinct in covering all of the following: racial assault (verbal, physical and damage to property); racial discrimination in institutional settings; racial discrimination in social settings; and expectations of racial discrimination. Crucially, it captured experiences at different time periods across participants’ lives. In comparison with studies that focus only on some dimensions of experience or only on particular time points in a participant’s life (for example, the last year), the findings using this more comprehensive set of measures show that ethnic minority people experience strikingly high levels of exposure to racist assault and racial discrimination.

Over a third of ethnic minority participants reported having experienced one or more racist assaults (verbal, physical or damage to property) over their lifetimes, with one in six reporting having experienced a physical assault. Responses from ethnic minority participants also indicated widespread experience of discrimination within institutional settings – close to a third of ethnic minority people reported experiencing racial discrimination in education, a similar proportion reported racial discrimination in employment, and around a fifth reported experiences of racial discrimination when seeking housing. Considering social settings, close to a third of ethnic minority participants reported experiences of racial discrimination in public, and almost one in six ethnic minority people report experiencing racial discrimination from neighbours. Moreover, more than one in five reported experiencing discrimination from the police.

Of course, the extent of these experiences of racism and racial discrimination varied across the groups covered by EVENS. Gypsy/Traveller, Roma, Jewish and the five Black ethnic groups reported very high rates of experiencing racism. For example, over half the respondents from the Gypsy/Traveller, Jewish and Any other Black ethnic groups reported having experienced a physical racist assault, while racial discrimination from the police was reported by more than two fifths of the Black Caribbean and Any other Black ethnic groups, and by more than a third of the Roma and the Gypsy/Traveller ethnic groups. Racial discrimination in public places was experienced by close to half of the Gypsy/Traveller and the Black Caribbean ethnic groups, and more than two fifths of the any Other Black and White and Black Caribbean ethnic groups. In contrast, experiences of racist assault and racial discrimination were much lower for the White Irish, White Eastern European and Any other White ethnic groups, perhaps indicating the importance of being able to present as, and being socially assigned as, White. Nevertheless, people within the first two of these groups did report substantial experiences of racism, with, for example, more than one in ten of the White Irish group and more than one in 20 of the White Eastern European group having reported experiencing a racist assault, and two fifths of the White Irish group and a third of the White Eastern European group having reported experiencing discrimination within one of the institutional and social settings covered by the questionnaire.

Context, and the ways in which this shapes the racialisation of particular ethnic groups, is, of course, crucial. Experiences of racism continued throughout the pandemic, with around 14% of ethnic minority people reporting experiencing some form of racist assault, and over 10% reporting experiencing racial discrimination in public settings. Notably, the risk of experiencing racial discrimination for people in the Chinese, Other Asian and the White Eastern European groups increased during the pandemic relative to the other ethnic minority groups included in the survey. Indeed, for the period of the COVID-19 pandemic, people from the Chinese ethnic group, alongside those from the Roma and the Gypsy/Traveller ethnic groups, had the highest rates of reporting increased police activity within their community and the highest rates of reporting being stopped by the police.

EVENS included coverage of levels of political trust, interest in politics, political affiliation, and support for BLM. BLM is, of course, a direct response to the widespread experiences of racist assault and racial discrimination just outlined and EVENS found high levels of support for BLM across most ethnic minority groups included in the survey. More than three quarters of participants in the Black Caribbean, Black African, Arab, White Irish, Pakistani and Indian groups expressed support for BLM, as did almost three quarters of the Bangladeshi group, around two thirds of the Jewish, Chinese, Any other Black and the various mixed ethnic groups, and just over half of the White British ethnic group. Lower levels of support for Black Lives Matter were found among people from Roma, Gypsy/Traveller and White Eastern European backgrounds, but nevertheless more than a quarter of the Roma group and close to two fifths of the Gypsy/Traveller and White Eastern European groups did express support. It is also important to note that only a small minority of people in each ethnic group reported that they opposed BLM.

We do not know from these analyses why there was variation in support for BLM across ethnic groups. This, in part, might reflect the salience of experiences relevant to the movement, with those groups experiencing the highest levels of racism and of racial discrimination from the police possibly more like to support BLM. It might also reflect the extent to which experiences of racism for a group are recognised and validated by the public at large, as well as within the movement. So, for the Gypsy/Traveller and the Roma ethnic groups, it may be that, despite high levels of exposure to racist assault and racial discrimination, there is a sense of their experiences not being picked up by and represented within the campaigning activities of BLM.

Interestingly, despite experiences of racism, and social and economic disadvantage, most ethnic minority people reported higher levels of trust in national, regional and local governments compared with White British people. Similarly, other indicators of political engagement, such as interest in politics and having a political party affiliation, did not indicate a political alienation of ethnic minority people. So, as for the measures of trust, people in most ethnic minority groups had higher levels of political engagement than their White British counterparts. The exceptions were the Roma, Gypsy/Traveller and White Eastern European ethnic groups, mirroring the findings for support for BLM and suggesting that such support might be an element of wider political engagement in British politics.

Perhaps not surprisingly, given the wider coverage of ethnic minority groups in EVENS compared with other surveys, the findings demonstrate considerable variation across groups in terms of affiliation to political parties. The Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Black African and Black Caribbean ethnic groups reported the highest support for the Labour Party. Relatively high rates of support for Labour were also found among the Indian, Arab, and the various mixed, Other Asian and Roma ethnic groups. The Conservative Party had the highest share of support from the Jewish group, but also had relatively high levels of support from the Chinese, Any Other Black and Any Other ethnic groups, while the highest levels of support for the Liberal Democrats were found for the White Eastern European, Chinese and White Irish groups.

When considering economic inequalities, it is important to pay attention to both a full range of outcomes, covering different dimensions of economic wellbeing, and how these vary differentially across ethnic minority groups – a nuanced account is needed. EVENS has the necessary comprehensive coverage of both ethnic groups (as already detailed) and outcomes. For example, it allowed us to assess labour force participation rates and employment rates (both covering the whole population aged 18–65), unemployment rates (focused on only those who were in the labour force), precarious employment, financial situation (including financial hardship and worries about finances), level of education and changes in these outcomes during the COVID-19 pandemic. It is also important to document the different patterns found for women and for men.

One of the most striking findings from EVENS is that during the COVID-19 pandemic, ethnic inequalities in labour market outcomes did not increase substantially. So, labour market changes occurring during the pandemic, such as change in occupation, movement into unemployment, furlough, increased working hours and pay reduction, did not vary greatly across ethnic groups. However, we also did not see a decrease in ethnic inequalities; they persisted into the period of the COVID-19 pandemic. For instance, Pakistani women and men continued to report high unemployment rates relative to White British women and men, and Bangladeshi, Gypsy/Traveller and Roma men had a higher risk than White British men of being in precarious employment (that is, with temporary and zero-hours contracts, or solo self-employed). Precarious employment is a particularly important outcome in contemporary labour markets, indicating insecurity of employment ( Clark and Ochmann, 2022 ). It may be that the government’s job retention scheme (furlough) coupled with the employment sectors within which ethnic minority workers are concentrated (such as health and social care, and transport and delivery services) mitigated the risk of an increase on average in ethnic inequalities in the labour market, without reducing these inequalities.

