columbia political science phd students

Politics and Education PhD

Doctor of philosophy in politics and education.

This Ph.D. program prepares students to conduct original and rigorous research relating to education policy and the political conditions that facilitate its adoption, implementation, and sustainability. Graduates of this program secure position: as professors within political science, public policy, and education departments at various types of four year institutions; as researchers in think tanks and private research organizations; and in government agencies with research and policy missions.

Courses are offered in a traditional schedule during the fall and spring, with a limited number of course options available in summer. Ph.D. students must demonstrate command of two research tools, selected from the following list: 1) a reading knowledge of a foreign language, 2) a reading knowledge of a second foreign language, 3) an approved two-course sequence in quantitative analysis, 4) an approved two-course sequence in formal modeling or advanced multivariate statistics, 5) a comparable level of proficiency in a comparable research tool approved by the college.

Students are asked to participate in a set of core political science and general foundation courses in education. Each student will also complete methodological requirements including but not limited to statistics, qualitative and quantitative methods. After completing the core, each student is expected to focus his or her studies on a set of political debates in education or a particular political arena.

Ph.D. students may be required to take as many as 12 points of coursework at Columbia University in the Political Science Department.

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Admissions Information

Displaying requirements for the Spring 2024, Summer 2024, and Fall 2024 terms.

Doctor of Philosophy

• Points/Credits: 75
• Entry Terms: Fall Only

Application Deadlines

• Spring: N/A
• Summer/Fall (Priority): December 1
• Summer/Fall (Final): December 1

Supplemental Application Requirements/Comments

• Online Degree Application , including Statement of Purpose and Resume
• Transcripts and/or Course-by-Course Evaluations for all Undergraduate/Graduate Coursework Completed
• Results from an accepted English Proficiency Exam (if applicable)
• $75 Application Fee
• Three (3) Letters of Recommendation, at least one (1) of which should be from an academic familiar with your work
• GRE General Test

Requirements from the TC Catalog (AY 2023-2024)

Displaying catalog information for the Fall 2023, Spring 2024 and Summer 2024 terms.

View Full Catalog Listing

Students are asked to participate in a set of core political science and general foundation courses in education policy. These are selected with the approval of the faculty advisor in order to best meet each individual student's interests and professional goals. Students may be required to take as many as 12 points of coursework at Columbia University in the Political Science Department.

Ph.D. students must demonstrate command of two research tools, selected from the following list: 1) a reading knowledge of a foreign language, 2) a reading knowledge of a second foreign language, 3) an approved two-course sequence in quantitative analysis,* 4) an approved two-course sequence in formal modeling or advanced multivariate statistics, 5) a comparable level of proficiency in a research tool approved by the College. Using a foreign language to satisfy the research tool is appropriate only if the student’s dissertation or future research will be enhanced by developing such knowledge.

For further information on specific program requirements consult the program website at https://www.tc.columbia.edu/education-policy-and-social-analysis/politics-and-education/ and The Ph.D. Requirements Bulletin is available for download via the Office of Doctoral Students’ website. 

* Satisfied by meeting 6-point statistics requirement.

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Program Director : Professor Ansley Erickson

Box: Box 11

Teachers College, Columbia University Zankel Building 212

Contact Person: Malgorzata Kolb

Phone: (212) 678-3751 Fax: (212) 678-3589

Email: kolb@tc.columbia.edu

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New York, NY 10027

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Political Science

Departmental Office: 710 International Affairs Building; 212-854-3707 http://www.polisci.columbia.edu

Director of Undergraduate Studies: Prof. Robert Shapiro, 730 International Affairs Building; 212-854-3955;  [email protected]

Economics-Political Science Advisers: Economics : Prof. Susan Elmes, Director of Undergraduate Studies, 1006 International Affairs Building; [email protected] Political Science : Prof. Carlo Prato, 718 International Affairs Building; 212-854-3977; [email protected]

Political Science-Statistics Advisers: Political Science : Prof. Andrew Gelman, 1255 Amsterdam Ave., Room 1016; 212-851-2164; [email protected] Statistics : Prof. Ronald Neath, 612 West 115th Street, Room 612; 212-853-1398;  [email protected] Statistics : Prof. Gabriel Young, 612 West 115th Street, Room 614; 212-853-1395;  [email protected]

The discipline of political science focuses on issues of power and governance and, in particular, on political institutions, both formal and informal. It also focuses on political behavior, political processes, political economy, and state-society relations.

The field consists of four substantive subfields: American politics , which covers such topics as national and local politics, elections, and constitutional law; comparative politics , which aims at understanding the political systems of other countries, both by studying individual states and by engaging in cross-national comparisons; international relations , which deals with the ways that states and other political actors behave in the international arena, including such topics as security, foreign policies, international organizations, and international economic relations; and political theory , which analyzes the history of normative political thought as well as of analytic concepts such as the nature of justice or liberty.

Other broad topics, such as “political economy,” or the study of the relationships between economic and political processes, overlap with the subfields, but also constitute a separate program (see below). Methodology, including statistical analysis and formal modeling, also occupies an important place in the discipline.

Advanced Placement

The department grants credit toward the major for work completed under the College Entrance Examination Board (CEEB) Advanced Placement Program. Students receive 3 academic credits and exemption from POLS UN1201 INTRO TO AMERICAN POLITICS or POLS UN1501 INTRO TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS for scores of 5 in the United States and Comparative Government and Politics AP Exams.

The Department of Political Science offers a variety of advising resources to provide undergraduate majors and concentrators with the information and support needed to successfully navigate through the program. These resources are described below.

Undergraduate Advising Office

Students should take questions or concerns about the undergraduate program to the department's undergraduate advising office first. If advisers cannot answer a student's question, they then refer the student to the appropriate person.

The undergraduate advising office is staffed by political science Ph.D. students who hold open office hours each week (the schedule can be found online at  https://polisci.columbia.edu/content/undergraduate-advising ). During open hours, advisers are available to respond to questions and concerns about requirements, course selection, course of study, transfer and study abroad credit, and any other aspect of the program. Students may also reach advisers by email at [email protected] .

Students should also consult the undergraduate advisers for assistance in completing the political science program planning form (available online at https://polisci.columbia.edu/content/undergraduate-forms-library ). The advisers must sign and date this form in the approval column next to any listed class that requires approval to fulfill program requirements (transfer courses, non-traditional courses, etc.). Each student's planning form is kept on file in the department, so that each semester they may meet with an adviser to update it.

The advisers are also available to speak with students about academic and professional issues, including research interests, internships, and post-college plans. Since the advisers have been through the graduate school application process, they are great resources with whom students may discuss the process. Also, as current Ph.D. students in the department, they are familiar with the research interests of political science faculty and can therefore refer students to a professor whose research aligns with the students' interests for focused thesis advice, information about academic, professional, and research opportunities, or professional development.

Requesting a Faculty Adviser

Often the best way for students to obtain advising from a faculty member is to contact a professor with whom they have taken a class in an area of interest. Students also have the option of having a faculty adviser assigned by the department. To request a faculty adviser, students should complete the Faculty Adviser Request Form and submit it to the undergraduate coordinator during the first two weeks of the semester. The link to the current adviser request form may be found in the undergraduate forms library on the department website.

Students may consult with their faculty adviser for any substantive issue, but still must visit walk-in advising hours to have courses approved, to have planning forms reviewed and approved, and to discuss departmental requirements and regulations.

Director of Undergraduate Studies

The director of undergraduate studies oversees the department's undergraduate programs and is available during office hours. While a student's first stop for advising should be the undergraduate advising office, the director of undergraduate studies is available to answer any questions that the undergraduate advisers or the undergraduate coordinator cannot. 

Economics–Political Science Adviser

Economics–political science majors may consult with the economics-political science adviser during office hours. However, students should also see an undergraduate adviser to discuss major requirements and fill out a planning form. 

Political Science–Statistics Adviser

Political science–statistics majors may consult with the political science-statistics adviser during office hours. However, students should also see an undergraduate adviser to discuss major requirements and fill out a planning form. 

Faculty At-Large

All faculty are available for consultation with students during office hours or by appointment to discuss interests in political science, course selection, and other academic or post-college matters. The faculty may provide advice about graduate schools, suggest literature that the student might consult as sources for research, recommend specific courses or professors based on the student's interests, or offer information about research opportunities with faculty. However, students should note that any issues surrounding departmental regulations and requirements, major certification, course approvals, etc., should be addressed initially with the undergraduate advisers.

Honors Program

The department offers the Honors Program for a limited number of seniors who want to undertake substantial research projects and write honors theses. The honors thesis is expected to be about 75 pages in length and of exceptional quality.

Honors students perform research as part of a full-year honors seminar ( POLS UN3998 - POLS UN3999 , 8 points total) during their senior year, in place of the seminar requirement for majors. Honors students may, however, take additional seminars to fulfill other course requirements for the major. Theses are due in late March or early April. To be awarded departmental honors, the student must satisfy all the requirements for the major, maintain a 3.6 GPA in the major, and complete a thesis of sufficiently high quality to merit honors.

The honors seminar director provides general direction for the seminar and supervises all students. Each student also works with a faculty member in his or her major subfield (American politics, comparative politics, international relations, or political theory) and a teaching assistant. The honors seminar meets weekly for part of the year and addresses general issues involved in research and thesis writing, such as how to develop research questions and projects, methodology, sources of evidence, and outlining and drafting long papers. The sessions are also used for group discussions of students’ research and thesis presentations. Students are also expected to meet periodically with the supervising professor and preceptor.

Students who wish to apply to the Honors Program must notify the department in writing by the end of the spring semester of the junior year. Please check the department website for the official deadline. Normally no more than 10% of graduating majors receive departmental honors in a given academic year. Applicants are required to have already completed the methods requirement for the major.

Application Materials

Applications to the Honors Program must include the following:

• A cover page with the student’s name, CUID number, e-mail address, and school (Columbia College or General Studies);
• An official transcript, which may be obtained from the Office of the Registrar in Kent Hall, or from Student Services Online (SSOL);
• A writing sample, preferably a paper written for a political science course;
• A brief description (no more than one page) of a possible thesis topic.

Completed applications should be sent to:

Department of Political Science Attn: Departmental Honors 420 West 118th Street Mail Code 3320 New York, NY 10027

In addition, students are encouraged to find a faculty sponsor for their thesis proposal. Students who have identified a faculty sponsor should indicate the sponsor in the proposal; students without a faculty sponsor should identify a faculty member with whom they would like to work. Research areas for the political science department faculty are listed on the department's website . Students will be notified by e-mail of the decision taken on their applications before fall registration.

Students who are not accepted into the honors seminar or who decide after the application deadline that they would like to write an honors thesis may take one or two semesters POLS UN3901 INDEPENDENT RESEARCH I  and POLS UN3902 INDEPENDENT RESEARCH II  in order to write a thesis to submit for honors consideration. Any member of the department's full-time faculty may sponsor independent study courses. Part-time faculty are not obligated to sponsor these courses.

For registration information and more details about this process, students should contact the Academic Affairs Coordinator. Note that most honors theses are about 75 pages in length. All theses must be submitted along with a confidential assessment of the paper by the supervising instructor in order to be considered for departmental honors. Students who choose this path must also complete all the requirements for the major and maintain a minimum major GPA of 3.6. Theses are due in late March or early April, and decisions about departmental honors are announced in May.

Departmental Prizes and Fellowships

The Department of Political Science administers the following prizes and awards. Unless otherwise noted, students do not play an active part in the nomination process. Rather, faculty members nominate students at their own discretion. Departmental prizes are reserved for political science majors.

Charles A. Beard Prize

A cash prize awarded every other year to the student who writes the best paper in political science during the academic year.

Caroline Phelps Stokes Prize

A cash prize established at the bequest of Caroline Phelps Stokes is awarded to a student who has been a degree candidate at Columbia College or Barnard College for at least one academic year, and who has written the best essay in course or seminar work on the general subject of human rights.

Allan J. Willen Memorial Prize

A cash prize awarded to the Columbia College student who writes the best seminar paper on a contemporary American political problem.

Edwin Robbins Academic Research/Public Service Fellowship

The Robbins Fellowship provides a stipend each summer for at least two political science students in Columbia College who will be engaged in research in important matters of politics or policymaking or who will be working, without other compensation, as interns in a governmental office, agency, or other public service organization. Each spring, the department invites students to submit fellowship proposals. Awards are announced in late April or early May.

The Arthur Ross Foundation Award

Phyllis stevens sharp fellowship in american politics.