The picture is not positive in relation to ethnic inequalities in finances. On average, ethnic minority groups fare well in comparison to the White British group in relation to educational attainment (although this is markedly not the case for the Mixed White and Black Caribbean, Gypsy/Traveller and Roma ethnic groups). Some ethnic minority groups (the Jewish, Any other White and Indian ethnic groups) fare well in relation to having professional and higher administrative managerial jobs compared to White British people (though Roma, Gypsy/Traveller, Mixed White and Black Caribbean and White Eastern European people are much more likely to be in semi-routine and routine occupations). However, substantial ethnic inequalities are apparent in relation to financial situations. This is marked by higher proportions with financial difficulties (further exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic – many ethnic minority groups reported close to double the rates of financial difficulties in the pandemic compared to the pre-pandemic period), high rates of benefits receipt (indicating high levels of financial hardship) and high rates of being worried about finances. Of course, the financial situation should relate directly to educational level, labour market participation and type of job held. The fact that we do not see as straightforward a translation of academic and labour market resources into financial wellbeing for ethnic minority groups as we see for White British people points to both the need to consider the complexity of underlying processes and, as previously discussed, the ways in which processes related to racism impact on outcomes. Therefore, it is worth noting that despite the relative stability of occupational outcomes for ethnic minority people compared with White British people after the start of the COVID-19 pandemic, all ethnic minority groups experienced more income instability than the White British group during this period. Ethnic minority groups were more vulnerable to the negative financial consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic compared to the White British group, in addition to experiencing longstanding inequalities prior to the pandemic.

Findings from EVENS evidenced inequalities in five inter-related dimensions of housing: household tenure, household types, overcrowding and space, residential mobility, and levels of belonging. The findings demonstrate distinct levels of material deprivation across almost all ethnic minority groups compared with the White British group, the exceptions being the White Irish, Jewish and, to a lesser extent, Indian ethnic groups.

In terms of tenure, findings from EVENS show that no ethnic minority group had a higher rate of home ownership (without or with a mortgage) than the White British group. The lowest rates of owning a home were found for the White Eastern European, Mixed White and Black Caribbean, Black African and Arab groups, who also had high rates of renting. Renting indicates a level of housing instability and could be especially damaging during the COVID-19 pandemic when paired with the financial hardships and uncertainties described earlier.

Levels of overcrowding, and consequent pressure on space in households, were higher within ethnic minority groups than White British groups, and this is a particular issue for three-generation households that are more common in the Pakistani and Roma ethnic groups. In contrast, the rate of living in detached housing was highest for the White British, Arab, White Irish and Indian ethnic groups, who were three times more likely to live in such housing than the Black African, Black Caribbean and Bangladeshi ethnic groups. Ethnic minority people were disadvantaged in terms of access to outdoor space at home. White British people had the highest rates of access to outdoor space at their property, while Arab, Chinese and Other Black people were four times more likely than White British people to be without outdoor space at home. Given its coverage of the experiences of Gypsy Traveller and Roma people, EVENS has also been able to uniquely document that the majority of Gypsy/Traveller people (almost three in five) and just over a quarter of Roma people lived in caravans and mobile homes.

Moving house during the pandemic – an indication of housing precarity ‒ was considerably more likely for Roma, Jewish, Other White, Indian, Mixed White and Asian, and Other Asian people, compared with White British people.

In terms of the local area, lack of access to open space was reported by more than one in ten people in the Pakistani, Mixed White and Asian, Chinese, Other Asian, Mixed White and Black African, and Other Black ethnic groups, compared to only one in 20 of the White British group. However, despite the on average poorer housing experiences of ethnic minority people, there was a widespread sense of belonging to the local area. Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Indian people were significantly more likely to report feelings of belonging to their local area than White British people. Interestingly, for all ethnic groups, apart from Roma, the majority of those who reported a change in belonging during the pandemic experienced increased attachment to the local area.

It has been well documented that the COVID-19 pandemic led to much higher risks of mortality among ethnic minority groups than among the White British group. This is mirrored and further detailed in findings from EVENS. The odds of COVID-19 infection were higher compared with the White British group for the Gypsy/Traveller, Bangladeshi, Mixed White and Black African, Pakistani, Black African, White Eastern European (uniquely reported in the EVENS), White Irish, and Indian groups. Data from EVENS also demonstrated higher levels of COVID-related bereavement among many ethnic minority groups compared with the White British group, reflecting high mortality rates and indicating not only ethnic inequalities in mortality, but also ethnic inequalities in relation to the impact of the silent ‘pandemic of grief’ that occurred throughout the period.

Nevertheless, these ethnic inequalities in outcomes directly related to COVID-19 did not straightforwardly translate into ethnic inequalities in mental health and wellbeing. Levels of anxiety and depression were lower among people in the Black African, Chinese, White Eastern European and Any other Asian groups compared with the White British group. Similarly, people from the Gypsy/Traveller, Roma, Chinese and Black African ethnic groups were less likely to experience loneliness during the pandemic than the White British group, while the Roma, Bangladeshi, Black African, Pakistani and Indian groups had a lower chance of experiencing an increase in loneliness during the pandemic than the White British group. In contrast, a notable finding from EVENS was that a higher risk of depression and anxiety was found for the Arab group. There is very little additional evidence on the mental health of Arab people in Britain, which is a diverse population with complex and often traumatic migration histories.

We do not yet know, of course, what the longer-term impact of the COVID-19 pandemic will be on ethnic inequalities in health. In addition to the immediate direct effects of COVID-19 infection on health, measures introduced to manage the pandemic will have both short-term and long-term impacts on social and economic inequalities experienced by ethnic minority people. As discussed earlier, these impacts are patterned in complex ways across ethnic groups and across outcomes, but their general impact is to amplify ethnic inequalities. Such an amplification of socioeconomic inequalities, shaped by structural, institutional and interpersonal racism, is likely to increase ethnic inequalities in health.

This chapter has, to a certain extent, illustrated why the question of ethnic identity is so important. The ways in which ethnic identities are shaped by processes related to racism and, consequently, how this results in inequalities is a central component of the experiences of ethnic minority people in Britain. However, ethnic identity is also an important component of self-identification and affiliation to a group. EVENS demonstrated that across ethnic groups, ethnic identity was reported to be an important part of personal identity. This was particularly, but not only, the case for Black African, Black Caribbean, Pakistani, White Irish and Jewish groups, and least likely to be the case for the White British, White Eastern European and White Other groups.