The Phyllis Stevens Sharp Endowment Fund provides stipends each year during the summer for one or more Columbia College or School of General Studies students majoring or concentrating in political science to support research in American politics or policy making, or otherwise uncompensated internships in a government office, agency, or other public service organization. Each spring, the department invites students to submit fellowship proposals. Awards are announced in late April or early May.

Early Admission to the Master's Degree Program in Political Science for Columbia and Barnard Political Science Undergraduates

While the Department of Political Science does not offer a joint bachelor of arts/master’s degree, it does allow Columbia and Barnard undergraduates to apply for early admission to its master’s degree program. 

Students should apply during the fall semester of their senior year for admission to the M.A. program in the following fall semester, after completion of the B.A. degree. The department and the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences may award up to one-half residence unit of advanced standing and/or up to three courses (nine to twelve credits) of transfer credit for graduate courses ( 4000 -level and above) taken at Columbia in excess of the requirements for the Columbia bachelor's degree, as certified by the dean of the undergraduate school awarding the bachelor's degree.

For further information about the application process and minimum qualifications for early admission, please contact the director of undergraduate studies.

For further information about requirements for the M.A. degree, see  https://gsas.columbia.edu/degree-programs/ma-programs/political-science .

• Jagdish Bhagwati (also Economics)
• Allison Carnegie
• Alessandra Casella (also Economics)
• Partha Chatterjee (Anthropology)
• Jean L. Cohen
• Michael Doyle (University Professor)
• Robert Erikson
• Virginia Page Fortna
• Timothy Frye
• Ester Fuchs (School of International and Public Affairs)
• Andrew Gelman (also Statistics)
• Donald P. Green
• Bernard Harcourt (Law)
• Fredrick Harris
• Jeffrey Henig (Teachers College)
• Shigeo Hirano
• David C. Johnston
• Ira Katznelson (also History)
• Sudipta Kaviraj (Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African Studies)
• Jeffrey Lax
• Mahmood Mamdani (Anthropology)
• Karuna Mantena
• M. Victoria Murillo (also School of International and Public Affairs)
• Andrew J. Nathan
• Sharyn O'Halloran (also School of International and Public Affairs)
• Justin Phillips (Chair)
• Robert Y. Shapiro
• Jack Snyder
• Michael Ting (also School of International and Public Affairs)
• Nadia Urbinati
• Gregory Wawro
• Andreas Wimmer (also Sociology)
• Keren Yarhi-Milo (also School of International and Public Affairs)

Associate Professors

• Daniel Corstange (also School of International and Public Affairs)
• Alexander W. Hertel-Fernandez (also School of International and Public Affairs)
• Turkuler Isiksel
• Kimuli Kasara
• John Marshall
• Carlo Prato

Assistant Professors

• Naoki Egami
• Nikhar Gaikwad
• Junyan Jiang
• Daniel Luban
• Andrew McCall
• Tamar Mitts (also School of International and Public Affairs)
• Calvin Thrall
• Yamil Velez
• Jacqueline C. Dugard Kevin Funk Elise Giuliano Clara Maier Benjamin Mueser Benjamin Mylius Michael Parrott Tsveta Petrova David Ragazzoni Chiara Superti
• Profs. Carnegie, Egami, Gaikwad, Kim, Mantena ( 2023-24 )
• Prof. Doyle ( Fall 2023 )
• Profs. Casella, Johnston, Marshall ( Spring 2024 )

Guidelines for all Political Science Majors, Concentrators, and Interdepartmental Majors

Planning forms.

Major Planning forms are available on the department website .

Policy on Double-Counting Courses

• Columbia College
• School of General Studies
• Courses in the Core Curriculum do not fulfill requirements for the Political Science major.

Policy on Counting Credits outside the Department of Political Science

• Courses taken at other institutions or other Columbia departments may not be used to meet the requirement of a major or concentration in political science without the approval of the Director of Undergraduate Studies or the department’s undergraduate adviser. Students should secure such approval in advance of registration.

Pass/D/Fail and Grading Policy

• The course used to fulfill the research methods requirement cannot be taken Pass/D/Fail.
• Students must receive a grade of at least C- in order for a course to count towards the major or concentration.

AP Credit Policy

• Students who receive transfer credit for one or more AP exams in political science may count a maximum of one AP course toward the major or concentration, contingent upon completing an upper-level (3000 or higher) course with a grade of C or higher in the subfield in which the AP exam was taken. All transfer credits must be approved by the Director of Undergraduate Studies or the  undergraduate adviser .

Transfer Credit Policy

For the political science major, a maximum of three courses in political science may be transferred from other institutions, including study abroad and AP credit. For the political science concentration as well as the economics-political science and political science-statistics interdisciplinary majors, a maximum of two courses in political science may be transferred from other institutions.

All transfer credits must be approved in writing by the Director of Undergraduate Studies or the undergraduate adviser .

• Students wishing to count transfer credits toward the major or concentration should send the undergraduate adviser their transfer credit report, the syllabi of the courses they want to count toward departmental requirements, and a statement of how they want to apply the transfer credits to the requirements.

Independent Study Policy

• Independent Study ( POLS UN3901 INDEPENDENT RESEARCH I  in the fall or POLS UN3902 INDEPENDENT RESEARCH II  in the spring) taken in fulfillment of course requirements for the major/concentration must be taken for at least 3 points of credit.

Major in Political Science

Program of study.

To be planned with the department as soon as the student starts to register for courses toward the major. Students should not wait until they formally declare the major before meeting with an undergraduate adviser during the registration period to plan their programs for the major.

Course Requirements

Students must choose a  Primary Subfield  and a  Secondary Subfield  to study. The subfields are as follows:

• American Politics (AP)
• Comparative Politics (CP)
• International Relations (IR)
• Political Theory (PT)

The major in political science requires a minimum of 9 courses in political science, to be distributed as follows:

Students must complete the methods requirement by the end of the junior year. A student may fulfill the research methods requirement with another course inside or outside the department only with the advance written permission of the Director of Graduate Studies or the department's undergraduate adviser. If a course outside the Department of Political Science is used to satisfy the research methods requirement, this same course cannot be used to fulfill requirements of another major, concentration or program.

Students are expected to take two 3000-level 4-point seminars. They may choose from among the seminars offered, though at least one of the seminars taken must be in the student’s Primary Subfield (that in which at least 9 other points have been completed). Entry into seminars requires the instructor's permission.

For detailed seminar registration guidelines, see  t he  department website . Seminars cannot be taken for R credit or Pass/D/Fail.

Barnard colloquia are open to students with the permission of the instructor. However, Barnard colloquia may not be used to fulfill the seminar requirement, though they may be used to fulfill subfield or elective requirements. Note that admission to Barnard colloquia is by application to the Barnard Political Science Department only. Please consult with the Barnard Political Science Department for more information.

Recommended Courses

In addition to political science courses, students are strongly advised, but not required, to take six points in a related social science field.

Major in Economics–Political Science

The major in economics-political science is an interdisciplinary major that introduces students to the methodologies of economics and political science and stresses areas of particular concern to both. This program is particularly beneficial to students planning to do graduate work in schools of public policy and international affairs.

Two advisers are assigned for the interdepartmental major, one in the Department of Economics and one in the Department of Political Science. Please note that the economics adviser can only advise on economics requirements and the political science adviser can only advise on political science requirements.

For the political science part of the major, students must choose a  Primary Subfield  and a  Secondary Subfield  to study. The corresponding introductory courses in both subfields must be taken, plus two electives in the Primary Subfield and one in the Secondary Subfield. The subfields are as follows:

The economics–political science major requires a total of 59 points: 22 points in economics, 17 points in political science, 6 points in mathematics, 6 points in statistical methods, 4 points in a political science seminar, and 4 points in the interdisciplinary seminar as follows:

Students who wish to count toward the political science seminar requirement a course that is not in the above list of approved seminars must obtain permission from the political science Director of Undergraduate studies.

Barnard colloquia may not be used to fulfill the seminar requirement. Note that admission to Barnard colloquia is by application to the Barnard political science department only.

Major in Political Science–Statistics

The interdepartmental major of political science–statistics is designed for students who desire an understanding of political science to pursue advanced study in this field and who also wish to have at their command a broad range of sophisticated statistical tools to analyze data related to social science and public policy research.

Students should be aware of the rules regarding the use of the Pass/D/Fail option. Courses in which a grade of D has been received do not count toward the major requirements.

Political science–statistics students are eligible for all prizes reserved for political science majors.

The political science-statistics major requires a minimum of 15 courses in political science, statistics, and mathematics, to be distributed as follows:

Students taking Statistics Sequence A may replace the mathematics requirements with both  MATH UN1207 HONORS MATHEMATICS A and  MATH UN1208 HONORS MATHEMATICS B .

Concentration in Political Science

To be planned with the department as soon as the student starts to register for courses toward the concentration. Students should not wait until they formally declare the concentration before meeting with an undergraduate adviser during the registration period to plan their programs for the concentration.

Concentration Requirements

The concentration in political science requires a minimum of 7 courses in political science, to be distributed as follows:

In addition to courses in political science, students are strongly advised, but not required, to take six credits in a related social science field.

American Politics

POLS UN1201 INTRO TO AMERICAN POLITICS. 4.00 points .

The purpose of this course is to introduce students to the principles of American politics and governance. Upon completing the class, students should be more informed about the American political process and better able to explain contemporary American political phenomena, as well as being more likely to engage with politics and elections

POLS UN3213 AMERICAN URBAN POLITICS. 3.00 points .

This course examines the pattern of political development in urban America, as the countrys population has grown in urbanized locations. It explores the process by which cities and suburbs are governed, how immigrants and migrants are incorporated, and how people of different races and ethnicities interact in urbanized settings as well as the institutional relations of cities and suburbs with other jurisdictions of government. The course focuses both on the historical as well the theoretical understandings of politics in urban areas

POLS UN3220 LOGIC OF COLLECTIVE CHOICE. 3.00 points .

Much of politics is about combining individual preferences or actions into collective choices. We will make use of two theoretical approaches. Our primary approach will be social choice theory, which studies how we aggregate what individuals want into what the collective ;wants.; The second approach, game theory, covers how we aggregate what individuals want into what the group gets, given that social, economic, and political outcomes usually depend on the interaction of individual choices. The aggregation of preferences or choices is usually governed by some set of institutional rules, formal or informal. Our main themes include the rationality of individual and group preferences, the underpinnings and implications of using majority rule, tradeoffs between aggregation methods, the fairness of group choice, the effects of institutional constraints on choice (e.g. agenda control), and the implications for democratic choice. Most of the course material is highly abstract, but these abstract issues turn up in many real-world problems, from bargaining between the branches of government to campus elections to judicial decisions on multi-member courts to the allocation of relief funds among victims of natural disasters to the scoring of Olympic events. The collective choice problem is one faced by society as a whole and by the smallest group alike

POLS UN3222 THE AMERICAN CONGRESS. 3.00 points .

Prerequisites: POLS UN1201 or the equivalent, or the instructor's permission. Prerequisites: POLS W1201 or the equivalent, or the instructors permission. Inquiry into the dynamics, organization, and policy-making processes of the American Congress. Particular emphasis on the relationship of legislators to constituents, lobbyists, bureaucrats, the president, and with one another

POLS UN3225 AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL HISTOR. 4.00 points .

This Course is intended to look at key developments of American History through the prism of Supreme Court decisions and their aftermath. In essence, this Course will address three questions: 1. How did the Supreme Court reflect, and affect, historic patterns of U.S. development, and how did it impact the legal and economic framework of the United States? 2. How did the Supreme Court respond to, or worsen, crises in U.S. history? 3. How did the perception of individual and collective rights and liberties, and of the function and role of Governments -- both Federal and State -- evolve over time?

POLS UN3245 RACIAL AND ETHNIC POLITICS. 3.00 points .

This course examines the role of race in American politics and the political behavior of racial and ethnic minorities in the United States. Topics will include, but are not limited to, minority political participation, segregation, gentrification, group identity, implicit bias, political representation, media effects, and the role of race in political campaigns

POLS UN3255 RACE AND THE US CARCERAL SYSTEM. 3.00 points .

This course will introduce students to research on the institutions of the US carceral system, including the police, courts, prisons, and immigration control. We will focus on two questions: how race relates to experiences with the institutions of the carceral state, and how those institutions in turn influence racial politics. The main objective is not the accumulation of factual knowledge about this system, but familiarity with theoretical frameworks with which to make and critically assess arguments about the functioning of carceral institutions as they relate to racialized people and the functioning of democracy

POLS UN3260 LATINO POLITICAL EXPERIENCE. 3.00 points .

This course focuses on the political incorporation of Latinos into the American polity. Among the topics to be discussed are patterns of historical exclusion, the impact of the Voting Rights Act, organizational and electoral behavior, and the effects of immigration on the Latino national political agenda

POLS UN3285 FREEDOM OF SPEECH ＆ PRESS. 3.00 points .

Examines the constitutional right of freedom of speech and press in the United States. Examines, in depth, various areas of law, including extremist or seditious speech, obscenity, libel, fighting words, the public forum doctrine, and public access to the mass media. Follows the law school course model, with readings focused on actual judicial decisions

POLS UN3290 VOTING AND AMERICAN POLITICS. 3.00 points .

Elections and public opinion; history of U.S. electoral politics; the problem of voter participation; partisanship and voting; accounting for voting decisions; explaining and forecasting election outcomes; elections and divided government; money and elections; electoral politics and representative democracy.

American Politics Seminars

POLS UN3921 AMERICAN POLITICS SEMINAR. 4.00 points .

Priority given to senior majors, followed by junior majors, then all other students.

Prerequisites: the instructor's permission. Pre-registration is not permitted. Prerequisites: the instructors permission. Pre-registration is not permitted. Seminar in American Politics Seminar. Students who would like to register should join the electronic wait list. For list of topics and descriptions see: https://polisci.columbia.edu/content/undergraduate-seminars

Comparative Politics

POLS UN1501 INTRO TO COMPARATIVE POLITICS. 4.00 points .

This course provides a broad overview of the comparative politics subfield by focusing on important substantive questions about the world today. The course is organized around four questions. First, why can only some people depend upon the state to enforce order? Second, how can we account for the differences between autocracies and democracies? Third, what different institutional forms does democratic government take? Finally, are some institutions more likely than others to produce desirable social outcomes such as accountability, redistribution, and political stability?

POLS UN3528 NEW/OLD FORMS OF POL PROTEST. 3.00 points .

This course will introduce the students to the important topic of political protest. Each week we will address different aspects of the phenomenon: from the determinant to the actors and strategies of protest. We will discuss how the forms of protest have changed and the current role of the internet in general and social media in particular. Finally, we will discuss the role of the state and state repression, in particular censorship in the dynamics of protest. Since this is a comparative politics course, we will cover a range of different countries, including the United States, as well as both democratic and authoritarian regimes

POLS UN3534 AUTOCRACY AND DEMOCRACY. 3.00 points .

With longstanding democracies in Europe and the US faltering, autocratic regimes in Russia and China consolidating, and hybrid regimes that mix elements of democracy and autocracy on the rise, scholars, policymakers, and citizens are re-evaluating the causes and consequences of different forms of government. This course is designed to give students the tools to understand these trends in global politics. Among other topics, we will explore: How do democracies and autocracies differ in theory and in practice? Why are some countries autocratic? Why are some democratic? What are the roots of democratic erosion? How does economic inequality influence a country’s form of government? Is the current period of institutional foment different past periods of global instability? This course will help students keep up with rapidly unfolding events, but is designed primarily to help them develop tools for interpreting and understanding the current condition of democracy and autocracy in the world

POLS GU4423 POLITICAL ECONOMY ANALYSIS OF ELITES ＆ INSTITUTIONS. 4.00 points .

This course examines political institutions and elite behavior from a political economy perspective. This course has three core goals. First, the substantive goal is to familiarize students with foundational theoretical arguments and frontier empirical evidence pertaining to central questions in political economy relating to political elite and institutions. Second, the methodological goal is to empower students to implement research designs that can effectively address the substantive questions driving their research. Third, the professionalization goal is to expose students to the academic processes of writing reviews, replicating and extending others’ studies, presenting research projects, and writing original research designs or academic papers

POLS GU4439 State and Society in Ukraine. 4.00 points .

This course deals with the functioning of the state and society in post-Soviet Ukraine, from its peaceful establishment in 1991 to its affirmation and revision in the crucible of the war with neoimperial Russia since 2014. On the one hand, it examines the formation and subsequent transformation of the state, including he branches of government, the party system, elections, foreign policy, education and social welfare. On the other hand, it discusses various facets of society such as religion, media, language use, gender relations, poverty, racism, etc. In tracing the relations between the state and society on a rocky road from totalitarianism to democracy, particular attention is paid to two upsurges of popular protest against state abuse, namely the Orange and Euromaidan revolution and subsequent attempts to empower society and strengthen its control over the state. No less prominent will be discussions of two military interventions by Russia seeking to keep Ukraine its its sphere of influence, the annexation of Crimea and the instigation of a separatist conflict in the Donbas in 2014, and the full-blown invasion in 2022, and the Ukrainian state and society’s responses to these interventions

POLS GU4453 POLITICS IN RUSSIA. 3.00 points .

This course begins by studying the late Soviet era—the 1970s through the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991--in order to understand what kind of political system and political culture Russia inherited. We spend some time analyzing why and how the Soviet Union—a superpower for 75 years—disintegrated suddenly and for the most part, peacefully. Then, the bulk of the course focuses on state-building in the Russian Federation. Russia’s effort to construct new political institutions, a functioning economy, and a healthy society represents one of the greatest political dramas of our time. Beginning with Yeltsin’s presidency in 1991 and continuing through the current eras of Putin, Medvedev, and Putin again, we consider phenomena such as economic reform, nationalism, separatism, federalism, war, legal reform, civil society, and democratization. The third part of the course addresses Russia’s foreign relations. Like its predecessor states, the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union, Russia is concerned with what kind of state it is (or should be) and where it stands in the international order. We will study how Russian elites make sense of Russia’s identity, as well as Russia’s policies toward the US, Europe, its “near abroad,” the Middle East, and China

POLS GU4455 Russian Politics: How Autocracy Works. 3.00 points .

This course is designed to give students the tools to understand the politics of post-Soviet Russia through the lens of theories of modern autocracy and by putting Russian in comparative perspective. Among other topics, we will explore: Why did the Soviet Union collapse? Why was economic reform in Russian in the 1990s so difficult? How does autocracy influence economic development? How does Russia’s autocracy work? Why has Russia become increasingly repressive in the Putin era? Why did Russia invade Ukraine in 2022? What are the prospects for political change? How does economic inequality influence a country’s form of government? In addition to answering these questions, we will also examine the many difficult challenges in identifying the causes and consequences of studying autocracy. The course not only hopes to use modern theories of autocracy to understand Russia, but also to use the Russian case to build theories of modern autocracy. This course will help students keep up with rapidly unfolding events but is designed primarily to help them develop tools for interpreting and understanding the politics of autocratic Russia

POLS GU4457 Russian Propaganda Dom ＆ Global Politics. 4.00 points .

Propaganda is a key tool of contemporary authoritarian politics. Autocrats such as Russia’s Vladimir Putin, China’s Xi Jinping, or Hungary’s Viktor Orbán use state-controlled media to manipulate citizens, and some of them extensively rely on propaganda to undermine democracy in other countries. This course encourages students to think about the specific roles that media and propaganda play in autocracies, focusing on Russia in particular. We will read and discuss cutting-edge empirical research in political science and media studies to understand how autocrats such as Putin manipulate public opinion, why their propaganda can be successful, what its limits are, and how we can spot authoritarian propaganda in practice

POLS GU4461 Latin American Politics. 4 points .

This is a lecture class that seeks to introduce students to social scientific analysis while discuss the shifting dynamics of political representation in Latin America. In analyzing political representation in the region, it focuses on demands for political inclusion by different actors and how they were resisted or accepted by established elites in a process that moved from regime change to electoral rotation in power. The course covers these political dynamics and their institutional consequences since the onset of the twentieth century, starting with the Mexican Revolution, until the contemporary period where democracy is the predominant form of government and elections a crucial tool for social and political change. While analyzing the politics of Latin America, we will cover important political science concepts associated with democratic representation, social inclusion and the rule of the law, such as social movement mobilization, political regime change, presidentialism, political party systems, political identities, state capacity, and institutional weakness.

POLS GU4471 CHINESE POLITICS. 3.00 points .

This course offers a historical and thematic survey of Chinese politics and of salient issues in China’s public policy and governance. The first half of the course reviews the patterns and dynamics of political development in China, focusing mainly on the last two hundred years, during which the country has been on a rugged yet fascinating path toward modernity. We will examine major political events including the collapse of the Imperial China, the rise of the Communist Party, the Cultural Revolution, and the post-Mao shift toward reform and opening. The second half of the course will look various special topics, including the structure of the party and the state, the relationship between state and society, the modes of economic development, and the governance of the media and the Internet. Throughout the course, special attention will be paid to how China’s domestic political and economic processes intersected with major world events and transnational forces, such as imperialism, world wars, and economic globalization

POLS GU4472 JAPANESE POLITICS. 4.00 points .

POLS GU4496 CONTEMPORARY AFRICAN POLITICS. 3.00 points .

This course aims to teach students what, if any, answers social scientists have to the questions that concern anyone with an interest in African politics: 1) Why have democratic governments flourished in some countries and not others? 2) What institutions may enable Africans to hold their leaders accountable? 3) How do people participate in politics? 4) In what ways do aspiring African political leaders build public support? 5) To what extent does persistent poverty on the continent have political causes? and 6) Why is violence used to resolve some political disputes and not others?

Comparative Politics Seminars

POLS UN3951 COMPARATIVE POLITICS SEMINAR. 4.00 points .

Prerequisites: POLS V1501 or the equivalent, and the instructor's permission. Pre-registration is not permitted. Please see here for detailed seminar registration guidelines: http://polisci.columbia.edu/undergraduate-programs/seminar-registration-guidelines. Prerequisites: POLS V1501 or the equivalent, and the instructors permission. Pre-registration is not permitted. Please see here for detailed seminar registration guidelines: http://polisci.columbia.edu/undergraduate-programs/seminar-registration-guidelines. Seminar in Comparative Politics. Students who would like to register should join the electronic wait list. For list of topics and descriptions see: https://polisci.columbia.edu/content/undergraduate-seminars

International Relations

POLS UN1601 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS. 4.00 points .

This introductory course surveys key topics in the study of international politics, including the causes of war and peace; the efficacy of international law and human rights; the origins of international development and underdevelopment; the politics of global environmental protection; and the future of US-China relations. Throughout the course, we will focus on the interests of the many actors of world politics, including states, politicians, firms, bureaucracies, international organizations, and nongovernmental organizations; the interactions between them; and the institutions in which they operate. By the end of the semester, students will be better equipped to systematically study international relations and make informed contributions to critical policy debates

POLS UN3619 NAT'L ＆ CONTEMP WORLD POLITICS. 3.00 points .

The causes and consequences of nationalism. Nationalism as a cause of conflict in contemporary world politics. Strategies for mitigating nationalist and ethnic conflict

POLS UN3623 ENDING WAR ＆ BUILDING PEACE. 3.00 points .

This course provides an introduction to the politics of war termination and peace consolidation. The course examines the challenges posed by ending wars and the process by which parties to a conflict arrive at victory, ceasefires, and peace negotiations. It explores how peace is sustained, why peace lasts in some cases and breaks down in others and what can be done to make peace more stable, focusing on the role of international interventions, power-sharing arrangements, reconciliation between adversaries, and reconstruction

POLS UN3648 GOVERNING THE GLOBAL ECONOMY. 4.00 points .

Who governs the world economy? Why do countries succeed or fail to cooperate in setting their economic policies? When and how do international institutions help countries cooperate? When and why do countries adopt good and bad economic policies? This course examines how domestic and international politics determine how the global economy is governed. We will study the politics of trade, international investment, monetary, immigration, and environmental policies to answer these questions. The course will approach each topic by examining alternative theoretical approaches and evaluate these theories using historical and contemporary evidence. There will be an emphasis on applying concepts through the analysis of policy-relevant case studies designed specifically for this course

POLS UN3674 China's Technological Rise. 3.00 points .

This course examines the causes and consequences of China’s rise as an economic and technological great power over the past four decades. It provides a theoretically-informed introduction to the political economy of contemporary China and to major debates surrounding China’s relations with the United States and its allies and partners. Topics covered include Chinese industrial and innovation policies, China’s capabilities in core technologies like semiconductors and artificial intelligence, the prospects for U.S.-China economic decoupling, the risk of conflict over Taiwan, the future trajectory of China’s rise, and more. At the end of this course, students will have a strong understanding of the main features of modern Chinese political economy, how China’s positions in the global economy and international system have changed in recent decades, and the implications of these transformations for U.S.-China strategic competition. They will also have learned to critically evaluate prominent theories in political science and international relations as they apply to China

POLS UN3692 Business ＆ Politics in Globalized World. 3.00 points .