In addition to felt identity, EVENS participants were asked how often they participated in practices relating to their ethnicity – the clothes they wore, the food they ate, and activities in general. Most people from ethnic minority groups reported regularly participating in such practices, while those in the White British group were the least likely to report participation, followed by White Irish and White Eastern European people. This perhaps signals the importance of such practices to one’s sense of identity, particularly for those who were not members of White groups.

It is striking, though, that in addition to a strong affiliation to ethnic identity, EVENS data, along with data from other studies, show that ethnic minority people in Britain – people who have been racialised and minoritised within everyday contexts – remain strongly affiliated to a British identity. The sense of belonging to British society is very high across all groups, but particularly high among the Bangladeshi, Indian, Pakistani, Black African, Black Other, Arab and Jewish ethnic groups, as well as the White British group. The findings reported here for White Eastern European, Arab and Jewish people are particularly noteworthy – these populations have not been covered in other studies of national and ethnic identities.

In contrast to Britishness, a strong sense of belonging to English, Scottish and Welsh societies is less common among people from ethnic minority backgrounds compared with White British people. This might be a consequence of lower levels of inclusiveness for English/Scottish/Welsh national identities compared with the British national identity. For example, it has been suggested that the construction of Englishness is based more on an ‘ethnic’ rather than a ‘civic’ conceptualisation of identity ( Leddy-Owen, 2014 ), so is more likely to be considered in terms of ancestry and Whiteness rather than citizenship. In this regard, it is interesting to note that EVENS data indicate that White Eastern Europeans are almost equally likely to report a strong sense of belonging to British and English national identities.

EVENS was also unique in including an open – free text – question on ethnic identity, asked before other questions on ethnic group membership and strength of ethnic and national identity. A meaningful proportion of participants chose not to answer this question – about a third across all groups – and a further substantial proportion used variants of official or administrative terms to describe their identities – about half across all groups. The common use of administrative language to describe their ethnicity by EVENS participants is likely to reflect how embedded these terms are in everyday life in Britain, but also demonstrates how official categories do represent at least part of how we conceive of our identities – there was extensive development work to produce and consequently refine these categories. Responses from the remainder of the sample (about one in five) illustrate how people tend to think about their ethnicity when they are not bound by, or go beyond, predefined categories. In some cases, this was a reflection of the inadequacy of administrative categories to reflect the complexity of people’s identities, including complex migration histories and families with multiple ethnic origins. It also reflected the importance of subnational places to people’s identities and the complex ways in which ethnicity is related to experiences of persecution and oppression.

The evidence presented in this volume points to four key conclusions:

1. Ethnic inequalities remain for a wide range of economic, social and health outcomes. They were present before the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic and either persisted or increased during the pandemic.
2. These social, economic and health inequalities operate jointly across people’s life courses. While some might show evidence of some improvement – for example, outcomes related to education – these improvements are not translated into improvements in other domains of people’s lives.
3. Despite this, ethnic minority people are able to maintain both a strong sense of affiliation to their ethnic identity and to a national British identity. They also maintain a strong engagement in political and civic life, reflected, perhaps, in a strong attachment to their places of residence.
4. Underlying both these inequalities and the nature of ethnic identities are pervading and very common experiences of racism and racial discrimination.

These summary conclusions do not, of course, reflect the depth, breadth and nuance of the evidence produced by EVENS, and the variations it shows across and within ethnic groups, including those documented for the first time by the study. Nevertheless, they do tell the story of ethnic inequality and how it is shaped by processes related to structural, institutional and interpersonal racism. This evidence is at odds with the conclusions and recommendations made by the report from the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities (2021) and the UK government’s response to that report found in Inclusive Britain ( Race Disparity Unit, 2022 ). Both of these downplay ‒ indeed, deny ‒ the significance of racism to our society, and instead emphasise individual, cultural and group deficits within an imagined framework to promote social mobility. The ambition seems to be to even out inequalities across population groups and places (but not to reduce inequality) without paying attention to the fundamental causes of these inequalities. This is, perhaps, not surprising in relation to the recent and current political context in the UK, where we are faced with a series of ongoing and evolving policies related to culture, citizenship, community, segregation and migration that are populist and disregard the evidence base. Such policies further and fundamentally undermine the social status of ethnic minority people and communities, reinforce processes of racialisation, and have a strong potential to negatively impact on and reinforce the social, economic and health inequalities documented here and elsewhere.

Nevertheless, the stark ethnic inequalities seen in the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, along with the killing of George Floyd and the subsequent resurgence of BLM, has raised awareness of the significance of ethnic inequalities across the full range of social, public and private institutions in the UK. Questions have been asked about everything from deaths in custody, unequal health outcomes and failures of education systems, to the ways in which histories of colonisation, slavery and empire are embedded in our cultures and celebrated by our monuments and in the commemorations of our history. Indeed, during the BLM protests in 2020, we had a series of public statements in support of race equality from a large proportion of private, public and governmental organisations. These are, of course, the institutions that shape lives, both in terms of their provision of key services and because they provide employment opportunities for the majority of the workforce. They also bring together and amplify structural and interpersonal racism, and make them more salient ( Nazroo et al, 2020 ). However, they are semi-autonomous and at arm’s length from government, so are spaces where meaningful change can happen.

The positive note ‒ one that has framed the design and conduct of EVENS ‒ is that a careful and critical documentation of ethnic inequalities can lead to a contextually relevant and theoretically informed analysis of the causes of these inequalities. This book is the beginning of such a descriptive mapping of ethnic inequalities. The evidence generated by such work can then be translated into action by the leadership teams of those institutions who want to change the ways in which their organisations generate and amplify, rather than mitigate and redress, ethnic inequalities. This is an ambitious task; it requires thinking critically about the functions of institutions, acknowledging how such functions are rooted in the colonial histories of institutions, resulting in interconnected systems of structured racial inequity, and setting about to transform those functions and the way in which they are implemented using a model that is informed by a decolonisation agenda ‒ in other words, an agenda that acknowledges the existence, purpose and workings of racism in shaping the lives of its citizens and sets out to actively promote racial justice.

Here, of course, we run the risk of falling into the trap of The Cruel Optimism of Racial Justice ( Meer, 2022 ). Meer argues that ‘there is no likely end to the struggle for racial justice, only the promise this heralds and the desire to persevere, even despite knowledge of likely failure’ ( Meer, 2022 : 1). This ‘knowledge of likely failure’ results from the evidence demonstrating that there has been little, or no, improvement in ethnic inequalities in Britain or elsewhere in the Global North. However, ‘the desire to persevere’, to combat racism, remains a powerful motivation for action. Consequently, our aspiration is that evidence on ethnic inequalities, generated by the innovative EVENS survey, coupled with informed critical analysis, such as that provided in this volume, can provide the framework to support the transformation of institutions, broader policy and society.

Returning to the questions laid out in the Introduction to this volume, the evidence generated by EVENS cannot tell us what a racially just society would look like. However, it does document the substantial ethnic inequalities in outcomes across a range of domains of life – Britain is not close to being a racially just society. EVENS has also demonstrated that during the COVID-19 pandemic, ethnic inequalities were maintained in many areas and extended in other areas. Perhaps a lesson to be learned is that during such crises – the current ‘cost of living’ crisis is another – the emphasis should be on policy interventions that take the opportunity to mitigate inequality.