Companies (or, as we’ll mostly refer to them, firms) play a number of important roles in both domestic and international politics; among other activities, they create jobs, engage in trade and in-vestment, create social responsibility programs, lobby governments, and create much of the world’s pollution. How should we think about firms as political actors? Why, when, and how do firms attempt to influence policymaking? And when do they succeed? In this course, we will study strategic collaboration, competition, and collusion between firms and governments in a range of settings and policy areas. To do so, we will draw on insights from international relations, economics, and business scholars, and we will frequently engage with current real-world examples of business-government relations. Topics will include (among others) lobbying, corporate social responsibility, taxation and tax avoidance, public-private governance, and corporate influence in foreign policy

POLS GU4814 GLOBAL ENERGY: SECURITY/GEOPOL. 3.00 points .

The course focuses on the nexus between energy and security as it reveals in the policies and interaction of leading energy producers and consumers. Topics include: Hydrocarbons and search for stability and security in the Persian Gulf, Caspian basin, Eurasia, Africa and Latin America; Russia as a global energy player; Analysis of the impact of Russia's invasion of Ukraine on energy markets, global security, and the future of the energy transition; Role of natural gas in the world energy balance and European energy security; Transformation of the global energy governance structure; Role and evolution of the OPEC; Introduction into energy economics; Dynamics and fundamentals of the global energy markets; IOCs vs NOCs; Resource nationalism, cartels, sanctions and embargoes; Asia's growing energy needs and its geo-economic and strategic implications; Nuclear energy and challenges to non-proliferation regime; Alternative and renewable sources of energy; Climate change as one of the central challenges of the 21st century; Analysis of the policies, technologies, financial systems and markets needed to achieve climate goals. Climate change and attempts of environmental regulation; Decarbonization trends, international carbon regimes and search for optimal models of sustainable development. Special focus on implications of the shale revolution and technological innovations on U.S. energy security

POLS GU4845 NAT SECURITY STRAT OF MID EAST. 4.00 points .

At the crossroads of three continents, the Middle East is home to many diverse peoples, with ancient and proud cultures, in varying stages of political and socio-economic development, often in conflict. Following the Arab Spring and subsequent upheaval in Egypt, Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Libya and more, the region is in a state of historic flux. The Sunni-Shia rivalry, especially between Saudi Arabia and Iran, growing Iranian-Israeli conflict, population explosion, poverty and authoritarian control, Russian ascendance and US retrenchment, are the primary regional drivers today. Together, these factors have transformed the Middle Eastern landscape, with great consequence for the national security of the countries of the region and their foreign relations. The primary source of the worlds energy resources, the Middle East remains the locus of the terror-WMD-fundamentalist nexus, which continues to pose a significant threat to both regional and international security. The course surveys the national security challenges facing the regions primary players (Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Israel, the Palestinians and Turkey,) and how the convolutions of recent years have affected them. Unlike many Middle East courses, which focus on US policy in the region, the course concentrates on the regional players perceptions of the threats and opportunities they face and the strategies they have adopted to deal with them. It thus provides an essential vantage point for those interested in gaining a deeper understanding of a region, which stands at the center of many of the foreign policy issues of our era. The course is designed for those with a general interest in the Middle East, especially those interested in national security issues, students of comparative politics and future practitioners, with an interest in real world international relations and national security

POLS GU4863 INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY OF DEVELOPING COUNTRIES. 4.00 points .

This course examines how domestic and international politics influence the economic policies of developing countries. We will critically evaluate different theoretical debates related to foreign economic policymaking in emerging markets, and introduce chief methodological approaches used in contemporary analyses. We will focus attention on different types of cross-border flows: the flow of goods (trade policy), the flow of people (immigration policy), the flow and location of production (foreign investment policy), the flow of capital (financial and monetary policy), and the flow of pollution (environment policy). In the process, we will address several themes that are central to understanding the politics of economic policymaking in emerging economies, including, the legacies of colonialism, trade protectionism and liberalization, globalization and the race to the bottom, the relationship between economic policy and culture, and development and redistribution. There will be an emphasis on applying concepts through the analysis of policy-relevant case studies designed for this course

POLS GU4865 INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY. 4.00 points .

This course explores key frameworks and issue areas within international political economy. It examines the history and key characteristics of (economic) globalization, the theories of international cooperation, as well as the nature and role of international organizations (such as the World Trade Organization) in fostering trade and international economic cooperation. Furthermore, the course discusses the pros and cons of globalization and its implications on domestic policies of nation-states, with a particular focus on the tensions globalization creates and the lines of cleavages between winners and losers from globalization. Finally, the course reflects on the future of globalization and international trade and the challenges faced by national and supranational policy makers

International Relations Seminars

POLS UN3961 INTERNATIONAL POLITICS SEMINAR. 4.00 points .

Prerequisites: POLS UN1601 or the equivalent, and the instructor's permission. Prerequisites: POLS UN1601 or the equivalent, and the instructors permission. Seminar in International Politics. Students who would like to register should join the electronic wait list. For list of topics and descriptions see: https://polisci.columbia.edu/content/undergraduate-seminars

Political Theory

POLS UN1101 POLITICAL THEORY I. 4.00 points .

This course considers key questions at the foundation of political thought. What is justice? How do we justify the coercive power of states? Do we have an obligation to obey the government? Who should make and enforce the law? What basic rights and liberties should governments protect? How should our economic system produce and divide wealth and material resources? What are the claims of excluded or marginalized groups and how can these claims be addressed? We explore these questions through the works of several classical and contemporary political thinkers. A major goal of the course is to practice the skills needed to understand a political thinker’s arguments and to construct one’s own

POLS UN3100 JUSTICE. 3.00 points .

An inquiry into the nature and implications of justice in areas ranging from criminal justice to social justice to the circumstances of war and peace, considering issues such as abortion, the criminalization of behavior, the death penalty, climate change, global poverty, civil disobedience, and international conflict

POLS UN3106 Democracy: Principles, Critics and Problems. 3.00 points .

This course is about democracy: its theory, principles, critics and challenges. After centuries of vilification, democracy acquired the status of the "best" political order thanks also to the defeat of Nazism and fascism, in 1945. The end of the Cold War and the international order created by the victors of World War II caused some major changes in the perception and practice of democracy. The world has become a unified place for financial markets and a borderless space for the implementation of hegemonic projects. Openness and globalization put pressure on the ideal and practice of democracy, however. On the one hand, democracy seems to be the solution to all problems so much so that "democracy" now means everything on the right side of history. On the other hand, it seems instead to be a source of problems, and many (even democrats) criticize it for being inefficient in decision-making, subject to the prejudices of increasingly uninformed and ignorant voters, and finally a system that breeds corruption. The goal of this course is to understand this conundrum. What are the basic principles of democracy and the main objections raised against it? In what sense does democracy embody universal values? Is it desirable that democracy contains partisanship with competence? Is populism a fate of modern democracies? These questions will guide us in understanding the promises of democracy and the disappointments of democrats. We will begin our intellectual journey with the ancient vision of democracy and its early critics, then explore the modern trajectory of democratic theory and finally contemporary populist transformations

POLS UN3112 GANDHI, KING ＆ POLS OF NONVIOLENCE. 4.00 points .

Since Gandhi’s experiments in mass satyagraha over a century ago, nonviolence has become a staple of protest politics across the globe. From the Occupy movements to the Arab Spring to Movement for Black Lives, it might even be entering a new phase of revitalization. At the same time, what exactly nonviolence is and what it can accomplish in politics is very much under debate. This course aims to understand the politics of nonviolence by examining the political ideas and political careers of its most well-known twentieth-century advocates, M.K. Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr. Though still venerated as founding figures of nonviolent protest, Gandhi and King have come to be remembered in ways that can misconstrue how they understood and practiced nonviolent politics. To many, Gandhi is a saintly idealist, who wanted to imbue politics with the spirit of ahimsa, truth, and conscience. Likewise, King is taken to be a spokesman for interracial brotherhood and Christian love. While partly true, these images also downplay the political side of their nonviolence – the techniques of organizing and strategies of protest that made their movements successful. We will examine the evolution of Gandhi’s and King’s political thinking in relation to the movements they led – the Indian independence movement and the civil rights movement in the US. We will consider how the theory and practice of nonviolence evolved and changed as it moved from one context to another. We will be especially focused on understanding the dynamics of nonviolent protest

POLS UN3141 Humans, Nature and the Future: an Introduction to Environmental Political Theory. 3.00 points .

This course is about how we understand humans and their relationship to nature – and about how these understandings influence the ways we design our societies, run our democracies, and make plans for the future. We’ll focus on two central themes. First: how does introducing a concern for ‘the environment’ (or the Earth, or ecology) deepen, and often complicate, our understanding of key concepts in political theory? Second: given that ‘the environment’ is an interdisciplinary issue, how do we understand the relationship between the ideas and conversations we have in political theory, and the ideas and conversations people are having in other disciplines? (For example: climate science.) There is no single prerequisite course for this one, but we will be assuming that you are familiar with the field of political theory in general. This is important, because many of our discussions will aim to map concepts and conversations from environmental political theory onto broader political theory conversations (which requires you to be familiar with those conversations!). Ideally, you’ll have taken a political theory survey before you take this course. If you haven’t, but you still think you’ve got the background necessary to participate fully in the class, please get in touch

POLS GU4110 RECENT CONTINENTAL POL THOUGHT. 4.00 points .

This course will compare and contrast the theories of the political, the state,freedom, democracy, sovereignty and law, in the works of the following key 20th and 21st century continental theorists: Arendt, Castoriadis, Foucault, Habermas, Kelsen, Lefort, Schmitt, and Weber. It will be taught in seminar format

POLS GU4132 POLIT THOUGHT-CLASSICL AND MEDIEVAL. 3.00 points .

Prerequisites: Contemporary Civilization or a comparable introduction to political theory course. Prerequisites: Contemporary Civilization or a comparable introduction to political theory course. This course examines ancient political thought from its origins in the archaic Greek poleis through the development of classical Greek political philosophy and the transmission and adaptation of Greek political ideas in the Hellenistic, Roman, and early Christian traditions. Our texts will include major ancient works of political theory by Plato, Aristotle, and Cicero as well as works of poetry, drama, history, and ethical and natural philosophy that offer insight into ancient thought on politics. We will approach these texts not only as reflections on the ancient democratic, oligarchic, monarchical, and republican political systems they address, but also as foundations for modern political discourse that still prompt us to consider the questions they raise—questions about the ideal form of government in theory, and the best form in practice; about the nature of law and justice, and the relationship between law and custom, science, or religion; about the rule of law, and the rights and obligations of an individual citizen living in a participatory state; and about the reach of empire, and the implications when a self-governing people attempts to direct the affairs of non-citizens or of other states

POLS GU4134 MODERN POLITICAL THOUGHT. 4.00 points .

Interpretations of civil society and the foundations of political order according to the two main traditions of political thought--contraction and Aristotelian. Readings include works by Hobbes, Spinoza, Locke, Montesquieu, Hume, Rousseau, Kant, Hegel, Saint-Simon, Tocqueville, Marx, and Mill

Political Theory Seminars

POLS UN3911 SEMINAR IN POLITCAL THEORY. 4.00 points .

Seminar in Political Theory. Students who would like to register should join the electronic wait list. For list of topics and descriptions see: https://polisci.columbia.edu/content/undergraduate-seminars

Research Methods

POLS UN3704 RESEARCH DESIGN: DATA ANALYSIS. 3.00 points .

This course examines the basic methods data analysis and statistics that political scientists use in quantitative research that attempts to make causal inferences about how the political world works. The same methods apply to other kinds of problems about cause and effect relationships more generally. The course will provide students with extensive experience in analyzing data and in writing (and thus reading) research papers about testable theories and hypotheses. It will cover basic data analysis and statistical methods, from univariate and bivariate descriptive and inferential statistics through multivariate regression analysis. Computer applications will be emphasized. The course will focus largely on observational data used in cross-sectional statistical analysis, but it will consider issues of research design more broadly as well. It will assume that students have no mathematical background beyond high school algebra and no experience using computers for data analysis

POLS UN3720 RESEARCH DESIGN: SCOPE AND METHODS. 4.00 points .

This class aims to introduce students to the logic of social scientific inquiry and research design. Although it is a course in political science, our emphasis will be on the science part rather than the political part — we’ll be reading about interesting substantive topics, but only insofar as they can teach us something about ways we can do systematic research. This class will introduce students to a medley of different methods to conduct social scientific research

POLS UN3768 Experimental Research. 4.00 points .

Randomized experimentation is an important methodology in political science. In this course, we will discuss the logic of experimentation, its strengths and weaknesses compared to other methodologies, and the ways in which experimentation has been -- and could be -- used to investigate political phenomena. Students will learn how to interpret, design, and execute experiments

POLS GU4700 MATH ＆ STATS FOR POLI SCI. 4.00 points .