‘blackness’ is not capitalised here because, although it refers to the quality or state of identifying with Black ethnicities, it depicts identification with a socio-political movement that spans ethnicities, groups and categories, and is not considered a proper noun.

Abraham , T. ( 2021 ) ‘ Who do BAME Britons trust when it comes to COVID-19? ’ YouGov report. Available at: https://yougov.co.uk/topics/politics/articles-reports/2021/03/17/who-do-bame-britons-trust-when-it-comes-covid-19

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Racial Justice, Racial Equity, and Anti-Racism Reading List

In This Section

Complete Collection

In the wake of violence against Black Americans and in a moment of national reckoning in Summer 2020, the HKS Library pulled together a reading list that is inspired and largely informed by Resources and Reading on Racial Justice, Racial Equity, and Anti-Racism published by the Institutional Anti-Racism and Accountability Project (IARA) at the Ash Center and in partnership with the HKS Office of Diversity, Inclusion, and Belonging .

This reading list is a starting place to find resources that speak to racial justice, racial equity, and anti-racism. Email us with suggestions or feedback . Books are linked to e-book versions where available.

In addition to access through Harvard Library, we believe these titles should be a part of other academic and public libraries. If these titles are not a part of your local libraries, most libraries solicit and support community requests. Email us for guidance on requesting a title for inclusion in your local library collection .

The New Jim Crow

The New Jim Crow has spawned a whole generation of criminal justice reform activists and organizations motivated by Michelle Alexander’ s unforgettable argument that “we have not ended racial caste in America; we have merely redesigned it.” As the Birmingham News proclaimed, it is “undoubtedly the most important book published in this century about the U.S.”

Citation: Alexander, Michelle. The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness . New York: The New Press, 2020.

Read e-book @ Harvard Library
View @ Publisher Site

One Person, No Vote

Carol Anderson follows the astonishing story of government-dictated racial discrimination unfolding before our very eyes as more and more states adopt voter suppression laws. In gripping, enlightening detail she explains how voter suppression works, from photo ID requirements to gerrymandering to poll closures. And with vivid characters, she explores the resistance: the organizing, activism, and court battles to restore the basic right to vote to all Americans.

Citation: Anderson, Carol. One Person, No Vote: How Voter Suppression Is Destroying Our Democracy . New York: Bloomsbury, 2018.

Carefully linking historical flashpoints when social progress for African Americans was countered by deliberate and cleverly crafted opposition, Carol Anderson pulls back the veil that has long covered actions made in the name of protecting democracy, fiscal responsibility, or protection against fraud, rendering visible the long lineage of white rage.

Citation: Anderson, Carol. White Rage: The Unspoken Truth of Our Racial Divide . New York: Bloomsbury, 2016.

The Fire Next Time

At once a powerful evocation of James Baldwin ’s early life in Harlem and a disturbing examination of the consequences of racial injustice, the book is an intensely personal and provocative document. It consists of two “letters,” written on the occasion of the centennial of the Emancipation Proclamation, that exhort Americans, both Black and white, to attack the terrible legacy of racism.

Citation: Baldwin, James. The Fire Next Time . New York: Vintage, 1992.

Read e-book @ Harvard Library

White Fragility

Referring to the defensive moves that white people make when challenged racially, white fragility is characterized by emotions such as anger, fear, and guilt, and by behaviors including argumentation and silence. These behaviors, in turn, function to reinstate white racial equilibrium and prevent any meaningful cross-racial dialogue. In this in-depth exploration, Robin DiAngelo examines how white fragility develops, how it protects racial inequality, and what we can do to engage more constructively.

Citation: DiAngelo, Robin. White Fragility: Why It's So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism . Boston: Beacon Press, 2018.

Never Caught

A startling and eye-opening look into America’s First Family, Erica Armstrong Dunbar tells the powerful narrative of Ona Judge, George and Martha Washington’s runaway slave who risked it all to escape the nation’s capital and reach freedom.

Citation: Dunbar, Erica Armstrong. Never Caught: The Washington's Relentless Pursuit of Their Runaway Slave, Ona Judge . 37Ink; Atria Books: New York, 2017.

View @ Author Site

How to Be Less Stupid About Race

Crystal Fleming provides your essential guide to breaking through the half-truths and ridiculous misconceptions that have thoroughly corrupted the way race is represented in the classroom, pop culture, media, and politics.

Citation: Fleming, Crystal. How to Be Less Stupid About Race: On Racism, White Supremacy, and the Racial Divide . New York: Penguin Random House, 2019.

The Broken Heart of America

From Lewis and Clark’s 1804 expedition to the 2014 uprising in Ferguson, American history has been made in St. Louis. And as Walter Johnson shows in this searing book, the city exemplifies how imperialism, racism, and capitalism have persistently entwined to corrupt the nation’s past.

Citation: Johnson, Walter. The Broken Heart of America: St. Louis and the Violent History of the United States. New York: Basic Books, 2020.

How to Be an Antiracist

Ibram X. Kendi 's concept of antiracism reenergizes and reshapes the conversation about racial justice in America - but even more fundamentally, points us toward liberating new ways of thinking about ourselves and each other. Instead of working with the policies and system we have in place, Kendi asks us to think about what an antiracist society might look like, and how we can play an active role in building it.

Citation: Kendi, Ibram X. How to Be an Antiracist . New York: One World, 2019.

Kiese Laymon writes eloquently and honestly about growing up a hard-headed Black son to a complicated and brilliant Black mother in Jackson, Mississippi. By attempting to name secrets and lies he and his mother spent a lifetime avoiding, he asks us to confront the terrifying possibility that few in this nation actually know how to responsibly love, and even fewer want to live under the weight of actually becoming free.

Citation: Laymon, Kiese. Heavy: An American Memoir . New York: Scribner, 2018.

The Condemnation of Blackness

The idea of Black criminality was crucial to the making of modern urban America, as were African Americans’ own ideas about race and crime. Chronicling the emergence of deeply embedded notions of Black people as a dangerous race of criminals by explicit contrast to working-class whites and European immigrants, Khalil Gibran Muhammad - HKS Professor of History, Race, and Public Policy - reveals the influence such ideas have had on urban development and social policies.

Citation: Muhammad, Khalil Gibran. The Condemnation of Blackness: Race, Crime, and the Making of Modern Urban America . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010.

The Color of Law

In this groundbreaking history of the modern American metropolis, Richard Rothstein , a leading authority on housing policy, explodes the myth that America’s cities came to be racially divided through de facto segregation—that is, through individual prejudices, income differences, or the actions of private institutions like banks and real estate agencies. Rather, The Color of Law incontrovertibly makes clear that it was de jure segregation—the laws and policy decisions passed by local, state, and federal governments—that actually promoted the discriminatory patterns that continue to this day.