This course presents basic mathematical and statistical concepts that are essential for formal and quantitative analysis in political science research. It prepares students for the graduate-level sequence on formal models and quantitative political methodology offered in the department. The first half of the course will cover basic mathematics, such as calculus and linear algebra. The second half of the course will focus on probability theory and statistics. We will rigorously cover the topics that are directly relevant to formal and quantitative analysis in political science such that students can build both intuitions and technical skills. There is no prerequisite since this course is ordinarily taken by Ph.D. students in their first semester. The course is aimed for both students with little exposure to mathematics and those who have taken some courses but wish to gain a more solid foundation. NOTE: This course does not satisfy the Political Science Major/Concentration research methods requirement

POLS GU4702 Qualitative and Mixed Methods of Research Design and Inquiry. 4.00 points .

This course covers research methods and research design in political science. We cover concrete and practical issues of conducting research that are useful for all types of empirical political science research: picking a topic, generating hypotheses, case selection, measurement issues, and the ethics of research; with a focus on qualitative and mixed-methods tools such as: interviews, fieldwork, case studies, archival research, ethnographic work, designing and conducting experiments, coding data and working with data sets, combining quantitative and qualitative methods, etc. The course is designed for several audiences in Political Science, including: PhD students MA students undertaking a major research project or intending to continue on to the PhD Advanced undergraduates writing or contemplating an honors thesis, or another major research project

POLS GU4710 PRINC OF QUANT POL RESEARCH 1. 4.00 points .

This course examines the basic methods of data analysis and statistics, through multivariate regression analysis, that political scientists use in quantitative research that attempts to make causal inferences about how the political world works. The same methods apply to other kinds of problems about cause and effect relationships more generally. The course will provide students with extensive experience in analyzing data and in writing (and thus reading) research papers about testable theories and hypotheses

POLS GU4712 PRINC OF QUANT POL RESEARCH 2. 4.00 points .

Prerequisites: POLS W4710 or the equivalent. Prerequisites: POLS W4710 or the equivalent. This course will intensively examine some of the data analysis methods which deal with problems occurring in the use of multiple regression analysis. It will stress computer applications and cover, as needed, data coding and data processing. Emphasis will also be placed on research design and writing research reports. The course assumes that students are familiar with basic statistics, inference, and multiple regression analysis and have analyzed data using computer software (e.g., any standard statistical programs on micro-computers or larger machines -- Stata, “R”, SPSS, SAS, etc.). Students will be instructed on the use of the microcomputers and the R and Stata statistical software program(s) available as freeware (R) or in the CUIT computer labs (Stata; several campus locations) or through SIPA. The lectures and required discussion section will emphasize the use of “R.” Students may use whatever computer programs they prefer for all data analysis for the course. There may be an additional fee for classroom instructional materials

POLS GU4716 Data Science for Political Analytics. 3.00 points .

Prerequisites: ( POLS GU4714 ) or The digital revolution has created previously unimaginable opportunities to learn about political behavior and institutions. It has also created new challenges for analyzing the massive amounts of data that are now easily accessible. Open source software has reduced barriers and inequities in coding, but it also requires different kinds of effort to employ optimally the latest innovations. Harnessing the power of political data is more critical than ever, given the threats that misinformation and alternative “facts” present to democratic forms of government. This course will teach students both essential tools and general strategies of data science within the domain of politics. Whether students’ goals are to analyze political behavior for academic or professional purposes, successful analysis requires skills for handling a wide array of issues that stand in the way of creating knowledge and insights from data. This course prioritizes breadth over depth in the sense that we will introduce a broad range of topics relevant for data science to develop basic skills and form a foundation that students can build on. More complete mastery of these skills will require additional engagement beyond this course

POLS GU4720 QUANT METH 1 APPL REG CAUS INF. 4.00 points .

Fitting and understanding linear regression and generalized linear models, simulation, causal inference, and the basics of design of quantitative studies. Computation in R. Textbook: Regression and Other Stories by Gelman, Hill, and Vehtari

POLS GU4722 QUANT METH 2 STAT THEO＆CAUS INF. 4.00 points .

This course is the second course in the graduate-level sequence on quantitative political methodology offered in the Department of Political Science. Students will learn (1) a framework and methodologies for making causal inferences from experimental and observational data, and (2) statistical theories essential for causal inference. Topics include randomized experiments, estimation under ignorability, instrumental variables, regression discontinuity, difference-indifferences, and causal inference with panel data. We also cover statistical theories, such as theories of ordinary least squares and maximum likelihood estimation, by connecting them to causal inference methods. This course builds on the materials covered in POLS 4700 and 4720 or theirequivalent (i.e., probability, statistics, linear regression, and logistic regression)

POLS GU4724 QUANT METH 3 EXPERIMENTAL METH. 4.00 points .

In this course, we will discuss the logic of experimentation, its strengths and weaknesses compared to other methodologies, and the ways in which experimentation has been — and could be — used to investigate social phenomena. Students will learn how to interpret, design, and execute experiments. Special attention will be devoted to field experiments, or randomized trials conducted in real-world settings. Prerequisites: Students should have taken at least one or two semesters of statistics. Some understanding of probability, hypothesis testing, and regression are assumed. Familiarity with statistical software such as R is helpful. We will be working with data in class throughout the term. The examples used in the textbook and lectures are written in R, and R tutorials will be taught in special sessions early in the term

POLS GU4726 QUANT METH 4 TOPICS IN METHODS. 4.00 points .

This course is the fourth course in the graduate-level sequence on quantitative political methodology offered in the Department of Political Science. Students will learn a variety of ad-vanced topics in political methodology, such as machine learning, recent measurement methods (e.g., ideal point estimation, text analysis, list experiment, and conjoint experiment), network analysis, and causal inference with spatial and network data. Students will collaborate to present discussion papers throughout the semester. The main goal of this course is to help students to write a final paper that applies or develops advanced statistical methods. This course builds on the materials covered in POLS 4700, 4720, 4722, and 4724, or their equivalent courses (i.e., probability, statistics, linear regression, logistic regression, causal inference with observational and experimental data, and knowledge of statistical computing environment R)

POLS GU4730 GAME THEORY ＆ POLIT THEORY. 4.00 points .

Prerequisites: POLS GU4700 or equivalent level of calculus. Prerequisites: POLS GU4700 or equivalent level of calculus. Introduction to noncooperative game theory and its application to strategic situations in politics. Topics include solution concepts, asymmetric information, and incomplete information. Students should have taken POLS GU4700 or have equivalent background in calculus. Permission of instructor required

POLS GU4732 RESEARCH TOPICS IN GAME THEORY. 4.00 points .

Prerequisites: POLS W4730 or the instructors permission. Advanced topics in game theory will cover the study of repeated games, games of incomplete information and principal-agent models with applications in the fields of voting, bargaining, lobbying and violent conflict. Results from the study of social choice theory, mechanism design and auction theory will also be treated. The course will concentrate on mathematical techniques for constructing and solving games. Students will be required to develop a topic relating political science and game theory and to write a formal research paper

POLS GU4768 Experimental Research: Design, Analysis and Interpretation. 4 points .

Prerequisites: one or two semesters of statistics; basic understanding of probability, hypothesis testing, and regression are assumed. Basic familiarity with statistical software (Stata and R) is helpful but not required.

In this course, we will discuss the logic of experimentation, its strengths and weaknesses compared to other methodologies, and the ways in which experimentation has been -- and could be -- used to investigate social phenomena. Students will learn how to interpret, design, and execute experiments.

Senior Honors Seminar

POLS UN3998 HONORS SEMINAR. 4.00 points .

Prerequisites: admission to the departmental honors program. Prerequisites: admission to the departmental honors program. A two-term seminar for students writing the senior honors thesis

POLS UN3999 HONORS SEMINAR. 4.00 points .

Prerequisites: admission to the departmental honors program.

A two-term seminar for students writing the senior honors thesis.

Independent Reading and Research

POLS UN3901 INDEPENDENT RESEARCH I. 1.00-6.00 points .

POLS UN3902 INDEPENDENT RESEARCH II. 1.00-6.00 points .

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Students at Columbia continue their pro-Palestinian protests

Officials at Columbia University will continue to talk with student protesters after the deadline to clear out passed.

LEILA FADEL, HOST:

Last night, Columbia University students protesting the war in Gaza were readying themselves for a new round of mass arrests.

MICHEL MARTIN, HOST:

Columbia's president issued an ultimatum - disperse by midnight or else the university would consider, quote-unquote, "alternative options" to clear the encampment. A statement from the protesters say they were threatened with the police and National Guard if they did not agree to university demands.

Manuela Silva is the city news editor with the Columbia Daily Spectator. That's the independent student newspaper. As midnight approached, she says some students started moving their tents.

MANUELA SILVA: We also saw demonstrators starting to hand out cards, reading, quote, "if you are arrested, " which gave students instructions to, for example, remain silent or clarify if they would like to speak to an attorney.

SILVA: We also saw demonstrators starting to hand out cards, reading, quote, "if you are arrested, " which gave students instructions to, for example, remain silent or clarify if they would like to speak to an attorney.

FADEL: Midnight came and went. Then around 3 a.m., the university announced what it called important progress. Protesters agreed to remove some of the tents, restrict the protest to Columbia students and prohibit discriminatory or harassing language. Amira McKee, the Spectator's head of investigation, says she and her colleagues have been covering the protest 24/7 since they began a week ago.

AMIRA MCKEE: It is surreal, honestly, to see an area and a community that we cover every day be in the national spotlight in this way.

MARTIN: So administrators will continue negotiations for another 48 hours. The protesters are demanding the university divest from companies that profit from the war and those that do business with Israel.

Copyright © 2024 NPR. All rights reserved. Visit our website terms of use and permissions pages at www.npr.org for further information.

NPR transcripts are created on a rush deadline by an NPR contractor. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future. Accuracy and availability may vary. The authoritative record of NPR’s programming is the audio record.

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The Crackdown on Student Protesters

Columbia university is at the center of a growing showdown over the war in gaza and the limits of free speech..

This transcript was created using speech recognition software. While it has been reviewed by human transcribers, it may contain errors. Please review the episode audio before quoting from this transcript and email [email protected] with any questions.

[TRAIN SCREECHING]

Well, you can hear the helicopter circling. This is Asthaa Chaturvedi. I’m a producer with “The Daily.” Just walked out of the 116 Street Station. It’s the main station for Columbia’s Morningside Heights campus. And it’s day seven of the Gaza solidarity encampment, where a hundred students were arrested last Thursday.

So on one side of Broadway, you see camera crews. You see NYPD officers all lined up. There’s barricades, steel barricades, caution tape. This is normally a completely open campus. And I’m able to — all members of the public, you’re able to walk through.

[NON-ENGLISH SPEECH]

Looks like international media is here.

Have your IDs out. Have your IDs out.

Students lining up to swipe in to get access to the University. ID required for entry.

Swipe your ID, please.

Hi, how are you, officer? We’re journalists with “The New York Times.”

You’re not going to get in, all right? I’m sorry.

Hi. Can I help please?

Yeah, it’s total lockdown here at Columbia.

Please have your IDs out ready to swipe.

From “The New York Times,” I’m Michael Barbaro. This is “The Daily.” Today, the story of how Columbia University has become the epicenter of a growing showdown between student protesters, college administrators, and Congress over the war in Gaza and the limits of free speech. I spoke with my colleague, Nick Fandos.

[UPBEAT MUSIC]

It’s Thursday, April 25.

Nick, if we rewind the clock a few months, we end up at a moment where students at several of the country’s best known universities are protesting Israel’s response to the October 7 attacks, its approach to a war in Gaza. At times, those protests are happening peacefully, at times with rhetoric that is inflammatory. And the result is that the leaders of those universities land before Congress. But the president of Columbia University, which is the subject we’re going to be talking about today, is not one of the leaders who shows up for that testimony.

That’s right. So the House Education Committee has been watching all these protests on campus. And the Republican Chairwoman decides, I’m going to open an investigation, look at how these administrations are handling it, because it doesn’t look good from where I sit. And the House last winter invites the leaders of several of these elite schools, Harvard, Penn, MIT, and Columbia, to come and testify in Washington on Capitol Hill before Congress.

Now, the President of Columbia has what turns out to be a very well-timed, pre-planned trip to go overseas and speak at an international climate conference. So Minouche Shafik isn’t going to be there. So instead, the presidents of Harvard, and Penn, and MIT show up. And it turned out to be a disaster for these universities.