Citation: Rothstein, Richard. The Color of Law: A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America . New York; London: Liveright Publishing Corporation, 2017.

View @ Harvard Library

Courageous Conversations About Race

Glenn Singleton explains the need for candid, courageous conversations about race so that educators may understand why student disengagement and achievement inequality persists and learn how they can develop a curriculum that promotes true educational equity and excellence.

Citation: Singleton, Glenn. Courageous Conversations about Race: A Field Guide for Achieving Equity in Schools . Los Angeles: Corwin, 2015.

This book is Bryan Stevenson 's (MPP/JD 1985 LLD 2015) unforgettable account of an idealistic, gifted young lawyer’s coming of age, a moving window into the lives of those he has defended, and an inspiring argument for compassion in the pursuit of true justice. Stevenson was honored by HKS in 2018 with the 2018 Alumni Public Service Award .

Citation: Stevenson, Bryan. Just Mercy: A Story of Justice and Redemption. New York: Spiegel & Grau, 2015.

View young adult adaptation @ Publisher Site

Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria?

Walk into any racially mixed high school and you will see Black, white, and Latino youth clustered in their own groups. Is this self-segregation a problem to address or a coping strategy? Beverly Daniel Tatum , a renowned authority on the psychology of racism, argues that straight talk about our racial identities is essential if we are serious about enabling communication across racial and ethnic divides.

Citation: Tatum, Beverly Daniel. Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria?: And Other Conversations about Race . New York: Basic Books, 2003.

From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation

In this stirring and insightful analysis, activist and scholar Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor surveys the historical and contemporary ravages of racism and persistence of structural inequality such as mass incarceration and Black unemployment. In this context, she argues that this new struggle against police violence holds the potential to reignite a broader push for Black liberation.

Citation: Taylor, Keeanga-Yamahtta. From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation . Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2016.

R ead e-book @ Harvard Library

Race Matters

Race Matters contains Cornel West ’s most powerful essays on the issues relevant to black Americans today: despair, black conservatism, black-Jewish relations, myths about black sexuality, the crisis in leadership in the black community, and the legacy of Malcolm X. And the insights that he brings to these complicated problems remain fresh, exciting, creative, and compassionate.

Citation: West, Cornel. Race Matters . Boston: Beacon Press, 1993.

As we go about our daily lives, caste is the wordless usher in a darkened theater, flashlight cast down in the aisles, guiding us to our assigned seats for a performance. The hierarchy of caste is not about feelings or morality. It is about power--which groups have it and which do not. In this book, Isabel Wilkerson gives us a portrait of an unseen phenomenon in America as she explores, through an immersive, deeply researched narrative and stories about real people, how America today and throughout its history has been shaped by a hidden caste system, a rigid hierarchy of human rankings.

Citation: Wilkerson, Isabel. Caste: The Origins of Our Discontents . New York: Random House, 2020.

Charleston Syllabus

In the aftermath of the Charleston massacre, Professors Chad Williams , Kidada E. Williams , and Keisha N. Blain sought a way to put the murder-and the subsequent debates in the media-in the context of America's tumultuous history of race relations and racial violence on a global scale. They created the Charleston Syllabus on June 19, starting it as a hashtag on Twitter linking to scholarly works on the myriad of issues related to the murder.

Citation: Williams, Chad, Kidada E. Williams, and Keisha N. Blain. (Eds.) Charleston Syllabus: Readings on Race, Racism, and Racial Violence . Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 2016.

Race Talk and the Conspiracy of Silence

If you believe that talking about race is impolite, or that "colorblindness" is the preferred approach, you must read this book. Derald Wing Sue debunks the most pervasive myths using evidence, easy-to-understand examples, and practical tools.

Citation: Wing Sue, Derald. Race Talk and the Conspiracy of Silence: Understanding and Facilitating Difficult Dialogues on Race . Hoboken, NJ: Wiley, 2015.

The Sum of Us

The Sum of Us is a brilliant analysis of how we arrived here: divided and self-destructing, materially rich but spiritually starved and vastly unequal. Heather McGhee marshals economic and sociological research to tell an irrefutable story of racism's costs, but at the heart of the book are the humble stories of people yearning to be part of a better America, including white supremacy's collateral victims: white people themselves. With startling empathy, this heartfelt message from a Black woman to a multiracial America leaves us with a new vision for a future in which we finally realize that life can be more than a zero-sum game.

Citation: McGhee, Heather. The Sum of Us: What Racism Costs Everyone and How We Can Prosper Together . New York: One World, 2021.

Hannah-Jones, Nikole. (2019). The 1619 Project . The New York Times Magazine .
Coates, Ta-Nehisi. (2014). The Case for Reparations . The Atlantic .
DiAngelo, Robin. (2017). Why It’s So Hard to Talk to White People About Racism . Huffington Post .
McIntosh, Peggy. (1989). White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack . Peace and Freedom .
Serwer, Adam. (2020). The Coronavirus Was an Emergency Until Trump Found Out Who Was Dying . The Atlantic .
Abdul-Jabbar, Kareem. (2020). Don’t Understand the Protests? What You're Seeing is People Pushed to the Edge . Los Angeles Times .
Hinton, Elizabeth. (2020). The Minneapolis Uprising in Context . Boston Review .
Hannah-Jones, Nikole. 1619 . The New York Times .
Muhammad, Khalil Gibran and Ben Austen. Some of My Best Friends Are . Pushkin .
Carroll, Rebecca. Come Through with Rebecca Carroll . WNYC Studios .
Biewen, John. Seeing White . Scene On Radio .
Raghuveera, Nikhil and Erica Licht. Untying Knots . SoundCloud .
Moyo, Thoko. A historic crossroads for systemic racism and policing in America . PolicyCast . Featuring Khalil Gibran Muhammad and Erica Chenoweth .

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Racial Inequality and Social Change

Introduction.

Conflicts in social movements often arise due to the dominant group’s activism. Usually the marginalized minority group and the dominant majority group are never on the same page or understanding concerning several issues. This is because, most of the time, these two groups are affected by unique issues. The social issues affecting marginalized groups often differ from the critical issue affecting the dominant group. As a result, the two groups involved in social movements result in differences in opinions which form the center of the differences and the conflicts when the two are engaged in the same social movement group. Social movement groups, in most cases, have these two groups. However, the difference in the needs between the two groups and other issues results in conflict within the social movements. This essay examines some causes of social conflicts due to the dominant majority groups’ involvement in marginalized minority groups.

Social movements are generally formed with the motive of championing a given group’s issue. The dominant majority groups and the marginalized minority groups usually have differences in opinions. This is caused by the difference in the issues affecting them. For this reason, when marginalized minority groups and the dominant majority groups are within the same social movements, a conflict of opinions will likely arise. This conflict is caused by the differences in the needs of the two groups in the social movements group. For instance, if the dominant majority group in a social movement’s aggrievance is about the cost of living, the marginalized minority group could have a different opinion. This can result in conflict because the two groups have different views of the issue being championed. Besides, social movement conflicts due to the involvement of these two groups also developed due to the fear that comes from each side. One side does feel like the other group is responsible for a particular problem in a given way. The need to have a full understanding of one another cause this conflict between the two groups.

The involvement of the dominant majority groups in a social movement with the marginalized minority groups also results in conflict due to the lack of understanding and compromises. In most cases, marginalized minority groups often appear less compromising. This is because they do believe that the challenges that are witnessed by them are caused by the dominant majority groups. This aspect of the groups typically develops a specific form of hatred between members of these two groups and is the major cause of conflict. The two groups involvement in the same social movement causes a conflict that stems from the fact that one group doe not appreciate the role or the need of the other. For instance, a conflict can develop in the social movement group when the dominant majority group stands for a certain thing that is not appreciated by the marginalized minority group. I

Conflict between the dominant majority and the marginalized minority groups often occurs as a result of the representation. Normally the two groups do have a challenge of agreeing on the mode of representation by either of the groups on the social movements. As a result, one group, especially the marginalized minority group, develops the feeling that they are not fully represented and that their opinions or view in the social movement do not count. Most of these conflict in the social movements is based on the view that the dominant majority groups are dominant and is likely to inform every decision in the social movements. This develops the conflict from the feeling by the minority groups that they are not felt and that they cannot influence the direction taken by the social movements. The lack of a complete agreement on the course of the social movements as a result of the dominance of the majority group result in a conflict between the two groups in a social movement.

Social movements are normally in constant conflict, especially when two groups are involved in them. The major reason for the conflict is a lack of understanding and compromises, differing opinions, and the dominance by one group, often the dominant group, on the issues of the social movements. This results in a situation where one group doe not feel appreciated or feel betrayed by the other groups. Most of the social movements that consist of these two groups usually especially a conflict of differing views as a result of these three major reasons. The lack of a better means of understanding within the social movements is caused by the existence or involvement of the two in the same social groups. However, with better conflict resolution, a good understanding is normally arrived at.

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What is Racial Inequality?

How it works

Racial inequality is systematically different from racial discrimination and racism. Racial discrimination involves the treatment of racial inequality while racial inequality involves the consequences of inequality such as, income, education, health, etc. Racism often involves these two processes, but modern forms of racial inequality and discrimination are not necessarily the direct consequences of modern racism (Pager and Shepherd, 2008). Racist sociology studies that relationships between these three phenomena when, how, why and to what extent? In the post-civil rights era “open” racism is widely criticized, so one of the challenges facing social scientists is their more subtle, decentralized symptoms and persistence conceptualize and measure the social effects.

Currently racism is a major social paradigm for tolerance, acceptance and strengthening of racial inequalities and is associated with the opportunity for children to learn and thrive on going through such inequalities. Racial inequality obviously leads to discriminatory treatment of minorities. For example, individuals from historically alienated ethnic groups may be considered less valuable or less intelligent than most cultural groups. At the same time, most cultural children and communities are allowed to maintain established privileges and importance. This privilege can provide better treatment and/or opportunity than other people in educational systems and other social systems. The presence of racism in the educational setting is really hurting everyone but has the most negative and long-lasting income on ethnic minorities (Pollock, 2008). Racial bias is a group’s attitude or direction regarding the status of different ethnic groups in social order (Bobo, 1999). Most groups and minorities can adapt to these attitudes. Racial inequality involves the direct and indirect, public or subtle behavior of the majority group and limits minority economic, political, educational and social opportunities.

[image: ]If we take a look at the Black Wealth/ White Wealth it mostly provides a strong portrait of racial inequality based on an analysis of private wealth. For those who point out the growing black middle class as evidence of racial inequality, Black wealth/ White Fortune shows how to analyze assets and liabilities as well as the income you’ll find various stories. Authors Oliver and Shapiro conducted a comprehensive survey of the creation, expansion and preservation of physical assets revealing a sustained and serious economic gap between blacks and whites (Oliver, M.L., & Shapiro T.M., 1995)

In some ways, wealth is more important for our understanding to social inequality. Because wealth does generate income inequality in part depends on wealth inequality. Studies on racial inequalities have shown that most of the inequalities between African Americans and whites are due to discrimination against African Americans in wealth differences and access to wealth, especially housing. The gap between the rich and the poor has not yet been resolved. Raising children in a family of two parents does not make up for the gap between rich and poor people. Full time work does not eliminate the gap, or even using less money. It clearly seems as if nothing will offset the gap between the rich and the poor. (McGirt, Ellen.)

The consequences of racial disparities in 2011 were serious in the united states in 1967. Although you consider America as a racially discrimination and racially discriminatory, it has worsened in the region just three years after congress passed the Civil Rights Act in 1967. However, in 2011 the income difference between back and white households increased to $8,000. This is more than 40% and the relationship between these two concepts is not wrong reducing racial discrimination. Till this day, it is unsure that the only way to get white support to promote advanced social policy is doubtful.

Another theory is that racial inequalities in the U.S criminal justice system are mainly due to racial inequalities in criminal petitions that must be passed a minimal judgment, resulting in imprisonment I think that there is a big racial difference. (Abrams, Abigail). Ending police racial profiling is essential to promote justice, equality, effective law enforcement and to execute mass sentences. Racial characterization perpetuates racial inequalities in the criminal justice by describing constitutional violations, unfairly monitoring, quoting, and arresting people of color.

Racial discrimination has been increasing in the United States, in addition to the harsh issues related to racial discrimination in law enforcement and criminal justice systems, the main issues related to inequalities and disparities are highlighted. Indicators can not determine the preservation and promotion of discrimination based on nationality, ethnicity and/or racial background. According to consumer finance survey, the average white family had a net worth of $13 per dollar held in average persons of color households in 2013.

Public debate focuses on racial inequality, but it is not a particularly useful argument. We need to give up the racial inequality vocabulary, but instead focus on ethnic refocusing. The idiom of racial reorganization not only helps to eliminate the notion of “whiteness” as a reference point for measuring formal equality, but also the stigma’s “often poor culture” prevents behavioral debates.

There are various ways to end racism one of them would be by promoting and defending human rights. Racism and discrimination in the united states will come to a potential stop, and distinguishing personal bias from institutionalized discrimination. It has been proven that the level of cultural change resulted to decrease in prejudice and discrimination since the part of the 20th century, also as the remaining importance of racial discrimination in the lives of people of color. People have suggested different ways of reducing or stopping prejudice and discrimination. For example: Increased multicultural education, reforms to the judicial system, and revolutionary cultural change. They also consider the statement that eliminating prejudice and racial inequality in the united states is impossible and unrealistic, too as the debate that eliminating racial inequalities is unnecessary.