They were asked very pointed questions about the kind of speech taking place on their campuses, and they gave really convoluted academic answers back that just baffled the committee. But there was one question that really embodied the kind of disconnect between the Committee — And it wasn’t just Republicans, Republicans and Democrats on the Committee — and these college presidents. And that’s when they were asked a hypothetical.

Does calling for the genocide of Jews violate Penn’s rules or code of conduct? Yes or no?

If the speech turns into conduct, it can be harassment.

And two of the presidents, Claudine Gay of Harvard and Elizabeth Magill of the University of Pennsylvania, they’re unwilling to say in this really kind of intense back and forth that this speech would constitute a violation of their rules.

It can be, depending on the context.

What’s the context?

Targeted at an individual. Is it pervasive?

It’s targeted at Jewish students, Jewish individuals. Do you understand your testimony is dehumanizing them?

And it sets off a firestorm.

It does not depend on the context. The answer is yes. And this is why you should resign. These are unacceptable answers across the board.

Members of Congress start calling for their resignations. Alumni are really, really ticked off. Trustees of the University start to wonder, I don’t know that these leaders really have got this under control. And eventually, both of them lose their jobs in a really high profile way.

Right. And as you’ve hinted at, for somewhat peculiar scheduling reasons, Columbia’s President escapes this disaster of a hearing in what has to be regarded as the best timing in the history of the American Academy.

Yeah, exactly. And Columbia is watching all this play out. And I think their first response was relief that she was not in that chair, but also a recognition that, sooner or later, their turn was going to come back around and they were going to have to sit before Congress.

Why were they so certain that they would probably end up before Congress and that this wasn’t a case of completely dodging a bullet?

Well, they remain under investigation by the committee. But also, as the winter wears on, all the same intense protests just continue unabated. So in many ways, Columbia’s like these other campuses. But in some ways, it’s even more intense. This is a university that has both one of the largest Jewish student populations of any of its peers. But it also has a large Arab and Muslim student population, a big Middle Eastern studies program. It has a dual degree program in Tel Aviv.

And it’s a university on top of all that that has a real history of activism dating back to the 1960s. So when students are recruited or choose to come to Columbia, they’re actively opting into a campus that prides itself on being an activist community. It’s in the middle of New York City. It’s a global place. They consider the city and the world, really, like a classroom to Columbia.

In other words, if any campus was going to be a hotbed of protest and debate over this conflict, it was going to be Columbia University.

Exactly. And when this spring rolls around, the stars finally align. And the same congressional committee issues another invitation to Minouche Shafik, Columbia’s President, to come and testify. And this time, she has no excuse to say no.

But presumably, she is well aware of exactly what testifying before this committee entails and is highly prepared.

Columbia knew this moment was coming. They spent months preparing for this hearing. They brought in outside consultants, crisis communicators, experts on anti-Semitism. The weekend before the hearing, she actually travels down to Washington to hole up in a war room, where she starts preparing her testimony with mock questioners and testy exchanges to prep her for this. And she’s very clear on what she wants to try to do.

Where her counterparts had gone before the committee a few months before and looked aloof, she wanted to project humility and competence, to say, I know that there’s an issue on my campus right now with some of these protests veering off into anti-Semitic incidents. But I’m getting that under control. I’m taking steps in good faith to make sure that we restore order to this campus, while allowing people to express themselves freely as well.

So then the day of her actual testimony arrives. And just walk us through how it goes.

The Committee on Education and Workforce will come to order. I note that —

So Wednesday morning rolls around. And President Shafik sits at the witness stand with two of her trustees and the head of Columbia’s new anti-Semitism task force.

Columbia stands guilty of gross negligence at best and at worst has become a platform for those supporting terrorism and violence against the Jewish people.

And right off the bat, they’re put through a pretty humbling litany of some of the worst hits of what’s been happening on campus.

For example, just four days after the harrowing October 7 attack, a former Columbia undergraduate beat an Israeli student with a stick.

The Republican Chairwoman of the Committee, Virginia Foxx, starts reminding her that there was a student who was actually hit with a stick on campus. There was another gathering more recently glorifying Hamas and other terrorist organizations, and the kind of chants that have become an everyday chorus on campus, which many Jewish students see as threatening. But when the questioning starts, President Shafik is ready. One of the first ones she gets is the one that tripped up her colleagues.

Does calling for the genocide of Jews violate Columbia’s code of conduct, Mr. Greenwald?

And she answers unequivocally.

Dr. Shafik?

Yes, it does.

And, Professor —

That would be a violation of Columbia’s rules. They would be punished.

As President of Columbia, what is it like when you hear chants like, by any means necessary or Intifada Revolution?

I find those chants incredibly distressing. And I wish profoundly that people would not use them on our campus.

And in some of the most interesting exchanges of the hearing, President Shafik actually opens Columbia’s disciplinary books.

We have already suspended 15 students from Columbia. We have six on disciplinary probation. These are more disciplinary actions that have been taken probably in the last decade at Columbia. And —

She talks about the number of students that have been suspended, but also the number of faculty that she’s had removed from the classroom that are being investigated for comments that either violate some of Columbia’s rules or make students uncomfortable. One case in particular really underscores this.

And that’s of a Middle Eastern studies professor named Joseph Massad. He wrote an essay not long after Hamas invaded Israel and killed 1,200 people, according to the Israeli government, where he described that attack with adjectives like awesome. Now, he said they’ve been misinterpreted, but a lot of people have taken offense to those comments.

Ms. Stefanik, you’re recognized for five minutes.

Thank you, Chairwoman. I want to follow up on my colleague, Rep Walberg’s question regarding Professor Joseph Massad. So let me be clear, President —

And so Representative Elise Stefanik, the same Republican who had tripped up Claudine Gay of Harvard and others in the last hearing, really starts digging in to President Shafik about these things at Columbia.

He is still Chair on the website. So has he been terminated as Chair?

Congresswoman, I —

And Shafik’s answers are maybe a little surprising.

— before getting back to you. I can confirm —

I know you confirmed that he was under investigation.

Yes, I can confirm that. But I —

Did you confirm he was still the Chair?

He says that Columbia is taking his case seriously. In fact, he’s under investigation right now.

Well, let me ask you this.

I need to check.

Will you make the commitment to remove him as Chair?

And when Stefanik presses her to commit to removing him from a campus leadership position —

I think that would be — I think — I would — yes. Let me come back with yes. But I think I — I just want to confirm his current status before I write —

We’ll take that as a yes, that you will confirm that he will no longer be chair.

Shafik seems to pause and think and then agree to it on the spot, almost like she is making administrative decisions with or in front of Congress.

Now, we did some reporting after the fact. And it turns out the Professor didn’t even realize he was under investigation. So he’s learning about this from the hearing too. So what this all adds up to, I think, is a performance so in line with what the lawmakers themselves wanted to hear, that at certain points, these Republicans didn’t quite know what to do with it. They were like the dog that caught the car.

Columbia beats Harvard and UPenn.

One of them, a Republican from Florida, I think at one point even marvelled, well, you beat Harvard and Penn.

Y’all all have done something that they weren’t able to do. You’ve been able to condemn anti-Semitism without using the phrase, it depends on the context. But the —

So Columbia’s president has passed this test before this committee.

Yeah, this big moment that tripped up her predecessors and cost them their jobs, it seems like she has cleared that hurdle and dispatched with the Congressional committee that could have been one of the biggest threats to her presidency.

Without objection, there being no further business, the committee stands adjourned. [BANGS GAVEL]

But back on campus, some of the students and faculty who had been watching the hearing came away with a very different set of conclusions. They saw a president who was so eager to please Republicans in Congress that she was willing to sell out some of the University’s students and faculty and trample on cherished ideas like academic freedom and freedom of expression that have been a bedrock of American higher education for a really long time.

And there was no clearer embodiment of that than what had happened that morning just as President Shafik was going to testify before Congress. A group of students before dawn set up tents in the middle of Columbia’s campus and declared themselves a pro-Palestinian encampment in open defiance of the very rules that Dr. Shafik had put in place to try and get these protests under control.

So these students in real-time are beginning to test some of the things that Columbia’s president has just said before Congress.

Exactly. And so instead of going to celebrate her successful appearance before Congress, Shafik walks out of the hearing room and gets in a black SUV to go right back to that war room, where she’s immediately confronted with a major dilemma. It basically boils down to this, she had just gone before Congress and told them, I’m going to get tough on these protests. And here they were. So either she gets tough and risks inflaming tension on campus or she holds back and does nothing and her words before Congress immediately look hollow.

And what does she decide?

So for the next 24 hours, she tries to negotiate off ramps. She consults with her Deans and the New York Police Department. And it all builds towards an incredibly consequential decision. And that is, for the first time in decades, to call the New York City Police Department onto campus in riot gear and break this thing up, suspend the students involved, and then arrest them.

To essentially eliminate this encampment.

Eliminate the encampment and send a message, this is not going to be tolerated. But in trying to quell the unrest, Shafik actually feeds it. She ends up leaving student protesters and the faculty who support them feeling betrayed and pushes a campus that was already on edge into a full blown crisis.

[SLOW TEMPO MUSIC]

After the break, what all of this has looked like to a student on Columbia’s campus. We’ll be right back.

[PHONE RINGS]

Is this Isabella?

Yes, this is she.

Hi, Isabella. It’s Michael Barbaro from “The Daily.”

Hi. Nice to meet you.

Earlier this week, we called Isabella Ramírez, the Editor in Chief of Columbia’s undergraduate newspaper, “The Columbia Daily Spectator,” which has been closely tracking both the protests and the University’s response to them since October 7.

So, I mean, in your mind, how do we get to this point? I wonder if you can just briefly describe the key moments that bring us to where we are right now.

Sure. Since October 7, there has certainly been constant escalation in terms of tension on campus. And there have been a variety of moves that I believe have distanced the student body, the faculty, from the University and its administration, specifically the suspension of Columbia’s chapters of Students for Justice in Palestine and Jewish Voice for Peace. And that became a huge moment in what was characterized as suppression of pro-Palestinian activism on campus, effectively rendering those groups, quote, unquote, unauthorized.

What was the college’s explanation for that?

They had cited in that suspension a policy which states that a demonstration must be approved within a certain window, and that there must be an advance notice, and that there’s a process for getting an authorized demonstration. But the primary point was this policy that they were referring to, which we later reported, was changed before the suspension.

So it felt a little ad hoc to people?

Yes, it certainly came as a surprise, especially at “Spectator.” We’re nerds of the University in the sense that we are familiar with faculty and University governance. But even to us, we had no idea where this policy was coming from. And this suspension was really the first time that it entered most students’ sphere.

Columbia’s campus is so known for its activism. And so in my time of being a reporter, of being an editor, I’ve overseen several protests. And I’ve never seen Columbia penalize a group for, quote, unquote, not authorizing a protest. So that was certainly, in our minds, unprecedented.

And I believe part of the justification there was, well, this is a different time. And I think that is a reasonable thing to say. But I think a lot of students, they felt it was particularly one-sided, that it was targeting a specific type of speech or a specific type of viewpoint. Although, the University, of course, in its explicit policies, did not outline, and was actually very explicit about not targeting specific viewpoints —

So just to be super clear, it felt to students — and it sounds like, journalistically, it felt to you — that the University was coming down in a uniquely one-sided way against students who were supporting Palestinian rights and may have expressed some frustrations with Israel in that moment.

Yes. Certainly —

Isabella says that this was just the beginning of a really tense period between student protesters and the University. After those two student groups were suspended, campus protests continued. Students made a variety of demands. They asked that the University divest from businesses that profit from Israel’s military operations in Gaza. But instead of making any progress, the protests are met with further crackdown by the University.

And so as Isabella and her colleagues at the college newspaper see it, there’s this overall chilling effect that occurs. Some students become fearful that if they participate in any demonstrations, they’re going to face disciplinary action. So fast forward now to April, when these student protesters learned that President Shafik is headed to Washington for her congressional testimony. It’s at this moment that they set out to build their encampment.

I think there was obviously a lot of intention in timing those two things. I think it’s inherently a critique on a political pressure and this congressional pressure that we saw build up against, of course, Claudine Gay at Harvard and Magill at UPenn. So I think a lot of students and faculty have been frustrated at this idea that there are not only powers at the University that are dictating what’s happening, but there are perhaps external powers that are also guiding the way here in terms of what the University feels like it must do or has to do.

And I think that timing was super crucial. Having the encampment happen on the Wednesday morning of the hearing was an incredible, in some senses, interesting strategy to direct eyes to different places.