Do you seem overwhelmed by all of this damaging and harmful prejudice, but unsure what to do about it? The good news is, while the extent of discrimination in America might be a huge problem, progress is likely, step-by-step and piece-by-piece, it has been suggested that we must profoundly study to stop this problem of racial inequities. But to begin we must really understand what racial discrimination truly is. Firstly, we must briefly examine how sociologists see discrimination so that way we’ll be able to consider ways that each of us will get to change it. Sociologists define discrimination in America as systemic it is embedded in every facet of our cultural facet of our cultural structure. This systemic discrimination is characterized by unfair enrichment of whites, unfair impoverishments of people of color, and the overall unfair system of resources across racial lines (wealth, safe space, education, political power and food, for example). Systemic racism is made up of racial ideologies and attitudes, including unconscious and implied things that might still be well-meaning. It constitutes the method that allows privileges and benefits to whites in the cost of others; the alienating racial cultural relations perpetuated by whites with racial world-views at stances of power (police and news media) are some. While people of color subordinated, oppressed, and marginalized by these forces.

[image: ]Racial inequalities or discrimination is clearly the domination of one race at another, which frequently results in favoritism and bias towards people from their race or ethnicity. Nowadays, the usage of the term “discrimination” does not well come under a single definition (Garner, Steve, 2009). As all of the above suggests, the prejudice and discrimination practices in all countries like race, sex, age, status and disability are growing. Despite these beliefs that discrimination is ending, statistics suggest that it is growing.

This change is alarming because it not in smaller amounts, rather it is quickly growing and in the near future, it has been anticipated that discrimination could continue to grow in the workplace. This is where discrimination is majorly experienced by two sorts of people females and those minorities. Women are normally treated differently than males (Hersh, 2007). Due to the fact that women are weaker that men they don’t get paid enough or as much as men would. Plus, they do easier duties. Besides these concepts they are treated different and not like equals.

Like mentioned before its all up to us to stop discrimination and restructure the system the way we would like, and to finally get the world we desire and demand, this history of this unfairness and uneven distribution of wealth in America is the history of discrimination – I would love to believe that its possible to put this to an end but unfortunately, it is impossible to separate these two. If we have the commitment to stopping discrimination and running towards racial justice and perhaps join programs that want to end racial profiling.

Nowadays it’s all about: color, race, religion or status. Many of us may not believe this is discrimination, but it is. Many people wish someone would just end all of this harsh treatment in the world, and many people in the past have attempted to put an end and, in some ways, we’ve improved, but it seems as if as time goes by racism has gotten worse. We are living in a time where forms of discrimination are seen everywhere and every second. Racial inequality, racial profiling and discrimination is like a disgusting illness, being passed down from generation to generation by evil racists. Unfortunately, most us can encounter discrimination and its effects can influence us on a daily. This racial attitude in the American system from the periods of slavery. Where Africans were supposed to be inferior to whites. Throughout history, the orientation of race and prejudice has evolved and produced some other meanings. Today we will see the destructive effects of racial inequality on people of color, also whites, “discrimination”, like other forms of oppression, is extremely harmful and violent.

Every year, Americans observe what they mostly glorify as the ending of racial inequality within “Black History Month.” students wonder and pondering how legalized discrimination would always have taken place in the land of supposed “freedom” and the “available”, some might understand that discrimination even exists – it has just changed into the label of “criminal” instead of “dark.” Mass incarceration has forced millions of black males into the job not similar to Jim Crow, where they are wrongfully excluded from incorporating into mainstream society.

Therefore, the impacts of racial discrimination and difference involves more than moral bravery. People of color face obstacles in all facets of life, in education, income, welfare, occupation or rights to administration. (Kramer, Mark) In all racism can be said to identify the status in society at which the superior racial group benefits from the hard work or pursuits of others, whether the group needs such benefits or not. (Blay, Zeba, 26 aug 2015) Foucauldian student Ladelle McWhorter at her 2009 novel prejudice and sexual persecution at Anglo-America: The kindred concludes that modern racism similarly, focusing on the notion of a higher group (usually whites), competing for racial purity and progress, rather than an obvious ideology focused on the oppression of non-Caucasians. (McWhorter, Ladelle, 2009)

The idea that race is a social construct has been widely accepted by scholars throughout history, and the belief in the domination of one race at another, which frequently results in favoritism and bias towards people from their race or ethnicity (Garner, steve, 2009). Another concept proposes that racial differences in the American criminal justice system is largely caused by racial imbalance in decisions to direct illegal suspects with offences involving the required minimum prison sentence, leading to large racial disparities in incarceration. (Rahavi and Starr) In the United States, there is a heritage of racial inequality formed by the enslavement of millions of colored people. During this period of slavery, terrorism and racial domination most dramatically manifested by lynching. This social movement of the 1950s and decades disputed the legality of some of these most prejudiced exercises and constructions that maintained racist domination. Consequently, this legacy of racial inequality has persisted, leaving us vulnerable to a range of problems that continue to reveal racial disparities along with injustice.

Stopping racial identification in policing is a major problem and can be crucial to promoting justice, equality and efficient enforcement and to once and for all end mass incarceration. Racial identification violates this law and preserves racial inequalities at the criminal justice system by unfairly subjecting nonwhites to police surveillance, references, and apprehensions.

Works Cited

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consequences.” Working paper series no. 12-002 (Univ. of Michigan Law & Economics, Empirical Legal studies center), 2012. Accessed 03 Apr. 19

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Realities of Racial Inequality and Injustice in the United States Essay

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Since its inception, ethnicity, and systemic racism have had a significant effect on the U.S. antiquity. Racism is primarily a kind of dominance that hurts ethnically disadvantaged people, even if it may also negatively impact sizable portions of the racially leading group in American culture. Numerous factors, such as the country’s history, the framework of society, and the organization of the economy, contribute to the tenacity of ethnic injustice and disparity in the U.S.

Among the contributing factors of racial unfairness in the U.S. is its history. A fundamental founding principle of this country was white supremacy. For many years, only people of the white racial group were regarded as having legal residency rights in this country. In his People’s Hall speech, Chief Joseph Lincoln discusses the necessity to serve all people equally, uphold the same rules, and provide them equal opportunities to live and develop (Bird, 2017). This is owing to the numerous misconceptions between white people and Native Americans.

This nation’s history of white supremacy has had a significant and permanent effect. It has helped to create and maintain a society wherein whites have always held a clear edge over all other individuals. The writer of Almost Livin’ Almost Dyin’ maintains a deep awareness of these cracks. He discusses the police shooting deaths of Michael Brown and Eric Garner and the murders of two New York City police agents by a person who later committed suicide (Herrera, 2015). They feel they have a shaky claim on the American tale due to toxic politics, reports of gun massacres, and the misery of Latinos, African-Americans, and other individuals of color.