All eyes were going to be on Shafik in DC. But now a lot of eyes are on New York. The encampment is set up in the middle of the night slash morning, prior to the hearing. And so what effectively happens is they caught Shafik when she wasn’t on campus, when a lot of senior administration had their resources dedicated to supporting Shafik in DC.

And you have all of those people not necessarily out of commission, but with their focus elsewhere. So the encampment is met with very little resistance at the beginning. There were public safety officers floating around and watching. But at the very beginning hours, I think there was a sense of, we did it.

[CHANTING]: Disclose! Divest! We will not stop! We will not rest. Disclose! Divest! We will not stop!

It would be quite surprising to anybody and an administrator to now suddenly see dozens of tents on this lawn in a way that I think very purposely puts an imagery of, we’re here to stay. As the morning evolved and congressional hearings continued —

Minouche Shafik, open your eyes! Use of force, genocide!

Then we started seeing University delegates that were coming to the encampment saying, you may face disciplinary action for continuing to be here. I think that started around almost — like 9:00 or 10:00 AM, they started handing out these code of conduct violation notices.

Hell no! Hell no! Hell no!

Then there started to be more public safety action and presence. So they started barricading the entrances. The day progressed, there was more threat of discipline. The students became informed that if they continue to stay, they will face potential academic sanctions, potential suspension.

The more they try to silence us, the louder we will be! The more they —

I think a lot of people were like, OK, you’re threatening us with suspension. But so what?

This is about these systems that Minouche Shafik, that the Board of Trustees, that Columbia University is complicit in.

What are you going to do to try to get us out of here? And that was, obviously, promptly answered.

This is the New York State Police Department.

We will not stop!

You are attempting participate in an unauthorized encampment. You will be arrested and charged with trespassing.

My phone blew up, obviously, from the reporters, from the editors, of saying, oh my god, the NYPD is on our campus. And as soon as I saw that, I came out. And I saw a huge crowd of students and affiliates on campus watching the lawns. And as I circled around that crowd, I saw the last end of the New York Police Department pulling away protesters and clearing out the last of the encampment.

[CHANTING]: We love you! We will get justice for you! We see you! We love you! We will get justice for you! We see you! We love you! We will get justice for you! We see you! We love you! We will get justice for you!

It was something truly unimaginable, over 100 students slash other individuals are arrested from our campus, forcefully removed. And although they were suspended, there was a feeling of traumatic event that has just happened to these students, but also this sense of like, OK, the worst of the worst that could have happened to us just happened.

And for those students who maybe couldn’t go back to — into campus, now all of their peers, who were supporters or are in solidarity, are — in some sense, it’s further emboldened. They’re now not just sitting on the lawns for a pro-Palestinian cause, but also for the students, who have endured quite a lot.

So the crackdown, sought by the president and enforced by the NYPD, ends up, you’re saying, becoming a galvanizing force for a broader group of Columbia students than were originally drawn to the idea of ever showing up on the center of campus and protesting?

Yeah, I can certainly speak to the fact that I’ve seen my own peers, friends, or even acquaintances, who weren’t necessarily previously very involved in activism and organizing efforts, suddenly finding themselves involved.

Can I — I just have a question for you, which is all journalism, student journalism or not student journalism, is a first draft of history. And I wonder if we think of this as a historic moment for Columbia, how you imagine it’s going to be remembered.

Yeah, there is no doubt in my mind that this will be a historic moment for Colombia.

I think that this will be remembered as a moment in which the fractures were laid bare. Really, we got to see some of the disunity of the community in ways that I have never really seen it before. And what we’ll be looking to is, where do we go from here? How does Colombia repair? How do we heal from all of this? so That is the big question in terms of what will happen.

Nick, Isabella Ramírez just walked us through what this has all looked like from the perspective of a Columbia student. And from what she could tell, the crackdown ordered by President Shafik did not quell much of anything. It seemed, instead, to really intensify everything on campus. I’m curious what this has looked like for Shafik.

It’s not just the students who are upset. You have faculty, including professors, who are not necessarily sympathetic to the protesters’ view of the war, who are really outraged about what Shafik has done here. They feel that she’s crossed a boundary that hasn’t been crossed on Columbia’s campus in a really long time.

And so you start to hear things by the end of last week like censure, no confidence votes, questions from her own professors about whether or not she can stay in power. So this creates a whole new front for her. And on top of it all, as this is going on, the encampment itself starts to reform tent-by-tent —

— almost in the same place that it was. And Shafik decides that the most important thing she could do is to try and take the temperature down, which means letting the encampment stand. Or in other words, leaning in the other direction. This time, we’re going to let the protesters have their say for a little while longer.

The problem with that is that, over the weekend, a series of images start to emerge from on campus and just off of it of some really troubling anti-Semitic episodes. In one case, a guy holds up a poster in the middle of campus and points it towards a group of Jewish students who are counter protesting. And it says, I’m paraphrasing here, Hamas’ next targets.

I saw an image of that. What it seemed to evoke was the message that Hamas should murder those Jewish students. That’s the way the Jewish students interpreted it.

It’s a pretty straightforward and jarring statement. At the same time, just outside of Columbia’s closed gates —

Stop killing children!

— protestors are showing up from across New York City. It’s hard to tell who’s affiliated with Columbia, who’s not.

Go back to Poland! Go back to Poland!

There’s a video that goes viral of one of them shouting at Jewish students, go back to Poland, go back to Europe.

In other words, a clear message, you’re not welcome here.

Right. In fact, go back to the places where the Holocaust was committed.

Exactly. And this is not representative of the vast majority of the protesters in the encampment, who mostly had been peaceful. They would later hold a Seder, actually, with some of the pro-Palestinian Jewish protesters in their ranks. But those videos are reaching members of Congress, the very same Republicans that Shafik had testified in front of just a few days before. And now they’re looking and saying, you have lost control of your campus, you’ve turned back on your word to us, and you need to resign.

They call for her outright resignation over this.

That’s right. Republicans in New York and across the country began to call for her to step down from her position as president of Columbia.

So Shafik’s dilemma here is pretty extraordinary. She has set up this dynamic where pleasing these members of Congress would probably mean calling in the NYPD all over again to sweep out this encampment, which would mean further alienating and inflaming students and faculty, who are still very upset over the first crackdown. And now both ends of this spectrum, lawmakers in Washington, folks on the Columbia campus, are saying she can’t lead the University over this situation before she’s even made any fateful decision about what to do with this second encampment. Not a good situation.

No. She’s besieged on all sides. For a while, the only thing that she can come up with to offer is for classes to go hybrid for the remainder of the semester.

So students who aren’t feeling safe in this protest environment don’t necessarily have to go to class.

Right. And I think if we zoom out for a second, it’s worth bearing in mind that she tried to choose a different path here than her counterparts at Harvard or Penn. And after all of this, she’s kind of ended up in the exact same thicket, with people calling for her job with the White House, the Mayor of New York City, and others. These are Democrats. Maybe not calling on her to resign quite yet, but saying, I don’t know what’s going on your campus. This does not look good.

That reality, that taking a different tack that was supposed to be full of learnings and lessons from the stumbles of her peers, the fact that didn’t really work suggests that there’s something really intractable going on here. And I wonder how you’re thinking about this intractable situation that’s now arrived on these college campuses.

Well, I don’t think it’s just limited to college campuses. We have seen intense feelings about this conflict play out in Hollywood. We’ve seen them in our politics in all kinds of interesting ways.

In our media.

We’ve seen it in the media. But college campuses, at least in their most idealized form, are something special. They’re a place where students get to go for four years to think in big ways about moral questions, and political questions, and ideas that help shape the world they’re going to spend the rest of their lives in.

And so when you have a question that feels as urgent as this war does for a lot of people, I think it reverberates in an incredibly intense way on those campuses. And there’s something like — I don’t know if it’s quite a contradiction of terms, but there’s a collision of different values at stake. So universities thrive on the ability of students to follow their minds and their voices where they go, to maybe even experiment a little bit and find those things.

But there are also communities that rely on people being able to trust each other and being able to carry out their classes and their academic endeavors as a collective so they can learn from one another. So in this case, that’s all getting scrambled. Students who feel strongly about the Palestinian cause feel like the point is disruption, that something so big, and immediate, and urgent is happening that they need to get in the faces of their professors, and their administrators, and their fellow students.

Right. And set up an encampment in the middle of campus, no matter what the rules say.

Right. And from the administration’s perspective, they say, well, yeah, you can say that and you can think that. And that’s an important process. But maybe there’s some bad apples in your ranks. Or though you may have good intentions, you’re saying things that you don’t realize the implications of. And they’re making this environment unsafe for others. Or they’re grinding our classes to a halt and we’re not able to function as a University.

So the only way we’re going to be able to move forward is if you will respect our rules and we’ll respect your point of view. The problem is that’s just not happening. Something is not connecting with those two points of view. And as if that’s not hard enough, you then have Congress and the political system with its own agenda coming in and putting its thumb on a scale of an already very difficult situation.

Right. And at this very moment, what we know is that the forces that you just outlined have created a dilemma, an uncertainty of how to proceed, not just for President Shafik and the students and faculty at Columbia, but for a growing number of colleges and universities across the country. And by that, I mean, this thing that seemed to start at Columbia is literally spreading.

Absolutely. We’re talking on a Wednesday afternoon. And these encampments have now started cropping up at universities from coast-to-coast, at Harvard and Yale, but also at University of California, at the University of Texas, at smaller campuses in between. And at each of these institutions, there’s presidents and deans, just like President Shafik at Columbia, who are facing a really difficult set of choices. Do they call in the police? The University of Texas in Austin this afternoon, we saw protesters physically clashing with police.

Do they hold back, like at Harvard, where there were dramatic videos of students literally running into Harvard yard with tents. They were popping up in real-time. And so Columbia, really, I think, at the end of the day, may have kicked off some of this. But they are now in league with a whole bunch of other universities that are struggling with the same set of questions. And it’s a set of questions that they’ve had since this war broke out.

And now these schools only have a week or two left of classes. But we don’t know when these standoffs are going to end. We don’t know if students are going to leave campus for the summer. We don’t know if they’re going to come back in the fall and start protesting right away, or if this year is going to turn out to have been an aberration that was a response to a really awful, bloody war, or if we’re at the beginning of a bigger shift on college campuses that will long outlast this war in the Middle East.

Well, Nick, thank you very much. Thanks for having me, Michael.

We’ll be right back.

Here’s what else you need to know today. The United Nations is calling for an independent investigation into two mass graves found after Israeli forces withdrew from hospitals in Gaza. Officials in Gaza said that some of the bodies found in the graves were Palestinians who had been handcuffed or shot in the head and accused Israel of killing and burying them. In response, Israel said that its soldiers had exhumed bodies in one of the graves as part of an effort to locate Israeli hostages.

And on Wednesday, Hamas released a video of Hersh Goldberg-Polin, an Israeli-American dual citizen, whom Hamas has held hostage since October 7. It was the first time that he has been shown alive since his captivity began. His kidnapping was the subject of a “Daily” episode in October that featured his mother, Rachel. In response to Hamas’s video, Rachel issued a video of her own, in which she spoke directly to her son.

And, Hersh, if you can hear this, we heard your voice today for the first time in 201 days. And if you can hear us, I am telling you, we are telling you, we love you. Stay strong. Survive.

Today’s episode was produced by Sydney Harper, Asthaa Chaturvedi, Olivia Natt, Nina Feldman, and Summer Thomad, with help from Michael Simon Johnson. It was edited by Devon Taylor and Lisa Chow, contains research help by Susan Lee, original music by Marion Lozano and Dan Powell, and was engineered by Chris Wood. Our theme music is by Jim Brunberg and Ben Landsverk of Wonderly. That’s it for “The Daily.” I’m Michael Barbaro. See you tomorrow.

• April 26, 2024   •   21:50 Harvey Weinstein Conviction Thrown Out
• April 25, 2024   •   40:33 The Crackdown on Student Protesters
• April 24, 2024   •   32:18 Is $60 Billion Enough to Save Ukraine?
• April 23, 2024   •   30:30 A Salacious Conspiracy or Just 34 Pieces of Paper?
• April 22, 2024   •   24:30 The Evolving Danger of the New Bird Flu
• April 19, 2024   •   30:42 The Supreme Court Takes Up Homelessness
• April 18, 2024   •   30:07 The Opening Days of Trump’s First Criminal Trial
• April 17, 2024   •   24:52 Are ‘Forever Chemicals’ a Forever Problem?
• April 16, 2024   •   29:29 A.I.’s Original Sin
• April 15, 2024   •   24:07 Iran’s Unprecedented Attack on Israel
• April 14, 2024   •   46:17 The Sunday Read: ‘What I Saw Working at The National Enquirer During Donald Trump’s Rise’
• April 12, 2024   •   34:23 How One Family Lost $900,000 in a Timeshare Scam

Hosted by Michael Barbaro

Featuring Nicholas Fandos

Produced by Sydney Harper ,  Asthaa Chaturvedi ,  Olivia Natt ,  Nina Feldman and Summer Thomad

With Michael Simon Johnson

Edited by Devon Taylor and Lisa Chow

Original music by Marion Lozano and Dan Powell

Engineered by Chris Wood

Listen and follow The Daily Apple Podcasts | Spotify | Amazon Music

Columbia University has become the epicenter of a growing showdown between student protesters, college administrators and Congress over the war in Gaza and the limits of free speech.

Nicholas Fandos, who covers New York politics and government for The Times, walks us through the intense week at the university. And Isabella Ramírez, the editor in chief of Columbia’s undergraduate newspaper, explains what it has all looked like to a student on campus.

On today’s episode

Nicholas Fandos , who covers New York politics and government for The New York Times

Isabella Ramírez , editor in chief of The Columbia Daily Spectator

Background reading

Inside the week that shook Columbia University .

The protests at the university continued after more than 100 arrests.

There are a lot of ways to listen to The Daily. Here’s how.

We aim to make transcripts available the next workday after an episode’s publication. You can find them at the top of the page.

Research help by Susan Lee .

The Daily is made by Rachel Quester, Lynsea Garrison, Clare Toeniskoetter, Paige Cowett, Michael Simon Johnson, Brad Fisher, Chris Wood, Jessica Cheung, Stella Tan, Alexandra Leigh Young, Lisa Chow, Eric Krupke, Marc Georges, Luke Vander Ploeg, M.J. Davis Lin, Dan Powell, Sydney Harper, Mike Benoist, Liz O. Baylen, Asthaa Chaturvedi, Rachelle Bonja, Diana Nguyen, Marion Lozano, Corey Schreppel, Rob Szypko, Elisheba Ittoop, Mooj Zadie, Patricia Willens, Rowan Niemisto, Jody Becker, Rikki Novetsky, John Ketchum, Nina Feldman, Will Reid, Carlos Prieto, Ben Calhoun, Susan Lee, Lexie Diao, Mary Wilson, Alex Stern, Dan Farrell, Sophia Lanman, Shannon Lin, Diane Wong, Devon Taylor, Alyssa Moxley, Summer Thomad, Olivia Natt, Daniel Ramirez and Brendan Klinkenberg.

Our theme music is by Jim Brunberg and Ben Landsverk of Wonderly. Special thanks to Sam Dolnick, Paula Szuchman, Lisa Tobin, Larissa Anderson, Julia Simon, Sofia Milan, Mahima Chablani, Elizabeth Davis-Moorer, Jeffrey Miranda, Renan Borelli, Maddy Masiello, Isabella Anderson and Nina Lassam.

Nicholas Fandos is a Times reporter covering New York politics and government. More about Nicholas Fandos

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Political Science or Political Science — Public Service

Which major to pick based on your career goals.

• by Ryleigh J. Praker
• April 24, 2024

If you’re interested in majoring in political science at UC Davis, you may have noticed that the university offers two undergraduate political science majors: political science and political science — public service. 

The difference between these two majors may not be immediately clear, so which one should you pick? If you find yourself facing this dilemma, this article is for you.

Why study political science?

Political science is the study of systems and theories of government. This field encompasses a broad range of topics. At UC Davis, political science courses fall into four different fields: 

• American politics
• Comparative politics
• International relations
• Political theory

Within these categories, you might take courses on voting behavior, national security policy, constitutional law or medieval political philosophy.

Studying political science is a great choice for anyone interested in politics and current events, or planning a career in law, journalism or activism. If you are passionate about championing social justice or giving a legal voice to those in need, a degree in political science will give you the skills and knowledge to use systems of law and government to affect change.

If you’re not certain about those fields, there’s no need to worry. A political science degree comes with a skillset that is broadly applicable to a wide range of careers. You’ll develop proficiency in data analysis, critical thinking, writing, speaking, leadership and teamwork.

Once you’ve decided that political science might be the field for you, you’ll need to pick a major. At UC Davis, that means choosing between political science and political science — public service.

What is the political science major like?

The first available major is the general political science major . It offers a broad range of study. As a political science major, you will choose courses from at least three of the four fields of concentration.

You can pick which fields you would like to weight more heavily to design your own course of study. For example, if you’re interested in law, you could take mostly American politics and political theory courses, with some international relations for variety. Or, if you’re more interested in studying world governments, you can spend most of your time on comparative politics and international relations.

The main appeal of the political science major is its breadth and flexibility. This major allows you to sample from a wide variety of topics and study politics across both borders and centuries. To learn more about the major, consider reading our article “ What Can I Do With My Political Science Major? ”.

What is the political science — public service major like?

The political science — public service major focuses more narrowly on American politics and policy. You will take courses from a core program on institutions and processes of American government. In addition, you’ll choose courses from different areas of concentration — foreign policy, environmental policy and social policy, to name a few. These areas of concentration may allow you to take courses outside the Department of Political Science that will count toward your major.

The political science — public service major also features a required internship and research experience. You can either participate in a quarter away like the UC Davis Washington Program or UC Center Sacramento program , or you can find your own independent internship in public policy. This is a great opportunity to gain some professional experience working in the field. It may also give you a better idea of what you want to do with your degree after you graduate.

To learn more about options for the internship experience, visit the internships page of the UC Davis Department of Political Science .

This major is much narrower in scope, but it allows you to study certain areas of American politics and policy in more depth. If you know your interest lies in American government and law, the political science — public service major can help you develop skills to work with public policy after graduation. This major is especially well-suited for anyone interested in running for office or working in government.

Choose a major based on your career path

The most important question to consider when choosing your major is where you want to go with it. Narrowing down what you’d like to do after graduation will help you pick which political science major best suits your goals.

If you are interested in a career in law, journalism, diplomacy, research or academia, you will want to pick a major that will afford you a broad and diverse range of knowledge and experience. The political science major is a perfect choice for these fields. By building a course of study across all four fields of political science, you can develop a broad and versatile base of knowledge.

If you are more interested in government, campaign or nonprofit work or specific areas of law like environmental and public interest law, the political science — public service major may be the choice for you. This major suits these careers because it gives you a more specialized line of insight into policy-making and policy implementation without requiring a broader knowledge of political theory or international affairs.

The political science — public service major is also ideal for students interested in immediately getting involved in community organizing, state and local government or nonprofit work rather than pursuing a higher-level degree.

Deciding which major to pick based on your desired career path can help you optimize your time in undergrad. However, both majors can give you the skills needed to enter many fields, so don’t panic if you don’t know which one to choose. And remember — you can always switch majors. Some of the coursework for one political science major will be transferable to the other; check with your advisor to see which courses can be applied to both.

Two perspectives from political science majors

R.J. Praker: Political Science A.B.

I started at UC Davis as a declared political science — public service major. Partway through my first year, I decided to switch to the political science major. Why?

Early on in my college career, I realized I didn’t want to work in government. Instead, my interest lay in nonprofit and private law. I was fascinated by constitutional law and legal theory, so I wanted to include political theory courses in my major program. The political science major gave me the breadth I desired to explore the political science field.

My switch in majors also allowed me to incorporate my other interests. In addition to my major, I am minoring in Russian. By choosing the political science major, I was able to count the Russian and Eastern European politics courses I was taking supplementally toward my major.

I love the flexibility my major offers! By choosing political science, I’ve been able to stack my schedule with constitutional law and Slavic politics, which wouldn’t be possible in a different major.

Cynthia Hoang-Duong: Political Science — Public Service A.B.

Cynthia plans to attend law school and become an attorney. She entered UC Davis as a psychology major, but after her first quarter, she decided to switch to political science — public service. When asked why she switched majors, she had three reasons:

Political science — public service has an internship requirement . I felt like I really needed an internship but was scared I wouldn’t do it if I didn’t need to in order to graduate.   Public service has a greater range of fields — like social policy, which I’m interested in. Political science would have allowed me to take pre-law classes, but I preferred to also have the option to take sociology classes.   Being able to take sociology courses like ‘The Criminal Justice System’ and ‘Sociology of Law’ means I’m able to learn more about criminal law , which is what I want to do in my future career.

Cynthia recommends the political science — public service major to students who are interested in an internship in political science but aren’t sure where to start. She also recommends it to students who want to incorporate other fields, like sociology or economics, into their political science major.

Choosing political science at UC Davis

The bottom line is that it’s best to explore your options thoroughly before making a decision. Remember — over half of UC Davis students change their major at some point in their undergraduate career. There’s nothing wrong with experimenting with different programs to see what’s right for you.

If you’re interested in political science but aren’t sure these majors are for you, you should also investigate the international relations major or political science minor .

Now that you understand the difference between UC Davis’ two political science majors, you’ll be better equipped to choose which major suits you better. Take some time to review the requirements for both and to reflect on your interests and career goals.

To learn more and make a concrete plan, explore advising resources at the UC Davis Department of Political Science Advising Center .

View our political science major  

View our political science — public service major

R.J. Praker (she/her) is a third year pursuing a bachelor’s degree in political science with minors in professional writing and Russian . She currently works as a writing intern for UC Davis' Office of Strategic Communications and an academic peer advisor for the Department of Political Science . She also serves as chief copy editor at the Davis Political Review . R.J. is from Placerville, California and loves to hike in the Sierra Nevada with her family’s dogs.

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AI can apparently predict a person's political stance just by reading their face

That's according to a new study authored by researchers at the graduate school of business at stanford university.

A study recently published in the peer-reviewed American Psychologist journal claims that a combination of facial recognition and artificial intelligence technology can accurately assess a person’s political orientation by simply looking at that person’s blank, expressionless face.

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The study was authored by researchers at the Graduate School of Business at Stanford University. Researchers write that, prior to the experiment, they had 591 participants answer a political questionnaire that provided insights into their political beliefs. Those same participants were then scanned by researchers’ AI algorithm, which attempted to assess where they fell on the political spectrum. The algorithm could generally tell what a person’s political orientation was with a high degree of accuracy, even when that person’s identity was “decorrelated with age, gender, and ethnicity,” researchers write. The “algorithm’s predictive accuracy was even higher” when it had access to “participants’ age, gender, and ethnicity,” researchers write. The levels of accuracy were broken down in different situations and expressed in formulas, but the researchers summarized it as being “on par with how well job interviews predict job success, or alcohol drives aggressiveness.”

Prior to this experiment, researchers studied the “differences between average facial outlines” of the “most liberal and most conservative males and females” and integrated this research into their analysis. According to this analysis—and, I have to warn you, it’s kinda funny—liberals and conservatives have markedly different facial morphology. Liberals have “smaller lower faces” and “lips and noses [that] are shifted downward,” and chins that “are smaller” than conservatives, researchers write. Researchers repeat the key conclusion later on: “liberals tended to have smaller faces.”

So, according to this theory, if you have a tiny face, you’re probably a progressive. Or, by contrast, if you have a big fat face, there’s a good chance you might be a Trump voter. Face/head is destiny, apparently. Researchers justify this assessment by pointing to the ways in which social expectations relative to physical appearances can influence personality development:

...facial appearance can shape psychological traits...People largely agree when judging political orientation from faces (Todorov et al., 2015). Regardless of whether such judgments are accurate, the self-fulfilling prophecy effect (Merton, 1936) postulates that people perceived as having a particular attribute are treated accordingly; internalize such attributions; and, over time, may engage in behaviors consistent with others’ perceptions (Slepian & Ames, 2016). For example, people with larger jaws, often perceived as more socially dominant (a trait associated with political conservatism), might over time become more so.

Once researchers had established this alleged correlation between specific facial morphologies and political orientations, they could create a database of faces that fall into those distinct categories and test their facial recognition algorithm to see if it could accurately predict which faces were correlated with specific political orientations. According to them, it worked.

“We demonstrate that political orientation can be predicted from neutral facial images by both humans and algorithms, even when factors like age, gender, and ethnicity are accounted for. This indicates a connection between political leanings and inherent facial characteristics, which are largely beyond an individual’s control,” the study claims.

Researchers went on to say, “Most crucially, our findings suggest that widespread biometric surveillance technologies are more threatening than previously thought.” Especially in the case of targeting political messaging online, the ability of AI to guess a person’s political orientation could be very valuable.

So, in conclusion: If your face is large, you’re a conservative; if it’s skinny, you’re a liberal; and facial recognition is bad—we all know that. That seems to be all you need to know.

A version of this article originally appeared on Gizmodo .

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