Another critical factor contributing to the perseverance of ethnic oppression and disparities in the U.S.A. is the social structure. The civilization is incredibly segmented, and Harjo’s concept of escape, fleeing to the glories of Native American freedom, is illustrated by the thematic usage of horse symbolism (Harjo, 2022). In the U. S., people who are black historically attended separate schools, lived in diverse areas, and were employed in various fields. This topic is covered in Martin Luther King Jr.’s “Letters from Birmingham Jail” speech (Ashurst, 2018). King sought to end all American South social inequalities during the Civil Rights Era. He urges African Americans to unite to resist the unfair laws currently in place to attain his aim. This segregation maintains a sense of alienation and isolation among white individuals and people of color. Additionally, it makes it harder for people of color to progress in American culture.

The organization and layout of the United States economy is another factor of racial segregation. The oppression of individuals of color drives the economy. Traditionally, people from the white race constituted the majority of individuals who gained from this type of abuse. This is among the leading causes of why white people are so much wealthier than individuals of other ethnicities. In her book Sing, Unburied, Sing, Jesmyn Ward discusses the difficulties Americans endure (Ward, 2018). She explains the effects of racism, poverty, and the American holdovers of traditional African faiths on racial minorities.

The issue of systemic racism and imbalance in the U.S. is covered in the article “The Case of Reparations.” The author suggests that paying reparations to those harmed by this inequity and injustice is one possible solution (Coates, 2023). There has been a rise in fascination with this idea worldwide over the past few years. The practice of making restitution reparations would constitute a formal acknowledgment of the historical wrongs committed against certain groups of people. Furthermore, this could be a step toward putting everything in the correct order, making it an excellent place to begin. The provision of reparation solely would be sufficient to overcome institutionalized racism and the sad ethnic tensions in the U.S., as Coates correctly asserts (Coates, 2023). Therefore, a solution that will contribute to eradicating racism must be found.

To counter racial inequality, a significant initiative must be implemented to address the conventions, regulations, and activities which support imbalances in revenue, healthcare, education attainment, performance, and other areas. In order to strengthen ethnic and indigenous lesser groups and maintain the respect of individuals often deprived of their privileges and liberties, the state should assist chronically disadvantaged people. The national government ought to adopt a broad strategy for improving fairness for all people and developing chances for the advancement of formerly neglected populations.

The sovereign must handle the numerous variables that contribute to ethnic injustice and disparities in the U. S. in conjunction with addressing the fundamental causes of such issues. Addressing racial bias will eliminate prejudice in both the governmental and non – governmental realms, and mandate that the authorities take specific steps to remove factors contributing to or sustaining racial segregation. By addressing this issue, the nation fulfil their commitments under the universal declaration of human rights, which calls for them to initiate action to implement the applicable rights protected by human rights conventions.

In the U.S., institutional discrimination and unfairness have a rich history. These expressions are broadly defined as referring to deeply ingrained racial attitudes, actions, and traditions that have persisted through the ages and continue to this day. Ethnic unfairness and disparities in the United States are primarily a product of the country’s history, social structure, and economic system. The national government must outlaw racial segregation in all manifestations and ensure everyone has the same rights, regardless of race, color, or ethnic or national background.

Ashurst, J. (2018). Letter from a Birmingham jail – Martin Luther King Jr . YouTube. Web.

Bird, J. (2017). One people: Chief Joseph Lincoln hall speech – Washington D.C., 1879 (W/ Running Audio & Text) . YouTube. Web.

Coates, T.-N. (2023). The case for reparations . The Atlantic. Web.

Harjo, J. (2022). She had some horses . Best poems. Web.

Herrera, J. F. (2015). Almost livin’ almost dyin’ by Juan Felipe Herrera . Poetry Foundation. Web.

Ward, J. (2018). Sing, unburied, sing . Wheeler Publishing.

Chapter 3 of “The Family” Book by Philip N. Cohen
The Issue of Racism in the United States
Migration, Labor, Segregation, Reparation
The Relationship Between Britain and the US - Is It Special?
The Case for Reparation by Ta-Nehisi Coates
Racism and History of Discrimination
Racial Discrimination and Color Blindness
Race, Racism, and Dangers of Race Thinking
Why Empathy in Racism Should Be Avoided
How the Race Concept Has Changed Over Time
Chicago (A-D)
Chicago (N-B)

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Racial Equity Action Plan Progress and Impact Report

Since issuing a formal apology in October 2021 for our historical role in promoting, perpetuating, and failing to challenge racism and human hierarchy, APA has been steadfast in its mission to rectify systemic inequities and foster an inclusive and equitable future. The apology marked the beginning of a profound transformation within our organization—one that acknowledges the previous actions and inactions of APA and psychology, improves coordination across the association and field, and commits to substantial, lasting change.

This Racial Equity Action Plan Progress and Impact Report describes the collaborative efforts undertaken to date and the tangible progress made toward dismantling systemic racism in psychology and society at large, as well as the strategic principles guiding this work. This report does more than highlight APA’s progress on this complex issue. It reaffirms our dedication to building a more equitable future for all.

As outlined in this report, APA’s work to help advance racial equity has relied on systematic engagement, continuous introspection, and the establishment of critical infrastructure to foster sustainability. Underlying all these strategies is the foundational belief that equity, diversity, and inclusion must be infused into our association’s fabric if we are to reach our goals successfully.

This journey has not been perfect. However, each day has been a learning opportunity, and we have remained committed to the process. APA remains dedicated to taking responsibility for our role in perpetuating inequalities, and continuously learning and evolving as we move forward.

Arthur C. Evans Jr., PhD Chief Executive Officer/Executive Vice President

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APA’s EDI Framework and Racial Equity Action Plan

Guiding Principles for Systemic Change

Demonstrating APA’s Work to Advance Racial Equity Aligned with the EDI Framework

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Progress and Impact: From 2022 Audit on Racial Equity to Now

Shifting Approaches for Systemic Change: APA’s Impact Across Racial Equity Domains
Enhancing Diversity: Insights into Representation Across APA

Detailed Impact Summaries Demonstrating Achievements in Advancing the REAP: Knowledge Production and Health Equity Priorities

Priority 1: Advancing Racially Conscious Knowledge Production and Scholarship
APA’s Collaborative Work to Advance Racially Conscious Knowledge Production and Scholarship
Priority 2: Utilizing the Breadth of the Field to Advance Health Equity in Communities of Color
APA’s Collaborative Work to Advance Health Equity

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Diverging employment pathways among young adults

Who is in the study population?

Early career mobility looks different for white young adults than for Black and Latino or Hispanic young adults

The trajectories of all three populations reflect common patterns, but also differ in important ways

The racial wealth gap persists, even among those from disadvantaged backgrounds

White and Latino or Hispanic women are disproportionately likely to be low earners compared to white and Latino or Hispanic men

Work-limiting health conditions are most common among white low earners

Incarceration rates are high among all low earners, but particularly among Black people

Military experience is most common among Black and Latino or Hispanic Group 4 members

Among the highest earners, white people are more likely than Black and Latino or Hispanic people to work in construction and production occupations

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One Person, No Vote

The Fire Next Time

White Fragility

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